Search

The different types of acquired dyslexia described by cognitive neuropsychology have been observed in single-case and case series studies in different languages. However, no multipatient study of Spanish-speaking individuals has been reported that uses the same criteria and tasks to identify each participant's acquired dyslexia pattern. In this study, we analyzed participants' performance in three tasks (oral reading of words and nonwords, visual lexical decision with pseudohomophones, and written homophone comprehension) among 16 Spanish-speaking patients with aphasia. We identified 9 patients with acquired phonological dyslexia, 3 with acquired surface dyslexia, and 4 with acquired mixed dyslexia. The results of this research provide more information about the relative frequency of each type of acquired dyslexia in Spanish, which could be used to help design more appropriate treatments for rehabilitation. Identifying which processes have been impaired and which have been preserved will allow professionals to plan more specific interventions.

In many Hebrew compounds, which are two-word phrases, the first word is marked morphophonologically, and often also orthographically, as the head of the compound. Because Hebrew is read from right to left, this allowed us to ask whether a right-hand word that is marked orthographically as a compound-head, and hence signals that another word is expected, causes readers with text-based neglect to continue shifting attention to the left and read the second word. We also asked whether the second, left-hand, word affects the reading of the first word. The effect of the second word was assessed in a condition in which the second word semantically disambiguated the first word, a biased heterophonic homograph, and a condition in which the second word formed a compound with the first and hence required reading the first in the morphophonological form of a compound-head. The two participants were Hebrew-speaking men with acquired left text-level neglect dyslexia, without word-based neglect dyslexia. They read 294 two-word compounds and control phrases, composed of five conditions that assessed the effect of the first word on the second word, and of the second on the first. The results indicated that morphosyntax modulates reading in neglect dyslexia. When the first, right-hand, word included an orthographic cue indicating that a second word follows, fewer words on the left were omitted than when no such cue existed. The second word, however, did not affect the reading of the first, and the first word was read as if the patients did not look ahead to the second.

We report a detailed and extensive single-case study of an acquired dyslexic patient, L.H.D., who suffered a left-hemisphere lesion as a result of a ruptured aneurysm. We present evidence that L.H.D.'s reading errors stem from a deficit in visual letter identification, and we use her deficit as a basis for exploring a variety of issues concerning prelexical representations and processes in reading. First, building on the work of other researchers, we present evidence that the prelexical reading system includes an allograph level of representation that represents each distinct visual shape of a letter (e.g., a, A, etc., for the letter A). We extend a theory proposed by Caramazza and Hillis [Caramazza, A., & Hillis, A. (1990a). Spatial representation of words in the brain implied by studies of a unilateral neglect patient. Nature, 346, 267-269] to include an allograph level, and we probe the nature of the allograph representations in some detail. Next, we explore the implications of visual similarity effects and letter perseverations in L.H.D.'s reading performance, arguing that these effects shed light on activation dynamics in the prelexical reading system and on the genesis of L.H.D.'s errors. We also probe the processing of letter case in the visual letter identification process, proposing that separate abstract letter identity and case representations are computed. Finally, we present evidence that the allograph level as well as the abstract letter identity level implement a word-based frame of reference.

Visual word recognition requires information about the positions as well as the identities of the letters in a word. This study addresses representation of letter position at prelexical levels of the word recognition process. We present evidence from an acquired dyslexic patient, L.H.D., who perseverates letters in single-word reading tasks: Far more often than expected by chance, L.H.D.'s reading responses include letters from preceding responses (e.g., SAILOR read as SAILOG immediately after FLAG was read correctly). Analyses carried out over two large data sets compared the positions of perseverated letters (e.g., the G in SAILOG) with the positions of the corresponding "source" letters (e.g., the G in FLAG). The analyses assessed the extent to which the perseverations preserved source position as defined by various theories of letter position representation. The results provided strong evidence for graded both-edges position representations, in which the position of each letter is encoded coarsely relative to both the beginning and the end of the word. Alternative position representation schemes, including letter-context and orthosyllabic schemes, were not supported.

We studied the ability of patients with lesions arising from operation for an anterior or posterior (left or right) brain tumour to read a set of words and pronounceable nonwords. In line with previous works, we observed that damage to the left posterior or left anterior cortex can give rise to phonological alexia, where the reading performance of nonwords is affected more than that of words. More surprisingly, similar effects were found in the right posterior group. However, there were significant differences in the error types, for both complex and positional errors, between phonological alexic patients in the three location groups. The findings present difficulties for the position held by theorists of the triangle model that phonological alexia arises from impairments in the language production system or in a general-purpose orthographic-phonological translation system. They also pose new questions about the possible role of the right posterior cortex in letter sequence representation.

In English, the relationship between the written and spoken forms of words is relatively opaque, leading to proposals that skilled reading requires two procedures: (a) a sublexical grapheme/phoneme conversion process allowing the correct reading of regular words (CAT) and new or pseudowords (ZAT); (b) a lexical process necessary to read irregular words accurately (TWO) and assumed to be the dominant process for familiar words. However, it has been argued that the sublexical process may be sufficient in highly transparent languages such as Welsh. If this is the case, damage to the sublexical process may lead to more severe deficits in transparent languages due to the lack of an alternative lexical process. To test this hypothesis, we compared Welsh and English oral reading and written-word recognition and comprehension in seven bilingual stroke participants with comparably impaired pseudoword reading in English and Welsh. Performance was remarkably similar across languages. Irrespective of the language tested, words were read more accurately than pseudowords. Lexical decision and word comprehension were as accurate in Welsh and in English, and when imageability effects were present they were of a similar size in both languages. This study does not support the hypothesis that orthographic transparency determines the nature of cognitive reading processes, but rather suggests that readers develop a sight vocabulary through reading experience irrespective of orthographic transparency.

Italian children with surface dyslexia and dysgraphia show defective orthographic lexical processing in both reading and spelling. It is unclear whether this parallelism is due to impairment of separate orthographic input and output lexicons or to a unique defective lexicon. The main aim of the present study was to compare the single- versus dual-lexicon accounts in dyslexic/dysgraphic children (and in normal but younger children). In the first experiment, 9 Italian children with surface dyslexia and dysgraphia judged the orthographic correctness (input lexicon) of their phonologically plausible misspellings (output lexicon) and of phonologically plausible spellings experimentally introduced for words they consistently spelt correctly. The children were generally impaired in recognizing phonologically plausible misspellings. Parallel deficits in reading and spelling also emerged: Children were more impaired in judging items they consistently misspelt and more accurate in judging items they always spelt correctly. In a second experiment, younger normal children with reading/spelling ability similar to that of the dyslexic/dysgraphic children in the first experiment (but younger) were examined. The results confirmed a close parallelism between the orthographic lexical representations used for reading and spelling. Overall, findings support the hypothesis that a single orthographic lexicon is responsible for reading and spelling performance in both dyslexic/dysgraphic and normal (but younger) children.

Visual crowding is a form of masking in which target identification is hindered by excessive feature integration from other stimuli in the vicinity. It has previously been suggested that excessive visual crowding constitutes one specific form of early-visual-processing deficit, which may be observed in individuals with posterior cortical atrophy (PCA). This study investigated whether excessive visual crowding plays a significant role in the acquired dyslexia of two PCA patients, whose reading was characterized by visual paralexias. The patients were administered a series of letter, flanked letter, and word recognition tasks, and the effects of letter spacing and letter confusability upon response accuracy and latency were measured. In both patients, the results showed (a) evidence of excessive visual crowding, (b) a significant interaction between letter spacing and confusability on flanked letter identification tasks, and (c) effects of letter confusability affecting flanked but not unflanked letter identification. However, only mild improvements in reading accuracy were achieved in the experimental manipulations of interletter spacing within words because these manipulations had a dual effect: Increasing spacing improved individual letter identification but damaged whole-word form and/or parallel letter processing. We consider the implications of these results for the characterization of dyslexia in PCA, the design of reading rehabilitation strategies, and the relationship between visual crowding and letter confusability. In particular, we argue that the reading deficits observed in our patients cannot be accounted for solely in terms of a very low signal-to-noise ratio for letter identification, and that an additional crowding deficit is implicated in which excessive integration of fundamental letter features leads to the formation of incorrect letter percepts.

In addition to various lexical errors, the writing of patients with deep dysgraphia may include a large number of segmental spelling errors, which increase towards the end of the word. Frequently, these errors involve deletion of two or more letters resulting in so-called "fragment errors". Different positions have been brought forward regarding their origin, including rapid decay of activation in the graphemic buffer and an impairment of more central (i.e., lexical or semantic) processing. We present data from a patient (M.D.) with deep dysgraphia who showed an increase of segmental spelling errors towards the end of the word. Several tasks were carried out to explore M.D.'s underlying functional impairment. Errors affected word-final positions in tasks like backward spelling and fragment completion. In a delayed copying task, length of the delay had no influence. In addition, when asked to recall three serially presented letters, a task which had not been carried out before, M.D. exhibited a preference for the first and the third letter and poor performance for the second letter. M.D.'s performance on these tasks contradicts the rapid decay account and instead supports a lexical-semantic account of segmental errors in deep dysgraphia. In addition, the results fit well with an implemented computational model of deep dysgraphia and segmental spelling errors.

This paper presents a single case study investigating the mechanisms underlying generalization of treatment benefits to untrained words in spelling. Brunsdon, Coltheart, and Nickels (2005) observed that untreated words that improved tended to be those whose errors were closest to being correct prior to treatment. These words also tended to be high in written frequency. The present study employed the same treatment techniques as those used by Brunsdon et al. with K.M., a developmental surface dysgraphic. During a first treatment the characteristics of words whose spelling improved without specific training were identified. These characteristics were then used in a second treatment to test whether it was possible to predict generalization. The results showed that treatment generalization to untreated irregular words was best predicted by neighbourhood size and frequency. We suggest that the processes underlying treatment generalization are based on the interaction between the orthographic lexicon and the graphemic buffer. Clinical implications are discussed.

This paper investigates the patterns of reading impairment in phonological dyslexia using computational modelling with the dual-route cascaded model of reading (DRC, Coltheart, Rastle, Perry, Langdon, & Ziegler, 2001). Systematic lesioning of nonlexical and phonological processes in DRC demonstrates that different lesions and severity of those lesions can reproduce features of phonological dyslexia including impaired reading of nonwords, relatively spared reading of words, an advantage for reading pseudohomophones. Using the same stimuli for model and for patients, lesions to DRC were also used to simulate the reading accuracy shown by three individuals with acquired phonological dyslexia. No single lesion could replicate the reading performance of all three individuals. In order to simulate reading accuracy for one individual a phonological impairment was necessary (addition of noise to the phoneme units), and for the remaining two individuals an impairment to nonlexical reading procedures (increasing the time interval between each new letter being processed) was necessary. We argue that no single locus of impairment (neither phonological nor nonlexical) can account for the reading impairments of all individuals with phonological dyslexia. Instead, different individuals have different impairments (and combinations of impairments) that together provide the spectrum of patterns found in phonological dyslexia.