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What role do moderate Islamic organizations play in promoting democratization in Malaysia and Indonesia? What is the difference between large, grassroots organizations and newer more urban-based NGO's? Is one type of organization more effective than the other? This paper looks at the changing dynamics of moderate or progressive Islamic organizations in Malaysia and Indonesia. Some of these groups receive funding and assistance from US sources like the Asia Foundation or USAID. Moderate, progressive, or "liberal" Islamic groups suffer from being perceived as "good" Muslims by US policy makers. Given this inadvertent association, can these organizations effectively promote democracy and human rights to the larger population when that population is so critical and angry at the United States? In other words, are Indonesians and Malaysians more likely to turn away from moderate and progressive Islamic ideas because they may seem to be linked to a US agenda of building liberalism? This paper looks at organizations such as the Liberal Islam Network in Indonesia and Sisters in Islam in Malaysia, as well as others to try and understand the conflict between moderate or progressive Islamic groups and more conservative Islamic forces and to evaluate the role such moderate organizations play in advocating for greater protection of rights and liberties. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand why Islamic groups may mobilize violently in certain countries and peacefully in others. In this study, I analyze how the strategies and policies of state leaders shape Islamic organizations? mobilization tactics. I hypothesize that a state?s decision to choose policies of inclusion vs. exclusion, targeted vs. indiscriminate repression, and ideological reinforcement vs. ideological diffusion will influence whether Islamic groups choose to mobilize vs. demobilize, engage the system vs. withdraw, or resort to violence vs. peaceful means to achieve their goals. Employing the comparative case study methodology, I examine how state strategies affect Islamic mobilization in Malaysia, Indonesia and Turkey. My results indicate a robust relationship exists between state policies of inclusion and ideological reinforcement and peaceful and engaged mobilization. In addition, a strong relationship exists between the state policy of arming radical Islamic groups to carry out actions against foreign and domestic enemies and violent mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tries to explain the role of the Nahdlatul Ulama during Indonesia’s democratic transition. It argues for a greater conceptualization of the relationship between state and society in the period prior to the democratic transition in order to better understand the effectiveness, or in this case ineffectiveness,of the organization in 1998. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Particular political and public policy issues may be perceived and experienced through the lens of religion and ethnicity, especially in the context of a religious and ethnicized society such as Indonesia. Members of ethno-religious groups often feel that certain state or policy issues, whether domestic or international in nature, are directly applicable to themselves and other followers, and thus necessitate some kind of (re)action. Oftentimes there is a "conflict" with the state and contestation ensues. Actions include a range of activities such as joining elections, supporting certain political parties or candidates, demonstrations, research or writings, organizational involvement, meetings, and discussions or seminars. This paper will examine the significance, variance, and frequency of issue-based participation by different Muslim ethnic groups in contemporary Indonesia (post-1998 period). Supporting data comes from a mixed-method approach, which was mainly conducted by the researcher during dissertation fieldwork in 2006. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impact of Muslim organizations and Muslim political parties in Indonesia and Malaysia. Questions addressed are as follows: How does the political system (broadly described) facilitate or constrain the goals of various Muslim organizations (both groups in society and political parties)? What roles do these Muslim organizations play in impacting politics and where (or in what areas of) in the political process are they most effective? Under what circumstances have Muslim associations and/or parties been a force for (or antagonistic to) democratization? Given the ethnic and regional diversity in Malaysia and Indonesia, the initial hypotheses for these questions are as follows: under authoritarian and semi-authoritarian rule Muslim organizations actually have greater opportunities to polarize rhetoric as they appeal to citizens based on claims of moral legitimacy, fulfillment of social welfare needs, and some level of criticism of a restricted or corrupted political order. As a result, PAS, the lead Muslim party (and the dominant opposition party) has limited appeal to voters. Under more democratic conditions, Islamic groups or parties may need to moderate their appeals, and/or build coalitions with secular or non-Islamic groups in order to win power and influence in the larger political system. Muslim political parties exist in both Malaysia and Indonesia; their power and influence has varied over time. This project aims to explain why these parties have had more support at some times than others and under what conditions they may moderate their demands and policy choices to accommodate pluralist leanings. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organizations established by dakwah activists in their effort to reshape Islam in Indonesia include the Indonesian Muslim Student Action Union (Kesatuan Aksi Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia or KAMMI), HAMMAS, a more radical Association of Inter-Campus Muslim Student Activists, the Justice Party (Partai Keadilan or PK) and Hizbut Tahrir, a movement to establish a global Islamic state or khilafa (caliphate) to rule all Muslims. These organizations represent a younger generation of Islamist activists disillusioned with the promise of the secular nation state to bring prosperity and greater social and economic justice. Their slogan, derived from the Muslim Brotherhood is ‘Islam is the solution.’ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on Islam, ethnicity, and global engagement. It focuses on revival of Islam as well as its implications on how Muslims engage with the world. It discusses in context of Indonesia as it is an ideal laboratory for Islamic revivalism study and global engagement. It offers an overview of the multidimensionality in the context of political identity.