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The most contentious and critical questions of contemporary times relate to the nature, scope and impact of globalisation. Even though the notion of globalisation emerged from the domain of sociology, the intensified impact of globalisation and the acceptance that it is a contemporary social reality has manifested itself noticeably in a variety of disciplines. Since traditionally, International Relations deals with international political and economic organisation, global issues of conflict, governance, development, the environment, etc, it would appear to be the logical disciplinary lens to understand globalisation. However, the inherently multidimensional processes of globalisation demands new insights. The resultant rise of Global Studies approach is expected to be unencumbered by dominant perspectives and existing academic loyalties by placing global theorising and issues first. Therefore, in addition to the social science disciplines, GS is relevant for scholars in communication studies, ethics, art history, media studies, geography, and environmental studies, among others - subjects which were never designed to deal with global or even international realities. In light of this context the paper will have two main objectives: Firstly, to try to find an answer to what should constitute a well rounded programme of global studies. Secondly, despite the large number of centres for area-studies and academic units dealing with thematic issues of international affairs and globalisation there are very few centres of -Global Studies’ outside North America. Hence, the paper will also examine why this is as an overwhelmingly North American development and what are some possible means to bridge the wide regional divide. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My paper for presentation is a second draft (first draft was presented at BISA 2007) of the theoretical framework chapter for a longer project with the working title 'Consequentialist evaluation of security for cooperative International Society'. This project builds on my existing work where I have argued that security studies must be concerned with the consequences or effects of securitisation and desecuritisation, making a case for the existence of positive and negative securitisation and desecuritisation. Positive and negative hereby are derived from what in moral philosophy is known as a consequentialist ethic whereby an action's moral rightness is to be judged by its consequences, for security thus, the hitherto largely ignored question of securitisation for whom takes centre stage. So far, I have completed this, what I call 'consequentialist evaluation of security' for the environmental sector of security only [Floyd, Rita (2007) 'Towards a consequentialist evaluation of security: Bringing together the Copenhagen School and the Welsh School of Security Studies, Review of International Studies 33(2) & Floyd, Rita (2007) Typologies of Securitisation and Desecuritisation: The case of US environmental security 1993-2006 unpublished doctoral thesis University of Warwick]. My paper for presentation at this conference is the theoretical framework for the consequentialist evaluation of security for the remaining sectors of security, identified by the Copenhagen school of security studies as military, societal, economic and political security [Buzan, Barry et al (1998) Buzan, Barry; Waever, Ole; de Wilde, Jaap (1998) Security: A New Framework for Analysis (London: Lynne Rienner)]. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I identify the cultural authority underlying global civil society. Within the stateless world polity, authority to organize forcollective goals has a dual aspect of rationality and morality. I analyze the relationship between this rational-moral authority and the rational-legal authority of nation-states: they are in tension but they alsoare mutually legitimating. Specifically, I analyze national laws and accounting of international nongovernmental organizations. This paper combines a cultural analysis of discursive fields and moral claims with apolitical sociology of contention. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hospitality is rarely discussed as a concept in international politics though it can be seen as an obvious practice of ethics in this context. Yet hospitality is full of contradictions and aporias. This paper argues that such aproias require what Derrida calls 'negotiation', the non-rule governed, context-specific practice of oscillating between equally imperative injunctions before deciding in a way that tries to close least toward difference. The paper examines the EU's discourse of an ethical foreign policy of hospitality through enlargement between 1999-2004. It suggests that an illustration of what might have been possible through negotiation, perhaps, is a reconceptualisation of Turkish accession to the EU. While the current debate on Turkish accession differs over whether Turkey is European enough for entry, this paper argues that a negotiation of hospitality could mean Turkey is allowed entry precisely as different, as other, as not European.While the debate on Turkish accession is rarely made in ethical terms, reconceiving it as a matter of ethics, hospitality and negotiation could lead to an accelerated accession for the EU's Turkish other. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ideas of ecological modernization have been used to explain, interpret and prescribe environmental reforms in conjunction with continued economic growth, industrial development and globalization. This paper will critically discuss the limits to ecological modernization ideas, including the specific notions of environmental quality, progress and value that these entail. The first critique questions the claim of ecological modernization that progress on environmental matters is determined by a novel historical disjuncture between economic processes on the one hand, and environmental degradation and resource depletion on the other. The second critique argues that the transformations heralded by ecological modernization are limited by their dependence on market dynamics such as consumer and investor choice to form the basis of judgements of environmental quality. A final question concerns the ethical implications of a new standard of ecological development for international relations. Questions are therefore raised concerning the suitability of this approach for generating ecologically meaningful ethical deliberation on environmental issues. Conclusions speculate about the potential for alternative approaches that take full account of ethical imperatives in the context of biosphere change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, protests against economic globalization have acquired greater scope and visibility so that they are no longer the object of indifference. This paper seeks to explain the scope of this movement by examining the motivations of some of its members. Using recent demonstrations and people’s summits as an illustration, I argue that the closeness of global social relations promotes greater awareness of the perspectives of those negatively affected by global market relations. I argue that some actors’ mode of relating to others’ experiences of suffering is empathetic in nature, and that it leads to a redefinition of the locus and meaning of ethical life that emphasizes responsibility for the effect of one’s actions on others in a global context. The attempt to develop an alternative to market-led globalization is interpreted as a disposition of some social actors to experience others’ suffering as emotionally unsettling, and to inquire into its structural causes, including the contribution of one’s group’s practices to it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will review the main debates surrounding organ transfer and its potential to become either market or state controlled, and use Giorgio Agamben's distinction between the sacred and profane and the movement of things between these two spheres in hopes of widening IR's theoretical reach and its ability to respond to emerging issues in global politics. It will pair profanation with the debates about organ transplantation and organ procurement in order to speak to the challenges facing IR theory in light of global realities and ask this question: Does Giorgio Agamben's theory help in reflecting on these changes in the world in a meaningful manner? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the way in English school work interacts with what is labelled here as ‘international ethics’. This aims to explore a distinction between the kind of ethical and normative theorising that is characteristic of the English school and the ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the process of globalization to underline the reason why structural interdependences nowadays make Benign Neglect no longer possible or sustainable. It points out the paradox that it is not a matter of feeling, emotion, or ethics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prompted by the recent revival of Carl Schmitt’s writings, the paper asks whether Schmitt and contemporary authors such as Danilo Zolo are right to say that ‘whoever invokes humanity wants to cheat’. Schmitt criticises the concept of humanity for its atte ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postcolonialism is usually associated with a critique of neo-colonial features of global politics where external actors violate internal norms and traditions in the name of peace and development. The mission of building a liberal peace in post-conflict societies through transitional governance is perhaps the clearest example of such a feature in post-colonial times. Nevertheless, while pointing in the right direction, this critique of external interference is insufficient as a basis for more legitimate forms of global governance. The damage of imperialistic colonialism is made, and a postcolonial ethic of non-hegemonic engagement rather than a reactionary politics of disengagement must follow in its wake. Actually, this is more in line with postcolonial theory than a reliance on the internal-external nexus. It is exactly the non-reversible hybridity of the colonial and the indigenous, the modern and the traditional, that postcolonialism is concerned with. On this background, this paper challenges standard conceptualizations of liberal peacebuilding in a search for a better theoretical basis for non-colonial peacebuilding practices. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the opposing traditions of the novel and International Relations and suggests how the novel offers insights for critically analysing international gender approaches and the idealised representations of women as 'the Angel in the International Relations House'. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper titled "Constructivist Ethics as Oxymoron" prepared for the annual meeting of the International Studies Association held in Honolulu, Hawaii in March 2005. It examines the role of ethics in social constructivism within the realm of international relations theory. It discusses the three ethical prescriptions of how constructivist analysts must behave in world politics.

The article presents the conference paper "Reparations in World Politics: Of Debt and Disgrace After War" delivered at the "Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association" in Hawaii. It discusses the use of monetary or material reparations as a strategy of moral regeneration. It examines the implications of such reparations for identifying the moral appropriateness of various reparative schemes.

The article presents the conference paper titled "Virtually in Charge: Moral Exemplars and Charisma in International Leadership and Conflict" prepared for the "2005 International Studies Association (ISA) Annual Conference." It examines the role of ethical systems in the field of international relations. It provides a background on the tradition of political philosophy in ancient Greece.

In this paper I explore the ethical and methodological implications of representing the undocumented, who, in order to survive, must remain invisible. More specifically, the paper examines ethical and methodological concerns with interviewing and document ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to vet and reconceptualize critical international theory’s approach to the study and practice of ethics. While we agree with critical international theorists who find fault with conventional International Relations theories for their neglect of questions of ethics and their ahistoricism, we also question key assumptions made by critical international theorists who privilege ethical processes over ethical practices. In this paper we offer a fragmentary sketch of an alternative proposal â€" diaethics. Inspired as it is by a host of critical contributions to social and political theory, and by a universal and ethical commitment to reflective understanding, diaethics refers to a dialogical and dialectical approach to both the study and practice of ethics in international society. It does not argue, as some critical theorists do, for a universal moral community of human beings, nor does it call for a particular set of ethical codes of conduct; rather, by reflexively interrogating the ethical implications of social and political theory for the study and practice of international politics it seeks to deconstruct and unsettle cultural processes of identity and belief formation, and thus insists on difference and contestation as a basis for meaningful dialogue. Diaethics avoids analytically and ethically privileging either state or non-state actors. Instead we draw attention to the overall productive enterprise of culture and identity formation in which agents, structures and narratives become heavily invested, and which consequently give rise to the politics of ethics and morality in international society. As such, diaethics is representative of a normative mood and an ethical reality which exist in a dialogical and dialectical relationship with each other. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between Global Ethics and International Politics: Can the Claims of the poor be voiced? This paper looks at the debates that are taking place since the end of the Cold War in the international arena about ethics. The initial discussions of the role of ethics in international relations set the agenda for a new thinking about the relations of actors and organizations within the international system. Gradually some of these discussions developed into debates about global ethics to address issues identified under rubric of global justice such as poverty, global disease, and of course most recently the climate change. In most of these debates the concern has been to engage with people who are considered to be vulnerable and mostly in developing countries. In number of disciplines these concerns are expressed in various conceptual frameworks informing policy articulations. For instance in IR the debates on Humanitarianism, in developmental economics and development studies in general discussions on capabilities, on participation have been taking place as well as policy initiatives such as the UK Prime Minister’s the commission for Africa initiative. The paper asks two questions: whether there has been a change at the level of ontological assumptions in think about vulnerable people in this shift from international to global ethics. And What are the methodological implications of such shift for opening up a space for a discussion from within the targeted vulnerable people. This paper develops from an interdisciplinary perspective : the questions posed are coming out of my ongoing research on HIV/AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa which ahs been one of the debates located in the Global Justice/ethics debates, and the conceptual framework is developed through the philosophy and the implications are relevant for both IR and development studies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thomas Hobbes is typically associated in international relations theory with the realist tradition. Conversely, he is often depicted as hostile to the idea of morality in international affairs and to the just war tradition in particular. It is curious then that Hobbes associated his own project quite closely with that of Hugo Grotius, the so-called father of International Law, and that later just war thinkers such as Pufendorf and Vattel engaged rather vigorously with Hobbes? work. Indeed, even in the 20th century, Michael Walzer treats Hobbes? thoughts pertaining to anticipatory war alongside these more standard just war thinkers, as does Richard Tuck. Perhaps this is not surprising when once considers that Hobbes was concerned with the question of when the use of force is appropriate in international relations, and that he invoked the idea of natural law in his writings. Hobbes? enquiries, then, were constituted to some degree by just war-oriented questions. Yet there is also good reason for deeming Hobbes an alien to the just war tradition. For a start, the response which he offered to these just war questions suggest a negation of the very idea of just war. His conviction that international affairs reflects a war of all against all precludes even the possibility of a tranquillitas ordinas, a touchstone commitment within the just war tradition. This paper will examine how we may relate Thomas Hobbes to the just war tradition. It will pay particular attention to how we construct the parameters of the just war tradition as to include or exclude a thinker such as Thomas Hobbes. According to J.G.A. Gunnell, traditions, such as that of the just war, comprise nothing more than retrospective analytical constructions which produce a rationalized version of the past. He argues that they represent mythologies composed by those who invoke them. Moreover, each and every such mythology is designed to serve particular ends, to privilege some reading of history or other, and to provide us with a crib-sheet for dealing with the problems facing us today. Inevitably, each such reading serves to circumscribe the potential development of the tradition in question in different ways. For instance, they may posit the recognition of some timeless truths or normative commitments as constitutive of the tradition, or they may associate the tradition with the heritage of a cluster of carefully selected classical thinkers. Accordingly, where new thinking strays from these templates it may be disregarded as falling beyond the bounds of the tradition. This has been the fate of Thomas Hobbes. This paper looks to examine why this has been the case. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few words of our moral vocabulary are as powerful as ?humanity?. It is for the sake of humanity that we are enjoined to redistribute global wealth to the disadvantaged, save strangers from acts that shock the conscience of humankind, and conduct ourselves in such a way that it does not harm others. Humanity is something that everyone is ?for? and no one is against, at least publicly against. Indeed, much of what we take for international obligation would appear to be strange or unintelligible if we were suddenly deprived of the language of humanity and the values it implies. The difficulty with this manner of thinking is that it runs up against the claims of states, only to be dismissed as an elusive if not illusory ideal. The purpose of this paper is to break free of what is often portrayed as an irreconcilable tension by providing an account of man and citizen that redeems the claims of both. By that I mean: I want to provide an account of this relation that ascribes positive value to individuals as well as to the political communities in which they live. In doing so, I want to rely upon and thereby recover the Thomist tradition of natural law. For one of the central contentions of this paper is that contemporary cosmopolitan theories of obligation rest on incomplete systems of thought because, in their international relations manifestations, they do not address crucial meta-ethical questions that probe the authority of reason in particular as well as the value of humanity itself. A Thomist approach can answer these questions, because the place it gives to God in theorising various orders of law, and thereby provide a powerful and coherent account of the common good that the idea of humanity implies. The essay will conclude by reflecting on the difficulties of theorising humanity without God as well as the relevance of such an approach in a secular world in which we (ordinarily) have no recourse to God. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes three linked arguments adding up to a vision of how the field of IR might evolve towards greater agreement on the need for and the nature of moral responsibility in scholarship. First, I claim that the discussion of responsibility in scholarship is made difficult by basic ontological and epistemological disagreements between "mainstream" and "critical" approaches in IR. I sketch these disagreements in the first part of the paper and show that they are also potentially linked to contradictory ethics. Second, I argue that "practicing" scholarly responsibility is aided by an affective component - a capacity for moral outrage in relation to one's field and objects of inquiry. This affective component is more easily embraced by critical scholars, as it stands in tension with positivist conceptions of science. Third, I claim that beyond recognition of the value of moral judgment guided by emotion the construction of standards for responsible scholarship in IR also requires some common ground in deontological ethics. In the third part of the paper I offer some starting points for the development of such moral common ground. Ultimately, the recommendation presented here for how to construct agreement about scholarly responsibility in IR combines a belief in the value of communal standards of inquiry, an element of consequentialist ethics supported by moral sentiment, and the conviction that morality requires a reasoned foundation in deontological ethics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Words such as ?governance,? ?community? and ?empire,? are frequently used to describe the contemporary international society. This paper explores the political and philosophical thinking underlying these images and proposes that while these images reflect significant trends in the current international order, the unique structure of the international society should not be overlooked. The first section of the paper seeks to identify common features of each of the three images: global governance, global community, and the imperial world order. It will be explored which aspects of the current international order are illuminated and omitted by each of the images.The second section explores the political and philosophical background of the domestic images of the international society. Starting by examining the background of the ?political/ ethical turn? in international relations theory, it will investigate in turn the liberal view, the ?solidarist?/ cosmopolitan view, and the radical/ post-structural view, underlying respectively the images of global governance, global community, and the imperial world order. It will be summarised that while the first two images emphasise the integration of the formerly divided international society, the third tends to shift the focus away from the formal structure of the Westphalian system. The third section of the paper seeks to point out the unique structure of the international society that cannot be overlooked when we discuss politics and ethics at the global level. While the Westphalian system is being undermined in some respects, it is stubbornly defended in other respects. Although there have been many social, economic, and cultural developments that cannot be captured by just looking at the formal Westphalian structure, it cannot be overlooked that these changes take place under the structural restraint of the international society. The paper will examine the unique characteristics of law, politics, and ethics in the international society. In concluding, the paper proposes that while the domestic images of the international society well illustrate some important trends in current international order, the formal structure unique to the international society should be kept in mind. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of accountability have approached the subject in principal-agent terms touting accountability as a mechanism for controlling agents who deviate from their mandate. Rarely do scholars examine accountability as a politically charged and socially constructed concept, one that changes over time. This paper seeks to examine the concept of accountability in the humanitarian and development sector, focusing on efforts by international non-governmental organizations to self-regulate. Specifically the paper will investigate six cases: HAP-I, Project Sphere, Projet Qualité, Synergie Qualité, Actionaid?s Alps and the Draft Code of Ethics and Conduct for African Civil Society Organizations. This paper will focus on structural factors that have shaped the discourse about accountability in the humanitarian and development sector, these factors include: levels and types of aid, numbers or growth of INGOs, crises of legitimacy in the international non-governmental sector (INGO) sector, and divisions between the north and south. The expectation is that variations in context will help explain variations in how accountability is conceptualized in the humanitarian and development sector either as upwards accountability to donors or states, downwards to beneficiaries, internal to members or horizontal to other INGOs. In addition, variations in context will determine whether accountability is defined in qualitative, quantitative or strategic terms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the agency enjoyed by the margins in appropriating and resisting discourses of the center. Empirically, it examines how the category of ?European values? is used in foreign policy rhetoric in Central Europe ? defined here as the East-Central European countries that acceded into the EU in 2004. The link between ?European values? and EU enlargement is usually studied in terms of accession countries following western prescriptions in learning or adopting these values in spheres such as their relations with Russia. This paper examines how Central European states use that same category of ?European values? to justify policies that are not necessarily in line with western prescriptions. In theoretical terms, this highlights how the category of ?European values? is constructed not only in the power centers but also on the power margins of Europe. It illuminates the flexibility of broad normative concepts like ?European values?, as well as the capacity of the margins to use that flexibility to their advantage. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an exercise in intellectual history which aims to advance our understanding of the development of English School thinking on the topic ofinternational ethics by outlining three phases of ethical inquiry within the British Committee. It is ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Africa" has always borne a heavy burden of narrative images in the colonial and post-colonial imagination. In Canada, this distant and dimly understood continent has been most commonly associated with extremes -- of violence, disease, poverty, suffering, ecological disaster, and the like. This truncated and caricatured view is of coures deeply problematic. But it has also rendered the African political "landscape" as a text on which the Canadian "attentive public" -- governmental, non-governmental, and journalistic -- has been able to narrate and reprise a favourite morality tale concerning our role(s) iand identity in the world. There are at leatsw two dominatn arravites that have been interwoven in an ongoing dialectic. The first is of Canada, and Canadians, as selfless and compassionate advocates for those people and countries less fortunate than ourselves, and leaders in mobilizing international responses to their plight. The second is of failure to fulfill these aspirations and obligations -- a tale of moral dereliction in which we are indifferent to or even complicit in the suffering of African countries and peoples. This paper probes beyond these stylized summaries in an effort to understand the themes and meanings that have been "written onto" our response to a series of African crises and challenges: the anti-apartheid struggle of the 1980s, the Rwandan genocide of the 1990s, and the protracted G8 engagement with the continent in the 2000s, in which Jean Chretien's leadership in the formulation of the Africa Action Plan at the 2002 Kananaskis Summit was a seminal moment. It then analyzes the foreign policy practices that have been triggered and conditioned by the narratives surrounding these events, with the objective of analyzing their characteristic and contradictory policy repercussions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If ethics are often treated as marginal to global politics, then they are doubly excluded from analyses of global economic governance: here, the traditional division between the domestic as the site of politics and the international as a realm of amoral relations is compounded by a second division between politics and economics. Institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and World Bank rely on such distinctions when their leaders insist on the essential neutrality of their efforts to manage global economic affairs. Although political economists have challenged these institutions? claims to political neutrality, they have rarely questioned their appeals to ethical neutrality. Yet moral assumptions and moral arguments do in fact play a crucial role in economic governance. The paper challenges the sustainability of the double denial of ethics in economic governance, pointing to the normative assumptions underpinning the very separation between the international and the domestic and politics and economics. The role of moral assumptions in economic governance, from the most basic premises of economic theory to more complex efforts to sustain legitimacy for economic governance strategies, is examined. The conclusion demonstrates the practical role of moral arguments in economic governance both historically and today. Although ethics have always played a central role in economic governance, we are witnessing an important shift today as international economic institutions have begun to move away from their traditional appeal to technical neutrality and become increasingly explicit in their use of moral arguments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the debate about ethics and war, Realists have been quite subsumed in the general dialogue over the premises of a normative theory of war. Usually depicted as an ¨a-moral¨ understanding of international relations, realism and more specifically neo-realism, have failed to address important ethical issues of warfare, thus relegating itself to silence in the realm of Just war theories discussions. However, a common realist answer to Just War thinking has been that it simply does not take into account the specificity of the act of waging war, making just war principles ¨unrealistic¨. In this context, if a realist perspective on the ethic of war is to be seriously considered, it must begin with a theory of war. The purpose of our paper is to consider the relative space for a realist normative thinking on war. Following Clausewitz and his vision of absolute and real war, we argue that we can infer some realist ethical principles on warfare that challenge some, but not all, Just War conclusions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of sovereignty is central to the study and practice of international relations, but definitions of it largely ignore alternative perspectives that offer new and more comprehensive understandings. This paper is concerned with the theoretical origins and practice of sovereignty as defined through the development of modern international relations in the years following World War II. Taking a genealogical approach andincorporating insights from queer theory, the work examines the writings of Hans Morgenthau and Hannah Arendt in order to understand the sovereign underpinnings of the modern international system and the ways in which statelessness and(non-)acceptance inform perceptions of international politics. I find that Arendt and Morgenthau's discussion of ethics and sovereignty is best understood by examining the impact of statelessness and exclusion of both the self and the state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State sovereignty has always had a close relationship with global governance. States, international organizations (IOs) and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), which constitute the main actors in global governance, design their agenda, programs and policy actions in relation to their understandings of sovereignty. While states tend to pursue policies that are geared toward preserving or enhancing sovereignty, NGOs, and, to some extent, IOs, prefer to operate in conditions where sovereignty does not constrain their legitimate activities. As global governance implies acceptance of both states and non-state agents as legitimate global actors, it effectively provides a platform on which non-state actors contest some understandings of sovereignty. Contesting sovereignty through global governance carries ethical implications. This is partly because sovereignty has traditionally enacted a demarcation line between citizens and humankind, between nationals and aliens, and between relativism and universalism. This paper explores the extent to which global governance can help enhance global human solidarity by contesting particular understandings of sovereignty. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the charge that scholars in the field of ethics in international relations have been remiss in not paying attention to tragedy in international affairs. The classical tragedies in drama had political content and were fundamentally concerned with ethical issues. Prima facie it would seem that tragedy would be pertinent to scholars researching international ethics. The case is made that the notion of tragedy is useful in normative international relations theory as it enables us to see ethical dilemmas clearly and to consider possible transformations of our international practices. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an inquiry into the ethical commitments that sustain postmodern attachments to the concept of agonism by exploring the critical edge of Foucaultian agonism. It will be argued that Foucaultian agonism does presume a certain degree of ethical content within its framing of power relations. Foucault's later work which picks up and elaborates upon the ethic of care of the self will be read as an ethical supplement to his practices of agonistic resistance. But even given the conjunction of Foucaultian agonism with the ethc of care as its ethical compliment, an ethical excess still remains unaccounted for within the terms of emergent power relations. It is this excess that democractic theorists such as Mouffe and Connolly attempt to tame. But this paper seeks to explore this excess as a productive terrain embedded within all emergent power realtions and will argue that we must allow the agonism to proceed unfettered and on its own terms. This article takes up the challenge to critically interrogate the ethical sensibilites that might open up as a consequence of an agonisitc framing of the issues surrounding American and Mexican-American Identitites. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When one offers an explanation of why things happen as they do in international relations one is never simply describing a causal mechanism as one might do in Newtonian physics. One is always offering an account of the why's and wherefors of international ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers how the particular form of subjectivity produced within liberalism still exerts considerable influence over postmodern critical endeavors. This is particularly evident when one considers Ashley and Walker's description of the 'dissident exile' and places it alongside Mill's conceptualization of the 'genius'. The two appear as virtual mirror images of one another. Admittedly, postmodern iterations of subjectivity place a great deal of emphasis on alterity and ethical engagement which postmodernists insist moves beyond the ethical limitations which characterize liberalism's stress on the atomized, sovereign individual. But even given this shift to an ethics of engagement, postmodern subjectivity still fundamentally relies upon a highly individualized subject who can independently choose to shift their own ethical parameters to include an expansive and relational solidarity with 'the other'. The terms of the ethical engagement may have been reformulated, but the individual at its center still bears the trace of its modern liberal subjectivity. However, drawing upon the idea of performitivity enables a reconceptualization of self-making which opens up new agonistic possibilities to transgress these liberal limitations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term "humanitarianism" refers to the sentiment which drives practitioners who are in the business of trying to lesson the impact of some of the most brutal forms of suffering in international society.Humanitarians are therefore frequently "lumped" t ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay then, we seek to bring to the forefront a concept of the event in Arendt's writings. The purpose of which is not only to demonstrate its importance for her own thought but to show that this concept has for too long been neglected in international relations and ethics. The first part of this essay briefly looks at the current ways international relations theory discusses history and the event as such. In the second part of the essay, we discuss what the concept of history signifies for Arendt's thinking based on her own essays present in the volume Between Past and Future. The third part of the essay deals with Arendt's own writings on the concept of revolution qua event. What Arendt's writing on revolutions in part reveals is an important understanding of the temporality that factors into the event as revolution. There is thus a marked difference for her between the American Revolution and French Revolution, which the latter cannot be seen simply as a repetition of the former, because it operates on a totally different conceptualization of time. Rather than reducing temporality to either a liberal idea of progress or to the realist understanding of cyclicality, Arendt's notion of temporality is fundamentally tied to an ethical imperative. This is what makes Arendt's thought interesting for scholars of international relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past ten years, humanitarian intervention has been justified in British foreign policy discourse as a matter of saving people and preventing suffering. The archetypal example of this was the Kosovo intervention of 1999. Equally, in most international relations literature on the topic, both from cosmopolitans and the English School (e.g. Richard Falk and Nicholas Wheeler) the human is at the heart of ethical justifications for war. Yet, in both cases, it is a specific and limited conception of the 'human' that is treated with such care: a human that must be protected on their own soil, but not transferred to a different territory. Perhaps the most obvious ethical solution (cheaper, easier and less violent) to the Kosovo conflict, if protecting the human was key, would have been to airlift refugees into NATO countries. However, such a policy of hospitality was explicitly rejected in British foreign policy - in fact the British government was generally hostile to more refugees. Similarly, humanitarian intervention literature barely touched upon it, despite the importance of cosmopolitan 'hospitality'. Given this, it cannot be a concept of the human stripped of all its political content (what Agamben would call 'bare life') that is key to the ethics of war. Rather, it is a 'human' that must be kept distant, tied to a territorial identity, and separated from the subject that does the saving. It is argued that interveners and cosmopolitans alike need to differentiate their conception of the human, especially in its relation to a territorial 'home'. A more complex conception of the 'human' would be much more difficult to place simplistically at the centre of an ethics of war. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discourses of global ethics tend to ground responsibilities in two significantly different ethical impulses. Bystander duties stem from the ability to alleviate a harm. Consequential duties are those which stem from having contributed to causing a harm. D ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article initiates an inquiry into the role models play in the context of postmodern international relations. The opening for such an inquiry takes its direction from Campbell's (1993: 87) request for "a mode of representation...an account of ethics and responsibility that can inform contemporary international political practice but that is no longer dependent upon the unsustainable notion of autonomous agency." The debate is framed via the theoretical trajectories staked out between Judith Butler and Seyla Benhabib over their conflicting views on feminism's need for a model and Weber's delineation between ideal types and ideal models. The discussion is further developed through an examination of Linda Zerilli's analysis of what she claims to be misfocused debates over the exclusionary character of the category 'women.' The debate is then extended along the lines of John Seery's query regarding the self that is constructed out of postmodern models of political interaction. After tracing out the fault lines of these theoretical debates I thought it would be instructive to juxtapose the following types: Haraway's cyborg, Ashley's IC and Ashley and Walker's dissident exile in order to examine how these types function within the terms of a postmodern theoretical trajectory of thought. Specifically, I am interested in tracing the ethical content that underwrites these types. This is extremely significant because if postmodern theorists can be shown to rely upon and posit types, and if it is possible to trace the ethical commitments that underlie these types, then this will provide the opening for us to not only discuss the ethical commitments in postmodern IR scholarship, but more importantly, to consider if the positing of such models or types indicates foundational commitments that may in effect serve to ground a postmodern emancipatory politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a roundtable on international institutions as moral agents at the "International Studies Association (ISA) Annual Convention" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It focuses on the moral agents in international relations, coalitions of the willing and great powers, and punishment and moral rehabilitation to delinquent institutions which have failed in their moral duties.

The article focuses on some issues of comparison and criticism on ethical foreign policies. The author emphasizes that examination of the politics of memory which is at work where the domestic and the foreign meet and intersect should be done to understand the moral basis of foreign policy. It mentions that engagement of humanitarian intervention in non-war settings destroyed by natural disasters is a way of adding an ethical dimension to foreign policy.

As part of an overall focus on governance in international political economy, the corruption issue has catapulted from the margins of academic and policy discourse on international affairs to a position as one of the central problems facing transition economies and the developing world today. But the irreducibly normative character of anti-corruption discourse is in tension with the predominantly rationalist, technical and instrumental justifications for open markets which have come to dominate the academic and institutional discourse on international political economy. The omissions and oversights of neo-liberal discourse lead analysts to evade and obscure, rather than directly engage, core problems of politics and ethics; this may have practical consequences for anti-corruption efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How to integrate ethical tools into an IR active learning classroom Abstract Kristin Andrews andrewsk@yorku.ca I will discuss teaching philosophical ethics to international studies students using an active learning approach. I suggest that a unit on ethics in an IR class could introduce argumentation, key concepts, and the two major ethical perspectives from philosophy: deontology and consequentialism. Usually when ethics is introduced outside of philosophy, the case study method is used. Students read about specific situations and then try to identify a correct ethical response. The benefit of introducing theory to students is that they are provided with initial strategies for analyzing cases, and the introduction to ethical argument gives them tools which they can use to identify argument and then evaluate the quality of the argument. In addition, the use of theory can demonstrate that the situation is more complex that it might at first seem. It may be thought that teaching theory and logic is not amenable to the active learning approach, but I have found from my experience in the philosophy classroom that there are a number of activities that can be used to help students with their understanding of these technical issues. In this presentation I will discuss these methods and describe a module I have written for instructors who would like to use an active learning approach to teaching ethical theory and reasoning in an international relations course. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The policies of the G8 are now widely acknowledged as crucial to the success of efforts to reduce the preventable toll of illness and death outside the industrialized world. The anticipated release in late 2008 of the report of the WHO Commission on Socia ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ethical in International Relations theory usually revolves around the search for a common moral standpoint or a reliance on existing legal codes to assess and guide the behaviour of international actors. Without condemning the moral premises of either ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Natural law is among the oldest and most influential traditions of international political thought; it is also one of the most neglected and, indeed, ridiculed, typically dismissed as a hopeless aspiration that commands no consensus internationally. This ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter confronts the question of humanitarian intervention through the eyes of theoretical traditions of the ethics of war. Though intervention has increasingly been considered a 21st-century issue, this chapter demonstrates that it has been a central concern of just war theory throughout its history. Further, it finds ethical guidance for questions of intervention not only in the canons of international ethics, but in international relations theory more broadly. Looking through the lenses of E. H. Carr’s understanding of power and morality in global politics, this chapter explores questions of when the strong have either the right or the obligation to intervene in international conflicts on behalf of or between the weak. It interrogates the “newness” of the humanitarian intervention dilemma, contextualizing it in terms of concern for human well-being across time and space in history. It derives from “old” solutions instructions for dealing with great power intervention specifically as well as humanitarian intervention more generally. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Realist and liberal understandings of ethics as the dominant approaches to ethics in international relations are unable to respond efficiently to the call of the other in the age of war against terrorism as they revolve around the needs and the interests of the self. Such self-centred understandings of ethics cannot respond to the other ethically and respect the other in its otherness. Therefore, today, the questions like “why is it so difficult to situate and respond to a set of specific others- ethically, politically or theoretically?” or “what possibilities are there for concrete responses that do not merely or finally reduce otherness to a subset of the same?” take us to what I call responsive ethics which creates possibilities for responses that do not reduce the other to the same or that treats alterity as difference which cannot be subsumed into the same. Responsive ethics as such also disrupts the dominant identity politics which remains “unable to deal with the other as other; it continues to thematize differences among persons, groups, and discourses in terms of (the impossibility of their) sameness”. Also such an ethical understanding offers a way to understand specific differences and enact specific ethical commitments, without falling back on the totalizing gestures of a universalising, rule or norm-governed structure and creates a mode of response for this end. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International politics is inescapably conditioned by negotiations of difference, and, therefore, it is unavoidably caught within ethical acts. International politics is a series of responses to questions regarding how one ought to and may act, where no sovereign point is available from which these questions of difference may be answered. It could not be said, though, that international politics is well established as an ethics of difference, because, as a politics, its conventions are to translate difference into either something locatable within the already known world or as something already known to be intolerable within its supposed limits. Even within critical discourses of international politics, the ethical convention is to authorise the subsumsion of difference into the same. And this must be so, insofar as difference, even if deemed unknowable, is understood as something locatable, bounded, and identifiable as such within an allegedly knownable world. Rather than confronting one with a boundary or an other, difference is the experience of change, that things are no longer the same as they are known to be. The encounter with difference is facing mutability and movement, both in terms of what one might consider the same and the different. Thus the question of ethical acts in terms of difference within the context of international politics is not satisfied in responses to difference as such. Rather the challenge of acting ethically in terms of difference can be satisfied only insofar as one can respond politically to change as one who is already conditioned by change oneself. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate in IR between rationalist and constructivist approaches has gradually moved into the normative realm. The matter under dispute is now less about the analytical merits of the two approaches in explaining various aspects of international politics, as it is about assessing the ethical principles involved in the construction of the international system. In contrast to the previous communitarian-cosmopolitan debate about the preferred structure of the international system, the current controversy focuses its attention on the process responsible for establishing a morally defensible international order. The terms of the debate are essentially framed by the following question: what normative principles should govern change in international relations? Could change be justified in consequentialist terms, by assessing the implications of the process for the system, or the dangers associated with this approach are serious enough to warrant a shift of the normative focus to the mechanisms of change? In short, does the outcome justify the means, or the means justify the outcome? ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]