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This paper presents a new method of identifying a nation's political elite using computational techniques on digitised newspaper articles. It begins by describing the three most widely used methods of identifying political elites: positional, decisional and reputational. It then introduces the "reported elite method", exploring the kinds of elites it detects and how well it reflects the composition of political elites in our case study of Indonesia. Compared to the other existing methods, we find that our method casts a much wider net when searching for political elites, resulting in many more people from civil society, far fewer formal politicians, and challenging conventional notions of who is a political elite. The method has two major underlying assumptions: (1) the newspapers from which the texts are drawn are free and fairly representative and (2) political power can be inferred from frequent appearance in newspapers alongside other frequently appearing individuals in computational " communities" of political elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether top bureaucrats are part of the elite or not, and to what degree their possible elite status is legitimate, will depend on how the elite concept is defined. Analyzing 81 British, French and Norwegian top bureaucrats' arguments for belonging to the elite or not, this paper unpacks the elite concept and explores its meaning along a range of dimensions (organizational, prestige, education, social status, power, wage). These dimensions can be analyzed as indicating either an elite status delimited to the profession or exceeding it, as a societal elite. Rather than what might be expected, a clear contrast between anti-elitist Norwegian and elitist British and French bureaucrats, the comparative analysis of the interviews shows a variation between two different understandings of the elite concept: Norwegians interpret their elite status as delimited to the profession, and British and French bureaucrats define themselves as societal elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper takes as its starting point Higley and Burton's (2006) contention that no liberal democracy has ever evolved without a 'consensually united elite' which is structurally integrated and shares some general values. The fact that the evolution of a consensually united elite is a very rare event limits the prospects for the worldwide spread of liberal democracy. Ghana, however, could represent one of these rare cases. This paper looks at if and how an elite consensus on the "rules of the game" has emerged in the country and what the potential threats to this consensus are. It pays special attention to the social composition of elites and their patterns of interaction between elites (horizontal integration) as well as the relationship between elites and the wider population (vertical integration). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hungary was seriously hit by the financial crisis of 2008. This article investigates how the Hungarian governing elites exploit the space of maneuvering in crisis management. One way to mitigate anti-government mass sentiments is the rhetoric of national self-defense. Besides these ideological tools, fundamental changes in the institutional setting and elite composition are on the agenda in Hungary. How these government responses can be analyzed by tools of the new elite paradigm and by concepts of comparative political institutionalism like majoritarian vs. consensual democracy, or simulated democracy and competitive authoritarianism are the major questions touched upon in the paper. We test the applicability of these concepts on the Hungarian political scene and investigate the efficiency of elites' efforts concerning uncertainty reduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the anxieties and uncertainties of aspiring barristers in order to understand the workings of elite professional status. The literature poses two diverging conceptions of negative feelings: as mechanisms for power and solidarity, concentrated at initiation, or else indicators of diminished control and breakdown. To allow for both potential meanings, this paper draws on an ethnographic study of two cohorts of trainee English barristers: one private, one public. The findings detail and compare the sources, nature, and consequences of bad feeling across the sectors. This innovative analysis detects the modes and blends of authority and cohesion, as well as differentiation, declining status, and even separation. This paper argues for intra-professional analyses as valuable groundwork for wider comparisons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article introduces a series of papers published within the issue, including one on anxieties among upper-middle class students in a high school in Spain, another on the effect of the global impact of the 2007/2008 financial crisis on uncertainty and the elite in Hungary and a paper on the impact of the toppling of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak on anxiety in upper-class women in Cairo.

The present study assessed the extent to which elite circulation has changed in Finland in the context of substantial social changes since the early 1990s. We first analyzed changes in vertical social mobility, i.e., recruitment to the elites, and then, changes in horizontal social mobility, i.e., circulation within the elites. The study was methodologically based on the positional approach, and postal/Internet surveys of members within the elites were conducted in 1991, 2001, and 2011. The hypotheses were derived from major social changes that have occurred in the Finnish society since the early 1990s. Since many of these societal changes focused most profoundly on people of lowest socio-economic position, we first hypothesized, that recruitment from these groups to the elites had decreased, i.e., the openness of the elite structure had been reduced. According to second hypothesis, the retention of elite positions had become less secure due to decreased societal stability and increased scandals implicating the elites. Moreover, since the political decision-makers were responsible for many social changes, and the political elite is the sole elite group whose ascendancy depends mainly on the support of the population, we also hypothesized that societal changes have exerted the most effect on the political elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This article argues that studies of parliamentary elite circulation should not focus exclusively on raw turnover rates, which pertain mostly to the entry and exit of new members of parliament. Studies should also pay attention to the circulation that goes on below the surface, i.e., circulation of long-standing and senior MPs - what might be termed the 'depth' of parliamentary elite circulation. I develop an analytical tool for measuring the depth of circulation and use it to test the hypothesis that at 'critical' parliamentary elections the pattern of parliamentary circulation is concentrated on seniors as well as newcomers. I then use this tool to analyze circulation of the Danish parliamentary elite during the past 150 years. If only gross turnover rates are studied, it appears that the elite has become increasingly open. But trends in the depth of circulation reveal a more complex pattern, requiring a more nuanced assessment of parliamentary elite dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract In decentralized European parliamentary democracies future governing elites often acquire political experience and attain top positions by passing through sub-national political institutions. In doing so, elites circumvent and reduce the importance of national parliaments. Previous research has advanced several explanations for this pattern: Europe's tradition of bureaucratic government; parties with open methods for selecting parliamentary candidates; the 'presidentialization' and Europeanization of national political systems. Since its transition to democracy in 1977, Spain has had an exceptionally small proportion of former MPs in its national cabinets. I employ data for Spanish ministers between 1977-2009 demonstrating the passage of a large proportion of cabinet ministers through local and regional government levels rather than the national parliament, the Cortes Generales. I show that multilevel rather than parliamentary political careers characterize ministerial elite recruitment, and I discuss the consequences for Spain's parliamentary democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the symbolic elite distinction of the Franco-Mauritians' white skin colour, as a contribution to literature on symbols of elite distinction. The case study is set to analyse how Franco-Mauritians' white skin colour works as a sign of elite distinction in addition to cultural differences between them and other Mauritians - which are influenced by labour division and reinforced by the structure of Mauritian society. The article underlines the intricacy of physical appearance in the transition from the colonial period (ending in 1968) to independence. It also shows how such embodied signs are persistent and ambiguous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper arises from a study examining cultural participation, knowledge and taste across the British population. The study includes in-depth interviews with a small number of individuals occupying prestigious positions in British business, politics and administration. A managerial elite, they exhibit a significant degree of homogeneity of cultural attachment and invest heavily in participation in many cultural activities. Their pattern of cultural consumption is described in terms of three principles: plenitude, proficiency and capability. This paper focuses on a number of mechanisms of acculturation, which are identified and illustrated. Differences associated with social trajectory are emphasised. The everyday routine nature of intensive and selective cultural consumption for this section of the population is noted and it is shown how culture is embedded in social life through social connections. Implications for the status and changing character of legitimate culture are considered, leading to reflections on the demise of the British 'Establishment' and the changing role of culture in elite formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article unpacks the practices of cosmopolitan elite distinction among a group of successful business professionals of African origin, who were employed in middle and senior management positions in Johannesburg during the height of the 'bull market' in 2004. It considers the self-identification of these professionals as cosmopolitan in light of our theoretical understanding of social distinction. Building on Veblen, Bourdieu, and Goffman, this article shows how these business professionals claiming to belong to a cosmopolitan community enacted these hierarchies through everyday distinctions in place, leisure and dress. The article concludes that while cosmopolitanism is an escape from local African identity, appeals to a cosmopolitan community transform and reconfigure society through the inscription of new inequalities and particularities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the special issue on 'The Distinction of Social and Political Elites.' It aims to provide some analytical reflections about the usefulness and limits of classical models of interpretation when confronted with empirical realities in very different societies. Although the separation between the societal and the political spheres is not always very clear, it is argued that the differentiation between the two corresponding types of elite is often significant from a theoretical point of view. Indeed, the symbolic superiority of political elites is frequently raised in rather specific terms because of the nature of their role as representatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the symbolic manifestations of power by Ethiopian political elites at the national level. It explains what power symbols they associate themselves with and what meanings these symbols have. More particularly, it analyzes whether these power symbols have changed over time, and if so what explains the change(s). These questions are answered by comparing the last three Ethiopian regimes. The article relies on secondary sources and on the author's personal observations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on fieldwork with the Rana clan in Nepal, the author argues that ways of distinction differ between cultures but can be transferred and introduced cross culturally. Thus relocated, unfamiliar ways of distinction may be used as strategic tools to gain status otherwise unattainable. Taking the Ranas of Nepal as an example, the author shows with historical references that introducing foreign ways of distinction does however not come without complications. Customs have to be modified, the rules of religious obligations bent and first-rate performance is necessary to convince locals and foreigners that a new social hierarchy has been established. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that recent political changes in Bolivia, leading to the first indigenous president in the country's history being inaugurated in 2006, unsettled the traditional schemes of societal stratification, as well as the traditionally accepted markers of elite-hood. As a consequence, not only have new elites come to the fore, but they also modified the material, symbolic and political parameters with which elites demonstrate and affirm their position, leading to new searches for self-positioning as elites. Some sectors of the old elites developed an egoistic, revengeful subjectivity bringing bloodshed to the country. The new elite, on the contrary, is fragmented, confused and in part reluctant to perform as elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article identifies three central tenets of democratic elitism as developed by various authors. It then traces the fate of these ideas within democratic theory. Surprisingly, I find almost universal, if unacknowledged, acceptance of democratic elitism's principles in contemporary theories of democracy. In the public, however, there is still a strong yearning for a democracy that is closer to the ideal and more open to public participation. This is reflected in public criticisms of "detached" professional politicians. I argue that a conceptual solution to the tension between the state of democratic theory and the public's expectations may ironically be provided by one strand within the theory of democratic elitism, namely Robert Dahl's theory of polyarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the postwar decades following Joseph Schumpeter's seminal Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, democratic elitism struck many as an apt and insightful description of how representative democracy works – even though convinced democrats detected an "elitist" thrust they found disturbing. But during the last several decades political elites and leaders have wielded more power and influence in Western democracies than Schumpeter and his early adherents acknowledged. If it is to retain relevance and utility, democratic elitism must incorporate the now more evident roles elites and leaders play. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the failures and achievements of democratic elitism in Germany. I first outline the conditions in which concepts of leader democracy and democratic elitism were set forth by Max Weber and Joseph Schumpeter during the first half of the twentieth century. I then argue that democratic elitism can usefully be reformulated in terms of principal-agent theory and William Sumner's theory of antagonistic cooperation. I present empirical findings from a study of elite conflict and consensus in re-unified Germany that are consistent with these theories, and I suggest that democratic elitism should incorporate both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Classical elite theory stressed tensions between elites and democracy, whereas modern studies of elites take democracy as a point of departure – to a large extent under the heading of democratic elitism. This article discusses two strands of elite studies in a democracy perspective, one stressing elite conflict, the other focusing on elite consensus. As points of departure for empirical analysis both strands are valuable, but when linked to democratic theory they are insufficient. It is necessary to view elites in light of constitutional features that regulate their relationship with the state. Moreover, the public sphere must be taken into account as a constitutive element of democracy and as an arena for communication between elite groups and between them and citizenries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing number of studies assign elites and leaders a larger role than democratic elitism assumes. Democratic elitism is not a coherent theory because it papers over three quite distinct models of political representation and democratic control: Robert Dahl's mandate model; the accountability model associated chiefly with John Plamenatz; and the authorization model set forth by Adam Przeworski and colleagues. This last model, wherein elites and leaders conceptualize and present voters' choices, best captures elite-voter relations in today's democracies. This authorization model is decidedly pessimistic about controlling elites and leaders in a democracy, but it is nonetheless compatible with a skeptical reading of Schumpeter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many political thinkers have viewed democratic elitism as closing a democratic road they believe is or should be open-ended. Their view of democratic possibilities reflects the auspicious circumstances of Western societies during the past several centuries and especially since World War II. However, it involves a conflation of liberal and democratic values. I examine why and how this has occurred, and I argue that liberal and democratic values must be more clearly separated in today's dangerous world. In step with Schumpeter, democracy must be regarded as a method or instrumental value that in some but by no means all circumstances promotes the ultimate liberal value of actively individualistic free people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that ideologies, which elites utilize for political justification and mobilization, are always misleading guides to what can be accomplished politically. After reviewing how socialism preoccupied and misled elites during the "short" twentieth century, I examine how the ideology of democracy, in which Western elites today have unquestioned faith, conceals a range of fundamental sociopolitical changes and distorts the implications of various major events. The fixation of elites on democracy's illusions is leading – in some respects has already led – to disaster. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Long term changes in the recruitment patterns of European representative elites can be described as the aggregate result of selectorates' responses to a sequence of fundamental problems challenging polities since the emergence of modern representative political institutions in the 19th century. Recent data show that some long-term trends of (Western) European parliamentary recruitment like the increase of MPs with a public sector background have reversed or plateaued since the late 1980s. At the same time a rise in turnover, a decrease of incumbency and a growing diversity of recruitment patterns can be seen in the same group of polities. This paper explores whether and to what extent these changes are linked to changes in the party systems of Western European polities and whether new trends of parliamentary recruitment are emerging. It introduces the proposition that after the 'consensus challenge' of the post Second World War era a 'legitimacy challenge' is now shaping European legislative recruitment, increasing the value of social and cultural assets of candidates that are related to their expert-status and favouring properties signalling their moral integrity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents and assesses the thesis that a shift in the character of governing elites and leaders has been occurring in several important liberal democracies during recent years. Ascendant elites are more leonine and top leaders are more pugnacious. We attribute the shift to strong centripetal pressures that now impinge on elites and leaders, and we ask about the shift's consequences for the operation of liberal democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various reports published within the issue, including one by John Higley and Jan Pakulski on elites in liberal democracies, and another by Mattei Dogan on political leadership.

Most of the major social theorists have addressed the issue of distinction. Largely ignoring each other's views on the matter, they have mainly sought to integrate their discussion within their respective grand theories. The main defect is that, often extrapolating from the analysis of one particular case, they have claimed to provide sociological laws. On the basis of personal field work as well as a sound acquaintance with the literature dealing with elite groups, the author aims at suggesting how differences from one society to another challenge universalistic understanding. Although comparative research proves to make it impossible to accept any general theory of distinction, the article, however, shows that many classical perspectives are worthy of note if taken as partially valid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes that elite theory is at the heart of understanding political conflict in Africa. A case study of Ghana analyses the historical origins of elite conflict in Ghana before and after independence. The article links high levels of political elite circulation resulting from the transformation of traditional social structures with high levels of political elite differentiation and instability in the post-colonial era. Since 1992 Ghana's new liberal democratic regime has flourished. There are indications that there is a gradual increase in unity amongst competing political elites. Diversity amongst political elites has resulted in greater representation at the leadership level. These factors may explain the sustained period of political stability and the gradual deepening of liberal democracy in Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the process of elite recruitment in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The analysis of CIS countries' experiences allows a correlation to be drawn between the model of elite organization and the political and economic policies they pursue. As a rule, based on the mold of traditionalist (patron-client) relations, elites act as the agents of de-modernization and re-traditionalization. Organized on the principles of rational bureaucracy, elites are able to ensure modernization. Looking at the evolution of the CIS countries from this angle, the author investigates three groups of states. Two of these represent an almost 'ideal type' or 'clean' example of implementing the reference model. Byelorussia, at one end of the spectrum, is an example of a bureaucratically run state. On the other side of this spectrum are the countries of post-Soviet Central Asia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, which embody the model of the clannish elite. The third group of countries are those states maintaining an in-between position within the proposed line of analysis, or those post-Soviet polities marked by a complicated plexus and sometimes also by an acute struggle between different models (Russia, Ukraine, Armenia, and Moldova). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article compares the Nordic, i.e., Danish, Finnish, Norwegian and Swedish, elite structures based on power studies which were completed in these countries in the 2000s. Despite differences in data collection methods, all of these studies employ the positional approach, and the composition of national elites is defined identically. Moreover, the four Nordic countries are associated with largely common history and political culture. The Nordic elites will be compared on the grounds of three dimensions, i.e. openness of recruitment into the elites, interaction between various elite groups, and interaction between the elites and the people. We will ask in what way the Nordic elite structures have changed as far as these dimensions are concerned and how many elites exist in the Nordic countries, i.e., one power elite or several mutually competitive elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In modern elite theory accommodation and compromise between national elite groups are seen as preconditions for the continuance and stability of a democratic society. It is claimed that elite accommodation is facilitated to the extent that the elites are integrated. In this article trust between the various elite groups and their respective institutions is investigated as a core aspect of elite integration. The analyses presented in the article demonstrate that in general there is a relatively high level of institutional trust among national elite groups in Norway. There is, however, some variation in how much trust the various elite groups accord the institutions to which other elite groups belong, and this is explained by (1) the extent to which one elite identifies with the functions of other elites, (2) has a similar ideological orientation, and (3) has social contact with members of other elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we present trends in US elites' opinions on the use of military force abroad in the period from the end of US military involvement in Vietnam in 1975 to 2004 during the 'war on terror.' With data from quadrennial surveys of US elites' foreign policy attitudes sponsored by the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations since 1975, we ask whether elites have become more militaristic or whether such views have been a long term characteristic of US elites. We find support for the view of United States leaders as prone to the use of military might, even without the support of allies. Yet the findings also indicate that American elites have held this military view of reality for a long time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there have been many studies of ordinary citizens' institutional trust, there is very little knowledge about how national elites or leaders evaluate the trustworthiness of public institutions. This article contributes to filling this knowledge gap. Based on data from the Norwegian Power and Democracy Project's Leadership Study 2000, it is demonstrated that Norwegian top leaders have more trust in the main institutions of the society than citizens do in general. They rank, however, the various institutions in the same way. As found in studies of citizens' institutional trust, ideological orientation is an important cause of institutional trust among the top leaders. How they relate to the public/private cleavage as well as to the centre/periphery cleavage has significant impact upon their trust giving. The degree of trust in a particular institution is also positively affected by how much contact a top leader has with the leaders of this institution. The elites in Norway are involved in an extensive network of contacts and relations with leaders in other sectors and institutions. An indirect, and thus not always discernable effect of this network of relations seems to be that a higher degree of mutual trust is emerging among all the elites in the system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses whether there is a ruling class in France. Criteria that should be adopted for testing the hypotheses of a ruling class; Argument on the transmission of elite positions; Social origins of ministers; Members of corporate boards in parliament and government.

Introduces a series of articles on the interpenetrations at the highest levels between elite categories. Contrasting patterns of recruitment and selection among countries; Linkage between the ruling elites; Concept of interlocking.

Analyzes the relationship between regime change and elite continuity in Germany. Disappearance of an establishment after the demise of Kaiserreich; Restructuring of the elites during the Interbellum period; Elite structure after unification; Top elites in the media.

Presents abstracts of several articles on the diversity of elite configurations and clusters of power which appeared in the Volume 2 No. 1 issue of 'Comparative Sociology.' 'Is There a Ruling Class in France?' by Mattei Dogan; 'The Structure of the German Elite Across Regime Changes,' by Erwin Scheuch; 'Transformations in the British Economic Elite,' by John Scott.

Discusses how elites accumulate positions and resources in sub-Saharan Africa. Analysis of the character of elites in sub-Saharan Africa; Discussion on the developmentalist or neo-Marxist schemes; Lessons from elite focused studies.

Demonstrates that in the Southeast Asian setting, the presence of national leaders and the practice of elite interlock hold strong implications for regime outcomes. Conditions in which changes make take place from pseudo-democracy to more fully democratic outcomes; Ways in which despite weakening of leadership, elites regain enough vitality that while transitions may go forward, they have been able to collaborate in limiting the quality of democracies that have emerged.

Presents theoretical interpretations of the elite change in East Central Europe. Different New Class theories and theorists according to scope and focus of their analysis; Theses on elites in East Central Europe; Elite research in countries of East Central Europe.

Examines a variety of challenges to the British political system and assesses the impact on political elites in Great Britain. Overview of the elitist British political tradition; Impact of the change of British political elite on civil servants and on ministers.

Clarifies the general concept of an elite and shows how this can be used to understand the formation of economic ties. Restructuring of the British economic elite over the course of the twentieth century; Impact of economic globalization at the turn of the twentieth century; Structure of the British corporate elite.

Explores the importance of formal and informal network linkages among Mexico's leading capitalists and politicians from 1970 through 2000. Informal networking sources within power elite groups; Analysis of formal networking within power elite groups.