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The rise of China's rights defence movement has occurred in tandem with the rapid development of the Internet in China. Various forms of rights defence inside and outside of the courtroom have emerged and developed alongside changes to China's ideological, political, and legal systems and social structure. Similarly, Internet technology such as microblogs and other social media are enriching the modalities of activity in the rights defence movement, enhancing the mobilisation capacity of activists, and accelerating the systematisation of popular rights defence, profoundly affecting China's ongoing political transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to examine the challenges facing the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong today, as well as the general political and social situation in the territory. It argues that the deterioration and divisions within the pro-democracy movement may not be political gains for the pro-Beijing united front, as the political and social polarization poses serious problems for effective governance as well. An administration threatened by legitimacy deficit will find it increasingly difficult to deliver in terms of both economic development and social services, thus forcing itself into a vicious circle as unsatisfactory performance further worsens its legitimacy deficit. Though Hong Kong people's confidence in China and their trust for the Chinese leadership as well as their identification with the Mainland have been strengthening since the territory's return to China, the latter's strong backing for the HKSAR has become a double-edged sword. Hong Kong people realize that decisions on local political reforms are made in Beijing, and they also partly blame the Chinese authorities for the unsatisfactory performance of the HKSAR government which is picked by and accountable to Beijing. The lose-lose situation can only be reversed by the enlightenment of the Chinese leadership which, hopefully, would feel secure enough to allow genuine democracy in the territory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The strikes that shook the factories of the Pearl River Delta in 2010 revealed the emergence of a new generation of workers of peasant origin. Better educated and more demanding than their parents, they used new communication techniques to launch a movement that borrowed from the protest repertoire developed over the last decade. Despite this, it cannot really be said that a social movement has emerged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has paid little attention to environmental issues over the decades, preferring to give priority to economic development. In this article, we start off with an examination of the acute and catastrophic problems in the environmental domain. We then consider environmental social conflicts these problems have generated, and which have grown exponentially in recent years. We conclude by assessing the Chinese authorities' approach to these problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the rapid urbanisation of China which gives rise to the country's social mobilisation of internet users. It mentions that the number of Chinese using the internet represents a 20 percent increase in a year. French political scientist Michel Offerlé cites the three major resources that can be mobilised by social movements which are the level of expertise, considerable manpower, and reliance on controversy to increase public awareness.

The article focuses on the Sino-Turkish collaboration on Xinjiang's stability, which retains Turkey's influence on China. It is believed that the internationalisation of pro-independence activism through the "East Turkisan movement" is supported by Turkey. However, China was unable to improve its image to the Turks despite of its diplomatic relations with Turkey. It is inferred that the Sino-Turkish relations is in the direction of increased strategic cooperation.