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What is the colonial legacy of peace(building) and what can it tell us about the practice and discourse of peacebuilding? This paper examines peacebuilding's colonial legacy, the politics of its theorization or non-theorization, and its effects on the prospect for building peace in so-called post-conflict African settings. It inquires into the relevance of colonial legacies and anti-colonial strategies to the contemporary discourse and practice of peacebuilding. The main objective is to problematize this legacy because in the contemporary peacebuilding scholarship the colonial legacy is often rejected a priori as totally irrelevant or it is simply assumed, thus leading to questionable comparisons between colonial violence and current peace operations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview of the elements of continuity and change that have characterised the European Community’s (later the EU) policies towards Africa since 1989. It does so within the broader framework of the development of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy and the place of African states within the EU’s African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries framework. It deals with both the Lomé and Cotonou negotiations and concludes with a discussion of how the formation of a European Rapid Reaction Force may affect the African continent. For a copy of the paper, please contact the author at shurt@brookes.ac.uk [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The accelerating development of international and transnational economic law tests the resources of even the most developed states. African states can barely manage participation in the institutions most vital to their interests. That states are both legal equals and unequal participants poses a central problem for contemporary global governance. This paper takes a bottom-up perspective by examining African states’ attempts to influence the development of international agricultural trade rules. Conventional wisdom points to the limited resources and capacities of African states. Governments in the developed world and international organizations are providing aid to target such resource constraints. However, this paper finds that such factors only partly explain levels of African state participation and success (or failure).This paper makes the argument that how institutions of global governance are organized around an issue affects the opportunities and constraints states face when they seek to influence the development of international rules and principles. While most analyses focus on a single institution, this paper considers the impact of multiple institutions on strategic rule-making and negotiation. Thus it matters that the set of international institutions relevant to agricultural trade, for example, is different from the sets of institutions relevant to intellectual property, foreign direct investment, or the management of refugee crises. For agricultural trade, the creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) as the dominant provider of international trade rules and mechanisms for enforcement alter the context of regional and bilateral rule-making activities (African agreements with Europe in particular) as well as multilateral rule-making. Other legal instruments find themselves somewhat bound by WTO rules. This paper explores the argument by substantively focusing on African state experiences in the area of agricultural trade, with particular attention to rules for cotton and sugar. Legal analysis and in-depth interviews with participants in international rule-making inform the study. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Impact of Pro-Democratic Popular Uprisings on Regime Change in Hybrid Political Systems The post-Cold War period has witnessed a proliferation of hybrid regimes, - political systems combining to different degrees elements of democracy and autocracy (Diamond 2002; Levitsky & Way 2002). In recent years, a number of such regimes have experienced democratic breakthroughs in a form of civil society upheavals frequently referred to as ?color revolutions?: Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine are some of the primary examples. Despite the high expectations for regime change expressed by scholars and journalists alike and the publicly stated commitment of the new leadership and significant portions of the population to the pro-democratic reforms, countries like Georgia and Ukraine have encountered obstacles to smooth democratization after their respective revolutions and still remain in a grey area between democracy and autocracy. This paper uses a comparative case study method to analyze a geographically broad range of hybrid regimes (Europe, Asia, and Africa) that have undergone popular pro-democratic uprisings in a period after the Cold War and see if similar ?revolutions? have had any significant impact on system change or if all these regimes retained their hybrid status. Independently valid, this study is a part of a broader project examining the character of obstacles to democratization ? structural, institutional and/or cultural ? in hybrid regimes after they have experienced successful pro-democratic popular uprisings. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Each year more than 500,000 women die from complications connected to childbirth, making this the leading cause of death globally for adult women of reproductive age. Prior to the 1980s the issue was neglected at the global level. In 1987 a network of transnational advocates emerged to promote the reduction of maternal mortality in developing countries following a health conference in Nairobi, Kenya. Since then international agencies, health and human rights advocates, and health researchers and professionals have succeeded in putting the issue on international policy agendas. However, the safe motherhood initiative has lacked strategic focus, experienced unstable alliances and been unable to institutionalize its cause in nation-states. Based on in-depth interviews with thirty of the movement?s leading activists in North America, Europe and Africa, as well as historical archival research on the movement and its influence at national levels, this paper seeks to understand the internal politics of the network to reveal enabling and limiting conditions for its influence. The research seeks to expand the literature on transnational advocacy networks (Keck and Sikkink) and epistemic communities (Haas) by drawing on sociological theory by Bourdieu, raising the question not only of forms of influence, but how the very field of safe motherhood, prior to the 1980s non-existent, was constructed by the activists involved. As such, the research has both theoretical relevance as well as implications for policy-making, particularly concerning how transnational networks of activists construct a new field, and the conditions under which they succeed or fail in moving nation-states to action. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

East Asia is a late comer in the move towards FTAs compared to the Americas, Europe, and Africa. As of 2000, only three FTAs had been concluded. But the process has been accelerated in the new century. By the end of October 2007, there was 37 FTAs conclud ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Europe's role in Africa has changed over time, Europe still remains an active military player on the continent. After decolonization in the 1960s, Europe's permanent military presence gave way to temporary interventions aimed at supporting client ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]