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Although in the long term, democratization is expected to exert pacifying effects on international relations, scholars have argued that conflict is more likely during democratic transitions. They argue that politicians in democratizing states are more likely to make jingoistic appeals, and coalitions of political, business, and/or military leaders are likely to form and to ?logroll? for military buildups and other destabilizing policies. This proposition has great significance for East Asia, which faces two potential political transitions: the democratization of China, and Korean unification. This paper tests a theory of democratization and conflict in the cases of three previous East Asian political transitions: Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea. I test not only for the occurrence of conflict, but also for the presence of the predicted mechanisms through which conflict occurs (nationalistic appeals and logrolling). I find that although there is some evidence of nationalistic posturing that is consistent with the theory?s predictions, for the most part, evidence from these cases does not support the theory. Leaders did not make jingoistic appeals; they were more likely to preach stability. Furthermore, I find that the public, the military, and the business community do have substantial influence over policy makers, but do not find that these groups advocated military buildups or offensive military strategies. This study casts doubt on the relevance of the ?democratization and war? thesis for future East Asian political transitions; it finds support for theories in the liberal school of international relations, including the beneficial effects of democratization, policies of engagement, and economic integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the new left in Taiwan and South Korea and the renewed left in Brazil and Chile. I contend that the left can no longer best understood in terms of antiquated sociological or economic categories. The new left in East Asia and Latin America is a political project and its politics are embedded in the processes of democratic transition. My argument is simple: (i) Democratization, a variable process of change, leads to different patterns of new left organization. (ii) Meanwhile, the introduction of democracy, a form of governance with universally shared features (irrespective of how the transition to democracy took place), promotes the moderation of the new left across all four cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia and the Republic of Korea have increasingly worked together since the early 1990's, but the relationship is not nearly so profound as the model of the U.S.-ROK security alliance. To date, both Russia and Korea have cooperated militarily and politically on a basis of mutual cooperation -- with much of the cooperation seen primarily linked to arms sales from Russia as a debt relief mechanism. Paralleling the arms sales, both countries have exchanged leader visits and cooperated bilaterally for regional military issues. This study will examine the potential benefits from increased military cooperation to strengthen regional stability -- with a view toward better drawing on Russia's potential partner role in future regional political and military security fora to complement the already strong relationship between the United States and Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study quantifies and measures balance of power (BOP) and economic interdependence (EI) of China, Japan, Russia, and North and South Korea for 1985-2000. It figures out general trends of BOP and EI in Northeast Asia for last 15 years. Further, it tries to see how BOP and EI interact with each other with focus on China and Japan. Finally, it draws some theoretical and practical conclusions for peace and prosperity in Northeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]