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This paper examines homogeneity and heterogeneity in preferences for public policy, across income and education levels, and party identification, and across policy domains in the US, UK and Canada. Do preferences differ across segments of the public at particular points in time? What about over time - do we observe a uniform swing across different groups (parallel publics), or does the flow of opinion differ across party, income, and education? Our data on public preferences for government spending show systematic cross-sectional differences across sub-aggregates, but a fair degree of homogeneity in trends over time. Some longitudinal heterogeneity does exist, however, and we exploit these differences in dynamic models of the effects of public preferences - across income levels - on government spending in the US and Canada. Results point to some interesting, seemingly important differences in the representation of income groups across policy domains and countries. Perhaps most importantly, in contrast with the existing literature, we find that policymakers do not consistently follow the preferences of wealthiest citizens. If anything, the preferences of the middle class matter most, though there are differences across policy domains. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the origins of the distinct approaches of the U.S. and Canada in tailoring immigration policy to meet changing economic needs. It argues that the roots of both state's policies are the same and that in the post-World War II era, changing norms pertaining to race, ethnicity and human rights cast longstanding discriminatory policies in both countries in a highly critical light. It outlines arguments regarding the interplay of shifting normative context to better understand postwar immigration policy making in Canada and the U.S.

A comparative survey of activist mobilizing to secure recognition of sexual diversity in Canadian and American public school systems, and of the extent to which public policy and schooling practice have responded. Until the 1990s, only scattered jurisdictions effected any significant change, often starting with ‘safe schools’ measures. Such change, and particularly in the area of anti-gay bullying, appears more widespread in the U.S. than Canada, not at all the pattern in other sexual diversity issues. Differences arise from religious, cultural, and institutional factors, and from Canadian-American contrasts in the extent to which sexual diversity provokes high stakes debates over other issues. As on all sexual diversity fronts, dramatic variation persists across U.S. regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The federal governments of Canda and the United States have taken very different directions to climate change policy, reflected in diametrically opposed stances on ratification of the Kyoto Protocol. However, pledges on the international stage do not always translate into domestic policy implementation. This paper examines the unexpected development whereby American states are far more active on climate change policy development than their Canadian provincial counterparts. It considers key forces that explain these differences, looking at both intergovernmental relations and intra-jurisdictional differences. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]