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During the early Cold War, it was difficult for American intelligence to penetrate the Iron Curtain but a potential solution soon arose: émigré intelligence groups such as the Magyar Harcosok Bajtársi Közössége (MHBK) or 'Association of Hungarian Veterans'. This group, however, turned out to be an intelligence 'paper mill'. Attempts at trans-Atlantic cooperation with the MHBK and similar groups failed as they lost most of their good sources and were penetrated by communist security services. By the mid-1950s, US intelligence cut these groups off, took over their good sources, and established a source registry to prevent recurrence of the problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses Romania's burgeoning development aid policy to the post-colonial space. By leveraging its expertise in petroleum extraction to forge a strategic relationship with India in the 1950s, Bucharest was able to gain a strategic foothold as oil assistance provider to the non-aligned countries. This text details Romania's efforts to help build India's national oil industry by bringing into focus the broad nexus of forces at play in such process. It therefore aims to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of 'the Second World's Third World' by discussing the ideological and geopolitical considerations of both East-East and East-South relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The side effects of the Global South's 1980s debt crisis on the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) member countries have received scant scholarly attention, even though the members were important trading partners for many developing countries. This paper focuses on the reaction of the East by looking at internal documents from CMEA meetings. It is argued that the crisis of the South aggravated the already pending crisis of the Eastern economies. The CMEA countries reacted by taking on more risks in doing business with the South and trying to secure the debt repayments by adopting Western financial practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Helmut Schmidt has often been depicted as a ‘reluctant European’ who only came to embrace European integration because of US policy under Carter, this article shows that Schmidt's conceptions of Europe have remained largely consistent since the late 1940s. Using rare materials from his private archive, it analyses how Schmidt utilised the EC in dealing with the multiple crises of the 1970s, regarding European and transatlantic cooperation not as antagonistic but as complementary processes. With the reheating of the Cold War from the late 1970s onwards, however, the international and domestic preconditions of Schmidt's two-pillar foreign policy gradually began to erode. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

North American Indigenous peoples remain overlooked in Cold War scholarship, despite being tangibly impacted by this global conflict. This article presents a study of four foundational texts, to argue that the Cold War shaped the introduction of new destructive Indian policies in the United States and Canada, which aimed to eradicate the special legal status of Indigenous peoples. Moreover, Indigenous activist intellectuals like Vine Deloria, Jr. and Harold Cardinal successfully embedded their writing in the Cold War context of decolonisation and anti-communism to challenge harmful federal policy and the image of the United States and Canada as upholding 'freedom' and 'democracy'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from the author's experience, this Research Note provides an overview of the University of the Western Cape Robben Island Museum Mayibuye Archives. This archive is rooted in the liberation struggle in southern Africa and contains a considerable number of historical documents, oral histories and audio-visual materials documenting the global anti-apartheid movement. Located in Bellville, on the outskirts of Cape Town, South Africa, the archive is easily accessible and well worth a visit from scholars of the Cold War in southern Africa, the global Black freedom struggle and international social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the image of Taiwan (the Republic of China) in the Polish communist press in the mid-1950s. It focuses on the news coverage related to the two Polish cargo ships – the Praca and the Prezydent Gottwald – which were detained by the Taiwanese authorities in 1953 and 1954, respectively. Based on the press narratives and supported by declassified government documents, the paper analyses the impact of the Cold War conflicts and divisions on the detention of Polish ships and its coverage by the Polish communist media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates Pakistan's atomic energy programme during the years of Ayub Khan's rule by focusing on the negotiations leading to the construction of the Karachi Nuclear Power Plant. Drawing for the first time on primary sources obtained from the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission, the paper shows how nuclear power and research were key elements of a controversial development strategy elaborated by part of the Pakistani elite as well as the entanglement among foreign aid, political ambitions and predicted economic growth, with Cold War considerations claiming the lion's share in determining the conditions and eventual kick-off of the project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper unveils the accumulated tensions and conflicts in North Korean-Vietnamese relations in the late 1970s. From diplomatic competition to ideological gap, the once comrades-in-arms found themselves gradually drifting apart. But it was not until Vietnamese troops entered Cambodia that the traditional friendship was severely damaged. Economic cooperation deteriorated due to the North's criticism of Vietnam and Kim Il Sung's support for Democratic Kampuchea. Still, this paper emphasizes that a key source of the Pyongyang-Hanoi discord lay in their mutual perceptions and evaluations of each other's accomplishments in nation-building and achieving reunification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poland was the second-to-last country in the Soviet bloc to establish official relations with the PLO – only doing this in March 1976. However, mutual contacts date back to the late 1960s, when Polish military intelligence forged a top-secret relationship with the PLO based around the arms trade. Using a variety of archival sources, this paper seeks to re-assess the relationship between Warsaw and the PLO within the broader framework of Polish policy towards the Middle East from the time of the Six-Day War to the time of opening of the PLO Office in Warsaw in 1976. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indian politics tried to benefit from the competition between the two Cold War Blocs by gaining beneficial terms for economic cooperation and assistance. At times, Soviet and Central and Eastern European designs could prove more successful on the ground than their direct competitors from the West. This paper analyses cooperation schemes in the steel sector and scrutinises the reasons why this was the case. Economic cooperation between East and South was vibrant and could be mutually beneficial during the whole period of the Cold War, thereby calling into question a narrative of steady decline inherent in state socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM) played a key role in handling the Hungarian refugee crisis of 1956. It was this body, established in 1951, that organised the registration and transport of some 200,000 Hungarian refugees in Austria and Yugoslavia. This paper examines this international migration organisation in the 1950s based on the archives of the ICEM and the UN Secretariat, as well as on US, British and French foreign policy documents. It focuses on the workings of the ICEM concerning the Hungarian refugee crisis and its influence upon the subsequent history of the organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many in the Soviet leadership, Ayatollah Khomeini's anti-Americanism was a sufficient reason for supporting the Iranian Revolution. Yet in Rostislav Ulianovskii's view, the revolution gave Iran a much bigger opportunity: a chance to fit in the Soviet theoretical concept of 'the non-capitalist path of development'. With this picture in mind Ulianovskii and the Tudeh Party developed a strategy of temporary support for Khomeini, expecting him to fulfil his temporary 'objectively progressive' role and give way to the truly 'progressive' forces. This paper investigates the ideological constraints that led to the formation of this strategy and its imminent failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Primed by Amnesty International's reporting, inspired by interactions with a centrist exiled politician, and galvanised by a growing congressional human rights movement, in 1976 Representative Ed Koch introduced an amendment that ended military assistance to the Uruguayan government. The article demonstrates that Koch's efforts were part of a broader transnational campaign to end US support for the repressive Uruguayan government and how such a measure could be achieved despite executive branch resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines new Japanese primary source materials to reassess the significance of Japanese rearmament during the early stages of the Cold War in two ways. First, the paper shows how, in the area of submarine development, the post-war navy approached rearmament as an opportunity to address wartime failures with the support and professional mentorship of the US Navy. Second, whilst submarines were considered as outside the scope of Japanese defence posture, the navy had a crucial agency role in shaping how this branch of naval warfare was integrated into the country's strategy with significant consequences for the later stages of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the thought and philosophy of South Asian intellectuals affiliated to the CIA-funded Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF). The CCF's founders – anti-communist European and American scholars – encouraged allies across several continents to establish magazines and organise conferences warning of the threats posed by 'totalitarianism' to free cultural expression. But South Asian members, more interested in postcolonial politics, used its resources to initiate transnational conversations about social change. Probing neglected local CCF magazines and seminar transcripts, the paper also constitutes an early intervention on intersections between the cultural Cold War and decolonisation among non-state actors in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper effectively provides the view from New Delhi of the crisis in Lebanon in 1958, UN intervention in the conflict, and subsequent peacekeeping in the region. The account uses archival material from the National Archives of India, the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi, the UNARMS, the National Archives, UK, and published primary material. Most significantly, the paper revisits the memoirs of Ambassador Rajeshwar Dayal (the UN Secretary General's Special Representative) who was seconded from the Indian Foreign Service for the special purpose of UN arbitration in the Lebanon Crisis. Dayal played a pivotal role in defining India's position in the crisis, and through Indian contributions to mediation and peacekeeping, in the UN. Furthermore, given India's relationships with many other non-aligned nations in the region, the paper takes a broader view of the narratives surrounding the crisis and eventual US intervention and victory from mainly Indian sources, thus contributing to the study of the short-lived crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of the Soviet Union's 1970s reengagement with Africa through the Indian Ocean, this article investigates the overlapping extensions of aid and technical assistance to the island nation of Mauritius, focusing primarily on the unprecedented 1972 infrastructural development offer by the People's Republic of China. By analysing the minutes of the Sino-Mauritian Agreement on Economic and Technical Cooperation's negotiations as found in the United Kingdom's Foreign and Colonial Office dossiers, this paper examines Chinese aid diplomacy to Africa in a period which saw its admission to the United Nations, its realignment against the USSR, and the concomitant latticed transformations of its aid diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the economic relations between the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and Mongolia within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) from the 1960s to the 1980s. After its accession to the CMEA in 1962, Mongolia not only demanded economic assistance from other member states, but actively sought to incorporate preferential treatments for developing member states into the basic documents of the CMEA. Such a Mongolian attempt culminated in the ‘Comprehensive Program’ of 1971, from which other non-European member states such as Cuba and Vietnam would benefit. In this way, Mongolia co-developed the guiding principles of the ‘North-South’ economic relations within the CMEA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses why Cuba, the Soviet Union, Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia attempted to establish air transport agreements with Chile, as well as their objectives and those of their airlines. It also examines the response of the Allende government and other Chilean key actors. The paper shows that the interest in signing these agreements lay in the Socialist bloc countries. Their reasons varied depending on their particular situation and foreign policy goals. By contrast, Chile saw the negotiation of agreements as a means of strengthening its ties with the Soviet bloc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on Stalin's 70th birthday celebration, 22 December 1949, in order to examine what Americans knew of the Soviet Union, how they knew it and what sense they made. I explore the plight of the American correspondent in late-Stalinist Moscow, the limits to Americans' knowledge of the Soviet Union and the origins of Kremlinological practices. In the last five years of Josef Stalin's reign, amid the last flurry of his palace purges, from 1948 until the Generalissimo's death on 5 March 1953, the Soviet Union all-but closed to western observation. It was a factor vital to the erection of the Iron Curtain and beginning of the Cold War that has yet to become central to its scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the 1960s, French uranium geologists were prospecting on every continent. This paper considers the link between this form of 'nuclear reach' and the weapons tests, reactor sales, and scientific exchanges that characterised the French programme. The shifting status of uranium during the early nuclear age and the prospection of uranium by French geologists reveals much about the evolving ambitions of the French nuclear leadership. Geophysics and ore concentration, alongside nucleonics and reactor design, were lynchpin techniques of this era, and the diplomatic and commercial stakes involved were central to the calculations of the French nuclear leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reconstructs the ways in which the Hungarian People's Army Performing Arts Ensemble arranged its repertoire to perform socialist Hungary in the autumn of 1956, during the Ensemble's tour in the People's Republic of China. The paper performs a close reading of a single archival document, the program of the Ensemble's début performance before non-European socialist audiences that took place in Shenyang on September 21, 1956. The repertoire featured a simple chronological, quasi-historical overview of musical and dance traditions from Hungary. It offered a vague, highly stylized set of references to Hungary's military traditions. It attempted to realize the triple formula of a new, 'modern, Magyar, European,' art form, and foregrounded a plebian ('peasant-') progressive-patriotic theme with hints of ethnic nationalism. The program provided the absolute minimum of the standard Stalinist fare, resolutely avoided any reference to the USSR or Russia, and, most fascinating, closed with a self-ironical dance piece featuring a powerful allegorical story of socialism with a 'Hungarian face,' something that represented a resolute break with the Stalinist aesthetic canon and reinforced the group's political commitment to a socialism that is 'modern, Magyar and European.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the use of public diplomacy within the framework of the ‘small steps’ policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Mutual distrust, the fragility of the global balance of power and the absence of consensus within the political elites precluded China and the USSR from having productive dialogue through official diplomatic channels. Yet both sides felt the need to probe their counterpart’s intentions. The paper argues that the ‘small steps’ policy was one of the most logical options for both the Soviet Union and China at the time; it laid the groundwork for further normalisation efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship on Sino-Indian relations in the 1950s has emphasised cooperation, revising previous narratives of an inexorable march towards the 1962 border war. This paper reassesses that cooperation by focusing on India’s role as an intermediary between the unrecognised government in Beijing and the United Nations (UN). Chinese sources reveal that Sino-Indian cooperation over UN affairs was complicated by competing conceptions of how the decolonising world should fit into the international system and who should be at the helm. Despite such disagreements, the Cold War UN provided a setting where divergent post-colonial visions could be sublimated into meaningful international cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses American strategy in Berlin at a critical ju2ncture of the Cold War, right after the end of the Berlin blockade and through the upheaval brought on by the outbreak of the Korean War. It considers the role of Maxwell Taylor, army general and US commander in Berlin, in shaping policies on the ground and linking military, political, and economic assets in an effort to improve Berlin's economy and deterrent value for an extended Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper scrutinises the Ford Foundation's Fund for Adult Education from the perspective of Cold War social science. Its massive Experimental Discussion Project was an attempt at scientifically grounded social engineering in American communities in the field of liberal humanistic education. This civilisation-saving mission to foster critical democratic citizenship and world-understanding ran into aparadox of scientific social engineering and organic community growth, expertise, and planning versus lay leadership. Discussion groups opened up space for discussing politics during the McCarthy era, while its scientific evaluation was characteristic of the 1950s Culture Wars in its value neutrality and race-blindness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article evaluates the influence of the Azerbaijan crisis of 1945-46 on evolving perceptions of the Soviet Union within the British Foreign Office. Utilising records from the National Archives and personal papers, it synthesises the history of the Azerbaijan crisis with studies of Britain's changing Soviet policy, previously focused solely on the Northern Department and Moscow representative Frank Roberts. In so doing, the paper provides an original diplomatic history which argues that, although Europe remained the strategic priority for Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin, Iranian developments were of greater significance in prompting a perceptual transition from cooperation to Cold War confrontation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In autumn 1944, the Soviet Union and Finland made peace, beginning a complete restructuring of their relations. As a result, Finland became the most important target country in the capitalist West for Soviet cultural diplomacy. The USSR sent numerous top artists to Finland for extensive tours. One objective was to support a peaceful image of the USSR, but, at the same time, these operations were to support the electoral successes of Finnish Communists. This paper examines Soviet cultural diplomacy directed towards Finland. Special attention will be paid to the different motivations behind major actions of Soviet cultural diplomacy in Finland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning of the 1980s, global aftermath studies prompted new perceptions of a nuclear war's long-term effects on Planet Earth. Focusing on the Swiss 'Weiterleben' ('to live on') study, which translated these findings into a local context, the paper sheds light on the intertwined history of global politics, science, national security debates, and nuclear fear. It reveals important socio-political and epistemic shifts in the 1980s. Even in countries with comprehensive civil defence systems like Switzerland, the idea that a nuclear war was manageable came to an end; new forms of planning and types of scientific reasoning evolved that superseded 'Cold War rationality'; and, finally, emotions became a crucial political factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the Cold War, for all its environmental costs, brought in its train a hidden benefit: the creation of an international ideological competition that made meaningful environmental agreements more likely. After reviewing the history of Soviet environmental initiatives, the paper discusses the rise of international environmental agreements and the abrupt decline after 1991. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British policy towards President Eisenhower's Atoms for Peace speech was characterised by ambiguity. The world's third nuclear power, Britain sought to re-establish nuclear cooperation with the United States. Multilateral nuclear diplomacy was of secondary importance. This position is exemplified in Britain's conflicting attitude to the International Atomic Energy Agency which oscillated from warm enthusiasm to qualified rejection before settling on a policy of grudging acceptance. The paper focusses on British reactions to Eisenhower's proposal and shows that the fate of the agency was secondary to the ultimate aim of restoring the nuclear relationship with Washington which was realised in 1954 resulting in a British volte-face concerning the agency's future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberation movements and the Cold War The Cold War and decolonisation intersected in southern Africa between the 1960s and 1990s. The liberation struggle and the rich sources documenting it have a "broader national significance in South Africa and the world".[30] Ryan Clarke: Navigating NGO records in Zimbabwe The wars of liberation in southern Africa, including the Zimbabwean Second Chimurenga/Rhodesian "bush war" (1966-80), are widely regarded as important proxy wars during the Cold War.[31] However, questions of perspective and agency are important. Positive exceptions are the archives of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa, although these collections have been thoroughly sanitised, with sensitive intelligence files and financial files removed, and the archives of the now marginalised United National Independence Party (UNIP) in Zambia.[12] The Pamphlet Collection, however, fills this gap to some extent. [Extracted from the article]

This paper explores the Italian Communist Party (PCI)'s interactions with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the years immediately preceding the normalisation of Sino-Italian relations. The present work highlights three aspects of this dynamic: the PCI's rewriting of its identity as a foreign policy making actor independent of the US and the USSR, and neither dismissive nor laudatory of Mao; the PCI's establishment of partnerships with actors at home and abroad to allow for its China-policy blueprints to come to fruition; and the efforts of PCI-affiliated intellectuals toward making a rapprochement between the PCI and the CCP possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Soviet-American détente raised many concerns among small states that Cold War bipolarity could be consolidated and that the superpowers' dialogue was just another form of excluding other countries from having a say in international affairs. In order to neutralise the effects of bipolarity, many European governments advocated in favour of a multilateral détente. This paper argues that a similar process occurred in Eastern Europe and analyses the Romanian proposals for Balkan cooperation in the context of what was called a 'regional micro-détente'. Bucharest called for a multilateral high-level meeting of all Balkan states with the aim of devising formulas for improving cooperation and limiting the influence of the superpowers in the region. As Romania was engaged in serious divergences with the Soviet Union and also had good relations with the Chinese at the height of the Sino-Soviet polemic, Moscow regarded the Romanian proposals as directed against its interests in the peninsula and opposed it. In spite of its lack of results, the Romanian project demonstrates that the commitment to multilateral détente existed on both sides of the Iron Curtain and reveals the increasing fragmentation of the Communist bloc in the context of détente and the CSCE process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the autumn of 1956, the Bolshoi Ballet arrived for its first London tour, providing the researcher with an opportunity for in-depth analysis of British-Soviet relations during the Cold War. The paper looks at behind-the-scenes negotiations and how the most mundane organisational matters could take on immense importance in a Cold War environment. By bringing to the fore the mass-media and political factors involved, the ballet can be seen for what it actually was at the time: a powerful cultural and diplomatic tool. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 1956 was one of the most pivotal in the history of the North Korean party-state. It marked the end of political diversity and the decline of Soviet and Chinese influence on political, economic, and cultural developments in North Korea. Two incidents in particular, the August Plenum of the Korean Workers' Party, and the joint Sino-Soviet party intervention in a domestic dispute that September, propelled North Korea down the path toward despotism and isolation. Scholars have long suggested that North Korean leader Kim Il Sung faced serious and potentially perilous challenges to his position at the helm of the party-state during these two incidents. Utilising newly available Soviet and Chinese records, this paper challenges the standard narratives of the incidents, and asserts that there was no great threat to Kim's position, either from domestic opposition, or from intervening Soviet and Chinese officials. A fuller understanding of the events of 1956, and of North Korea's construction of a narrative to justify political repression, enables us to better comprehend the nature of the Kim Il Sung regime and its troubled relations with its patron allies throughout the remainder of the Cold War era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows that Hermann Matern's 1961 visit to China was mainly a trade mission whose connection with political affairs was minor and who had only an indirect influence on the Berlin Crisis. It further demonstrates that there was no Sino-East German rapprochement during Matern's visit, but quite the contrary –relations between the two countries actually deteriorated, resulting in the East German delegation failing to achieve their goals. Yet, Soviet miscalculation and misunderstanding of China's policy led them to substantially increase their economic assistance to East Germany, so as to 'win their German comrades back' to the Soviet side. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using documentary evidence from China, France, India, Indonesia, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, the United Kingdom, and the United States, this paper develops a history of the Third World through historical inquiry into the origins and activities of the Colombo Powers. As the five host nations of the 1955 Asian-African Conference in Bandung, the Colombo Powers worked to realise a new vision of Asia that integrated the outer reaches of the mainland on the basis of ancient geographical ties and a cosmopolitan international order. Most importantly, they sought to reclaim Asian agency in the international negotiations on the Korean and Indochina conflict and spread resistance to collective security pacts in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1951 Franco-Indian bilateral nuclear cooperation agreement was the first such cooperation outside the Manhattan Project, and preceded President Eisenhower's 1953 ‘Atoms for Peace’ proposal. This cooperation on one hand upset the United Kingdom, which regretted losing leverage over its former colony to its colonial rival, and on the other, enhanced the United States' interest in playing a key role in the region. Based on multi-archival research, this paper explores the significance of Franco-Indian nuclear relations against the backdrop of Anglo-American endeavours to censor information related to atomic energy and to secure control of strategic minerals during the early Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper reinterprets Jimmy Carter's human rights policy from the perspective of North-South economic relations. It finds that the Carter Administration used the social and economic rights provisions of its human rights policy as a key stratagem in its efforts to reform US-Third World relations. It then shows how the Administration attempted to persuade Third World leaders to end their insistence in global negotiations for a radical 'New International Economic Order' in exchange for new forms of foreign aid targeting 'basic human needs', thus demonstrating the impact of global economic change on the 1970s global human rights revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand the construction of a broad alliance between the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), a socialist inspired guerrilla group, and various Latin American liberal and authoritarian governments, mainly Venezuela, Costa Rica, Panama and Cuba, between 1977 and 1979. I will seek to understand the construction of this unusual partnership, as well as the deep conflicts and mistrust that existed between the parties during the revolutionary upheaval in Nicaragua. This process will be examined by analysing the way Cold War politics and Latin American regional tensions shaped the events leading to the Sandinista revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Swiss government's actions in Angola in the 1970s highlight its aim to improve the credibility of its neutrality policy in Southern Africa, which was greatly challenged in the global Cold War context. Drawing on Swiss, US, British, and International Committee of the Red Cross archival sources, this paper argues that the Swiss authorities' participation in the relief mission of the ICRC during the Angolan War permitted them to benefit from this organisation's good image. Switzerland's early recognition of the People's Republic of Angola was closely coordinated with European political leaders and underlines the country's increased independence from Washington during Détente. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reconstructs the unknown Chile-World Bank interactions during the formative years of Pinochet's dictatorship (1973-1977). Prevalent understandings of the WB portray it as a loyal Washington ally. However, new evidence from the WB Archives and additional documents reveal that US efforts to make lending contingent on human rights considerations, thereby forcing the Bank to abandon its so-called economic neutrality, were only partially effective. Pinochet's case provides a new prism to examine the cold war in Latin America and the Bank's use of its 'neutrality' as a means to reach increasing autonomy from its strongest member states, mainly the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]