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While humanitarianism has been called a discourse and accused of covering the corrosive effects of an unfair global order, few scholars have examined how such a discourse might function within the textual or live operations of a humanitarian organization. This paper reports on part one of a three-part Foucaultian analysis of the Canadian Red Cross (CRC) website that investigates how the website leads its viewers to think about what it means to be humanitarian. This first study asks: how is the problem, to which CRC international humanitarianism responds, constructed? The paper argues that the CRC website constructs health and life-threatening emergencies as the most important international problem facing caring humanitarians. It further argues that a health-focused, life-saving discourse privileges certain kinds of knowledges and practices, which fit handily into a global political order and systematically favour wealthy states. While the CRC's problem construction has productive effects--the most obvious one being that the organization does indeed saves lives--it dangerously simplifies and decontextualizes the situation of the world's most disadvantaged. In posing humanitarianism as a response to health and life-threatening emergencies, the CRC website limits ways of imagining the wealthy world's relationship with, and responsibility to, the world's most disadvantaged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global economic volatility, uncertainty and competition has created new challenges for countries and their peripheral regions trying to govern transition from traditional to knowledge-based industries. This paper takes an inductive approach towards analyzing the nature and structure of the bioscience industry in each of the three Maritime Provinces of Canada - New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island. Through initial research and analysis of interview data, it highlights how the industry has evolved over time, examining the main drivers of industry emergence leading to technological innovation as well as trends, strengths and challenges. This preliminary research reveals that two key variables, the concept of associative governance developed by Cooke, Boekholt and T dtling, and ? political leadership at the highest level explain the differing nature and levels of innovation in each jurisdiction. Associative governance refers to the tendency of public and private sector agents of economic development, such as regional innovation departments and local industry associations, to interact and facilitate innovation leading to economic growth. Though similar in many respects, each province chose a different path towards industrial development in bioscience. These paths, leading to varying levels and characteristics of innovation, I claim, are the result of different ways in which public and private sector stakeholders cooperated to develop, implement and monitor both strategy and policy. The paper concludes by expanding on the concept of associative governance through the development of four novel typologies - 1) transformative, 2) sustaining, 3) intermittent, and 4) latent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Risk assessments on organized crime are intended to determine which criminalnetworks pose the greatest risk to society and to assess the nature and level of the negativeconsequences or "harms" from organized crime's illicit activities. In this paper, "harm" is definedas the type and level of adverse consequences, intentional or inadvertent, resulting from criminalactivities undertaken by organized crime. This paper explores the concept of harm analysis froma Canadian perspective in light of similar explorations in the United Kingdom and Australia, andalso discusses the practical and theoretical challenges involved in implementing a technique toevaluate and rank the harms from organized crime. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the field of critical political economy exists a literature urging a re-conceptualization of democracy (Munck 2002, Cox 1997, Webster and Adler 1998). Liberal, particularly neo-liberal, political systems are critiqued for their binary separation of economics and politics leading to substantive disenfranchisement and elitest governance. Robert Cox (1997) has called this ‘limited democracy’ and argues that consumer choice and infrequent elections cannot be equated with democratic citizenship. One theorized response to this problem builds on the work of Karl Polanyi (1944) and his concepts of ‘embeddedness’ and the ‘double movement’. Democracy can be deepened and strengthened by asserting social control over the economy and society at multiple levels and across issue areas. This is accomplished by a movement of social forces forcing a re-embedding in response to periods of increasing economic and elite consolidation. A problem in this literature has consistently been the agent or agents of change.This paper critically explores the argument that Social Movement Unionism (SMU), the organizational and theoretical blend of trade unionism and social movements, can and may serve as the agent of a Polanyian double movement in Canada. While theorists of SMU argue that labour necessarily needs to branch out laterally as a response to neo-liberal policies, I explore the tensions between ‘old’ labour and contemporary social movements in Canada, such as the environmental movement. I ask: to what extent is organized labour taking on issues beyond their narrow collective-bargaining interests? Is there significant personnel overlap between labour and social movement organizations such as environmental, women’s or anti-war groups? In answering these questions I intend to draw out the tensions between various actors these theories look to for change and assess their relevance in the Canadian context. By bringing together literature on transnational social movements, labour studies, political economy and international relations this paper takes an interdisciplinary approach to understanding these challenges. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will consider the disciplining nature of the discipline. It asks: how are we as scholars and teachers regulated in our teaching and our scholarship by implicit and explicit expectations about what constitutes Canadian foreign policy? How does both everyday practice, and what appear to be scholarly norms, shape the sense of ourselves and shape our sense of the legitimate? In response to this question I will draw off of personal experience and feminist literature to highlight discourses and practices that attempt to shape the discipline and to keep dissenters in their place. Everyday practice in the academy includes constructions of what is scholarly that play through peer review, tenure and promotion, and conversation in general. While overlapping with everyday practice, within the discipline we see constructions of social relations that legitimize or delegitimize our work through invitations to conferences or annual volumes, access to Foreign Affairs Canada, and in the questions that are themselves considered scholarly. And it is not just about scholarship, we must also consider teaching because it is through teaching that we play a role in the transmission and legitimization of the canon or alternative views of the field. Finally, while the paper will be primarily focused on critique, it will also identify areas of openings, and space for dissent. It will show how there has been some movement in the field and how we can build on that movement â€" how we can continue to support and reinforce the counter-consensus. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the 3-D (Development, diplomacy and defence) objectives of Canadian foreign in the context of state building in Afghanistan. The 3-D approach was intended to provide a balance between security and development, however, the institutional shift within the Canadian military has resulted in the dominance of security and defence goals. This has led to a prolongation of Canada’s military commitment in Afghanistan and the delay in realizing the goals of development and peace. As a result, critics have charged that Canada’s involvement in Afghanistan defines a radical shift in Canadian foreign policy away from peace keeping and development objectives. The impact of the current foreign policy shift, initiated in the early 1990s, and consolidated under the current conservative government of Stephen Harper does not coincide with the aspirations of majority of Canadians, as suggested by opinion polls. This paper will attempt to also examine how the Canadian state will reconcile the contradictions that have resulted due to military’s dominance and the realignment of Canadian state’s interests with those of the US. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional integration is a political process, embedded in a network of domestic, global and regional treaties, institutions, organizations and politics. Copyright policy provides an ideal lens through which to examine the distinctive development of North American integration. Like regional integration, copyright policy, which is moving to the centre of the global political economy, involves the interplay of cultural, economic and political interests and forces at the subnational, national, regional and global levels. Significantly, U.S. business and government have been driving the debate on this issue, pushing for very restrictive copyright regimes. In North America, despite copyright’s inclusion in regional agreements like the NAFTA and the Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America, all three countries’ involvement in the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) and the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) treaties, and strong American pressure on Canada and Mexico, each country continues to pursue distinctive national copyright policies. Using Canada as a North American case study, this paper examines the evolution of Canadian copyright policy in response to domestic, global and regional pressures. With specific reference to Canada’s non-implementation of the 1996 WIPO Internet Treaties, which formed the basis for the controversial U.S. Digital Millennium Copyright Act, this paper examines the changing roles of the state, business and civil society in the development of copyright policy. In doing so, it will illustrate the limits to and possibilities for regional integration, including ways in which greater democratic oversight in the regional-integration process can realistically be pursued. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the last fifty years, the Canadian peacekeeping policy has been a true symbol of tradition and pride throughout the country. With the creation of the United Nations Blue helmets at the time of the crisis of Suez in November 1956, following an initiative having been worth the Nobel Price of peace to the Canadian Secretary of State to the External Affairs of the time, Lester B. Pearson, Canada made its participation in the peacekeeping operations a fundamental axis of its foreign policy and defense. Since then, all the White Papers on defense and all the statements on foreign policy reserved a place of choice to the Canadian participation in the peacekeeping operations, of which most recent Statement on international policy of the government of Canada published in 2005.However since the end of the Cold War, with the turning of the years 1990, the peacekeeping operations changed considerably, leading the Liberal government of Jean Chrétien to re-examine the engagement of the Canadian Forces in the peacekeeping operations during the decade in the White Paper on Defense of 1994. These new policies involved however a decline of the budgets allocated with defense and a significant reduction of the number of the soldiers within the Canadian Forces. At the end of the decade, the Canadian Forces faced the exhaustion and the erosion of their role of specialist in the peacekeeping operations. Burning defender of the multilateralism and dependent on his statute of « middle power » in the hierarchy of the powers on the scene of world affairs, Canada is confronted with a certain loss of influence on the international scene, in particular in the peacekeeping operations.The attacks of September 11, 2001 in the United States marked the beginning of the war against terrorism. The engagement of the Canadian Forces to the UN-mandated International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) of NATO in Afghanistan, and their withdrawal of Bosnia-Herzégovine then shows the limits of what Canada has to offer with regard to the international peace and security. The Publication of the Statement on International Policy, heading « A Role of Pride and Influence in the World », that was tabled in Parliament in April 2005 by the Liberal government of Paul Martin, provides an overview of Canada's role in international affairs and some of the main trends affecting its place in the world, and marks the result of a significant change in the engagement of Canada in the peacekeeping operations, in particular by a new approach of management, the « 3D approach » (Diplomacy, Defense, Development). This new policy contains a new role for Canada in the peacekeeping operations, which intends to be shown more selective and to play a part where its values and its interests are most concerned.These problems thus lead us to be questioned on the principal factors characterizing the formulation of the policy of Canada in the peacekeeping operations between 1993 and 2005, and the adoption of the 3D approach. More specifically, this research is interested mainly in the characteristics suitable for the decisional system as regards Canadian foreign policy, aiming at explaining the formulation of the policy of Canada in the peacekeeping operations under the reign of the Liberal government of Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin. Indeed, several researchers and analysts noticed that the pressures and the constraints of the external and internal environments probably constitute the most important elements to explain the nature of the decisions as regards Canadian foreign policy... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For more than 25 years, the Canadian exports of softwood lumber to the United States have been at the centre of one of the most serious disputes in international trade. Material or economic-political interests are almost always considered as the essential factor at the basis of the dispute, while normative arguments such as fair trade are downplayed as being used for self-serving ends. What is overlooked is the role that fair trade can play on its own. Distinguishing between a 'self-interested' and a 'principled' use of the fair trade argument, of course, adds another layer of complexity and confusion to the softwood lumber dispute. As an analytical framework, constructivism has emphasized that ideational factors are as important as material factors. Not to dismiss the relevance of material or interest-based explanations, this paper proposes to complement them, using the insights of the constructivist framework, emphasizing the centrality of the fair trade argument and of the free market principle and the ensuing U.S. pressure on policy harmonization. In particular, the paper will highlight the elements of the softwood lumber dispute that can only or primarily be understood in the light of normative factors. These will be contrasted with the prevailing material explanations, to arrive at a conclusion on the relevance of both norm-based and interest-based explanations of the single most important international trade dispute in history. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite renewed interest in international security cooperation after 9-11, security coordination between Mexico, Canada and the United States has been limited. Lack of policy coordination between these three countries is no surprise. They all have developed different security doctrines and practices that are not likely to be changed in the near future. Hence, this paper will analyze the security policies of three North American countries from the end of World War II to the September 11 attacks. Post-World War II analysis will allow me to analyze how structural conditions regarding bipolarity interacted with the domestic conditions of each country. The second period to be analyzed, pre-September 11, will illustrate how structural changes are not immediately translated into new security doctrines, at least not in the near future. Policy adaptation tends to be slow and not always progressive. This paper will be structured in five sections. The first three sections will examine each country’s security doctrines during the Cold War period, focusing on the interaction between international and domestic politics. The fourth section will compare and contrast how each country reacted differently vis-à-vis the end of the Cold War. Finally, the last section will evaluate the implications of these findings and its impact on North American security cooperation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based in part on the methodology developed by Keohane and Katzenstein (2007) and Singh (2006; 2007) this paper begins by exploring the long history of anti-Americanisms in Canada, paying particular attention to its “Liberal” and “Sovereignty Association” variants. The first half of the paper contextualizes the phenomena in Canadian history, but concentrates on manifestations of these two types since the 1990s. I pay particular attention to debates over the NAFTA, continental integration, and the current “war on terror”. The second half examines notions of American “anti-Canadianism”, arguing that examining only one half of the relationship provides a decontextualized picture. If anti-Americanism has been likened to prejudices like racism and anti-Semitism, anti-Canadianism can best be compared to sexism, where American superiority in all things is assumed, and Canada is portrayed as a junior or subservient partner. Canada’s influence in international politics is often downplayed, even ignored. Further, anti-Canadianism, unlike anti-French or anti-German sentiments often denies that Canada has a discernable positive national identity separate from its negation of America. A systematic understanding of both types of biases offers a new perspective on relations along the world’s longest undefended border. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States have all released defence industrial policy papers in the recent past. Canada has yet to release a similar document. This paper will examine the defence industrial policies of Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States with a view to establishing common themes and principles that each nation has established. Next the paper will explore reasons for why Canada has not found it necessary to release a defence industrial policy and discuss whether or not one is necessary within the context of a broader North American Defence Industrial Base. Finally, the paper will conclude that regardless of the broader North American Defence Industrial Base, Canada should have a defence industrial policy. The paper will present, based on the common themes of our allies, what Canada’s defence industrial policy principles and strategies should be for the future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Canadian foreign and security policy in an era of turbulence. It considers the "3D" approach to capacities in Canadian foreign relations (diplomacy, defence, and development), and draws two inter-related conclusions: first, Canada's changing foreign policy has been significantly affected by a turbulent international environment; and, second, the principles of that foreign policy over time have reflected the constitutional foundation of "peace, order, and good government," or "POGG" (Sec 91, Constitutional Act, 1867). The paper's primary contributions to the literature are the connection it makes between the 3D approach and POGG, and its evaluation of turbulence and foreign policy. At a time when Canada is re-drafting its foreign, defence, and security policies, this kind of conceptual analysis is especially opportune. Turbulence is undoubtedly one of the most influential concepts in International Relations in the post-Cold War era. It suggests that there has been a shift in the nature of international politics. Traditional modes of state-to-state relations, with defined rules and norms of behaviour, have been set upon by unpredictable and irregular conditions. The old "order" of territory and state has been augmented to include a variety of threats and responses that necessitate sub-state, state, and institutional actors. New issues and new modalities affect the capacity of states to provide satisfactory solutions, and to consider alternate means of response. Additionally, the increasing relevance of sub-system actors, such as regional entities, groups, and individuals, presents another multivariate dimension to the problem. Peace, order, and good government (POGG) represents the core Canadian national value. Rule of law, equality, diversity, tolerance, freedom, and democracy are all predicated on POGG. It is a sui generis definition of the package of rights and responsibilities of a society, and is about more than "government," it is also about "governance." It is more than an ideal for setting up institutions of authority and allocation; it is also an active concept (governance), and set of standards. The connection that is made between the 3D capacities of Canadian foreign relations, and the primary principles of POGG will significantly influence the outline of Canada's foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration has become a central issue for global social movements seeking alternatives to neoliberal globalization. Many critics of globalization argue that neoliberal capitalist relations contribute to the displacement of millions of people, especially in the Global South. At the same time, Western states have opted to securitize migration, implementing risk profiling technologies in order to further exclude and marginalize migrants. It is not surprising, therefore, to find that many campaigns on behalf of migrants subsume the experience of migration within a discourse of victimage, and fail to take into account migrants’ agency in the migration process. Recent developments, ranging from the refugee protests in Australia to the Migrants Assembly at the European Social Forum in Florence, suggest the emergence of a complex politics where migrants are positioning themselves as key players in global/local political activism. By challenging the state’s prerogative to distinguish between insiders and outsiders, political movements by and in support of undocumented migrants force the matter of sovereignty to the forefront of their political strategy. This paper examines the activism of politicized migrants and their relationship with the sovereign state system. Focusing in particular on the emerging movement of undocumented migrants in Canada, this paper assesses the implications of this activism in terms of how it is reshaping the possibilities for global political identity and practice today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Development research has undergone a profound change over the last two decades, witnessing a major shift in its focus, goals, and priorities. The emerging new realization that development cannot be equated with economic growth and that development is not a one-way traffic has prompted the need for donor countries and lending agencies to adopt a participatory approach to development. What is unique about such a new approach is that it creates a space, at least theoretically, for beneficiaries to influence the planning, implementing, and monitoring processes. Most plans are now done in consultation with stakeholders simply to ensure the effectiveness of development intervention. More important perhaps is that this changing development discourse is beginning to offer academic researchers and practitioners a wonderful opportunity to establish a much closer tie among themselves to achieve the goals of sustainable human development in the twenty-first century. Given such a dramatically changed context of international development, this paper examines the nature of relationship between the Canadian academia and practitioners, including the policy-makers. In particular, it explores the ways in which development scholars and practitioners work together to improve the performance of Canada’s development cooperation. The paper is comprised of three main sections. It first looks at the international context of development to explain how the focus of development research has shifted from transferring knowledge from the North to the South to the exploration of a mutually beneficial relationship between the industrialized and developing worlds. Section two examines two somewhat different models of development research that evolved over the last decade or so. The third section analyzes the current state of relationship between the Canadian academia and the policy world. The last section offers some concluding remarks based on the findings of this rather brief study. This paper finds that, while the new context of international development has created a space for development researchers and educators, both Northern and Southern, to work more closely with policy-makers and practitioners, Canadian academia and practitioners are still searching for a way of redefining their traditional territories. Given the lack of funding support, development research in Canada aims primarily at providing a critical analysis of development theories, approaches, and strategies. By contrast, the practitioners, including policy-makers, tend to work in relative isolation in the management of international development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine Canada’s perception of the national interest with regard to the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. The paper will draw on social identity theory to explore the ways in which domestic groups choose their allegiances, as well as the degree to which state interests represent a summative outcome of domestic interest-group lobbying, or whether these groups derive their interests from a conception of what it means to be Canadian. Canadian identity has long been understood as in part a reflection of American continental?and now global?hegemony. This paper will therefore address the question of whether national identity is a product of geopolitics or whether it derives from domestic processes. Given Canada’s once-prominent role in the peace process coupled with policy statements that suggest a desire for more involvement, it is important to determine the conditions under which Canada can be expected to take a more active role in shepherding Israelis and Palestinians to peace. Understanding the formation of Canadian policies?and how subnational identities interact to form the national interest?sheds light not only on the workings of external involvement in Israeli-Palestinian relations, but the relationship between identity and interests at the domestic and international levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are witnessing a fundamental shift in how nations manage their international relations. National interests are being advanced abroad through events and actions that go well beyond the classic diplomacy of communiqués, demarches, and aide memoires. Foreign ministries must now devise programs and muster complex coalitions involving the wider public aimed directly at specific problems rather than simply urging governments or international organizations to act. This article will examine the extent to which Canada as a middle power has embraced this new diplomacy and will describe how Canada is positioned to develop the ‘information edge’ in its diplomacy. My thesis is that a middle power such as Canada with only a limited ability to influence the global public discussion, must give its image serious attention since Canada’s global influence today depends increasingly on factors that transcend raw economic or military power and that appeal more to public perceptions abroad. The paper will show that at present Canada is losing this global image war. Part one of the paper will examine why public diplomacy is growing in importance. Part two will look at Canada’s public diplomacy instruments. Part three will examine some of the challenges facing Canada in this ‘nation brand’ war. The article will present two case studies of Canadian public diplomacy in action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 12 May 2008, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper publicly unveiled his government’s “Canada First Defence Strategy.” Immediately noted for its lack of any strategic content, the new ‘strategy’ amounted to little more than a list of force enlargemen ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that a historical materialist approach to Canadian foreignpolicy can provide a more coherent and analytically sound theory of Canada's role in contemporary international financial governance. Through an examination of historical events such as the 1911 election and Canada's wheat policies, a Gramscian approach argues that Canadian foreign-policy should be understood within the broader context of the global political economy. By linking Canada's commitment to free trade with Canadian values and anti-American protectionism is possible to explain seemingly contradictory foreign-policy positions as part of Canada's middlepower tradition. In other words a historical materialist approach can demonstrate the way in which free trade has shaped Canada's leadership in embedding market-based international agreements into the international system. Combined with Canada's close trading relationship with the United States, a values-based approach to Canadian foreign-policy can be seen as supporting and sustaining disciplinary neoliberal agreements. Therefore this approach argues for a reevaluation of Canada's role as a middlepower for one that plays a central role in the promotion and expansion free trade and market-based policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two Strategies in Afghanistan: Canadian and Dutch Approaches to Counter-Insurgency aims to examine two arguably different approaches to counter-insurgency in Afghanistan. The Dutch approach to counterinsurgency has been to emphasize re-constructive efforts rather than direct military confrontation with the Taliban. This strategy is directly aimed at improving living standards for the Afghan people and establishing self-governance. Contrasted with the Dutch approach, the Canadian counter-insurgency strategy has been more combative. Two Strategies in Afghanistan: Canadian and Dutch Approaches to Counter-Insurgency aims to examine two arguably different approaches to counter-insurgency in Afghanistan. The Dutch approach to counterinsurgency has been to emphasize re-constructive efforts rather than direct military confrontation with the Taliban. Contrasted with the Dutch approach, the Canadian counter-insurgency strategy has been more combative. Canadian forces have spearheaded major military engagements such as Operation Medusa, aimed at establishing an ISAF presence west of Kandahar, in the Fall of 2006. In Canada military and political observers have been openly questioning Canada's commitment to re-construction within Kandahar province. An independent, non-binding panel commission by the Canadian government, the Manley panel, released a report in January 2008 stated that Canada's role in Afghanistan should shift from combat to a greater emphasis on diplomacy, reconstruction and training the Afghan military.This paper will question whether the Dutch approach can be seen as a more efficacious counter-insurgency strategy when compared with the Canadian approach. Has this strategy been more successful in meeting the general goals of ISAF, NATO and the UN in Afghanistan - namely stabilizing Afghanistan and re-establishing the Afghan government and military which would allow the withdrawal of ISAF forces? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a critical geopolitics approach to explore the landscape of current Canadian foreign policy towards Cuba. It is particularly concerned with understanding how Canadians view Cuba’s place in the post 9/11 world order, the source of these per ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an autobiographical meditation on the meandering route I took when I left the post-communist country (Romania) of my youth to study in an advanced liberal democracy (Canada). I use personal experience, literature, and film to explain how this move across multiple borders has had a direct bearing on the theoretical commitments that govern my work today. Autobiography, for from taking a backseat to one's professional self, shapes, molds, and reflects the self through the politics of one's IR writings. In my particular case, I use the example of volunteer work, a recurrent feature of advanced liberal democracies, to draw some greater conclusions about recent changes in the logic of governmentality as I read them via the deep-buried atavisms from my past. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws upon research conducted on the Canadian professional military education system and how that education has evolved since the end of the Cold War. Using this research, an assessment will be made about how the dynamics of civil-military rel ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the pluses and minuses of the legal basis for the Canadian domestic intelligence system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I argue that in the Canadian context, human security descended from a grand design of foreign policy premised on national values and interests, and an internationalist approach. However, human security became immersed in an unnecessary struggle to distinguish a new 'paradigm,' alienating many who may otherwise have come to see the term as useful and constructive. It became a polarizing theme in Canadian foreign policy as the government presented it as a novel approach, rather than one grounded firmly in the strategy of Canada's foreign relations. Despite the ensuing controversy over its use, and the current Conservative government's attempt to set itself apart from the Liberal legacy, I conclude that the human security agenda remains largely intact with the current government, though without explicit reference to the term. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tracks the development of refugee policy in Canada, Australia and the United States over the past twenty years, arguing that the growth of the asylum seeker phenomenon has led to a conceptual and practical merge between refugee policy and immigration control in all three countries. Historically, nations made strategic choices about how many refugees to accept from which regions. Increasingly however, asylum seekers arrive at borders without U.N. refugee status, and require processing by national level immigration officials to determine their eligibility for protection. For example, whereas in 1990, 6% of people who were given refugee status in the United States were granted that status via a domestic asylum hearing; in 2005 that percentage had jumped to 32%. I explore the implications of that shift through an analysis of the passage and implementation of two recent policies used to control rates of application for asylum, specifically the Safe Third Country Agreement between the United States and Canada that went into effect in 2004, and Australia’s Pacific Solution initiated in 2001. The data are drawn from interviews with key refugee policy makers and advocates in each of the three nations, as well as content analysis of the policy frames used in legislative hearings and newspaper coverage. I find that as asylum seekers come to be viewed as illegal immigrants, often referred to in the media as ‘queue jumpers,’ refugee policy looses its distinct identity as a human rights issue, and thus its insulation from the politics of immigration control. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a critical exploration of ‘homeland’ in the context of immigrant settlement, a concept which is increasingly attracting intensive scholarly torchlight in discourses of trans-nationalism. Debates abound in the field regarding the movement of people, goods and services which are integral elements of globalization. But the latter’s South-North pool of people ‘in search of a better life’ is unanimously established. This movement, many scholars agree, is especially facilitated by the unprecedented technological advancements in transportation, information and communication over the past three decades. Early contributions to transnational literature argued that the surge and leaps in the numbers joining immigration streams have not resulted, as in previous times, in the complete break away from old homelands. Rather, ‘trans-migrants’ or ‘trans-nationals’ are building linkages connecting two or more social fields; holding unto old homelands while building new ones to establish self and family. But more recent findings consider this description of trans-national life simplistic and point rather to complicated and diverse patterns of settlement, exposing varied conceptualizations of homeland far different from what would traditionally hold. The experiences of African women in Alberta, one of Canada’s ten provinces, advance this latest turn in the debates. It not only mirrors the complications and diversity in the conceptualization of homeland but also portrays vividly the gender dimension which, as in most discourses on immigration and settlement, is yet to receive serious consideration in these debates. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the political consequences of Canada’s long-term military integration with the United States. We argue that the evolution into an integrated military ‘culture’ has led to a mindset in which the Canadian military views its interests as shared with those of the American military. In some circumstances, the Canadian military views the perceptions and desires of Canadian political leaders as a hindrance to the attaining of those interests. First, to proceed we establish a working understanding of the concept of American power. We suggest that while the United States continues to be a significant player, it is but one aspect of an increasingly globalized world that is generally (re)defined by the power and influence of the western form of hegemony that is best articulated by (but not exclusive to) the American state. As such, integration is a significant aspect of this world order; and thus of Canada/United States relations. Second, we argue that Canada has become a key component of American power. But the high degree of military integration comes with the risks of a loss of political control over the very coercive aspects of state power that are in place to protect the sovereignty of states themselves. Last, we argue that the Canadian military has redefined peace so as to, on the one hand, discredit missions of ‘peacekeeping’ as no longer relevant; and, on the other hand, so as to preserve and reinvigorate the image of the peacekeeper through the construction of the virtuous warrior engaged in the promotion of peace. This, we argue, means that while the Canadian military becomes more autonomous vis-à-vis the Canadian state, at the same time it makes the Canadian military less autonomous as it becomes an outpost of American military power. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how recent trends have affected the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) in the context of changing motivations for foreign aid, greater integration of Canadian foreign policy instruments and new pressures on the agency from other Canadian actors. It finds that increasing budgets and interdepartmental coordination have created a sort of paradox: As resources increase and the agency gains importance, CIDA's margin to manoeuvre is decreasing. Greater policy integration and the increased politicization of aid have reduced CIDA's autonomy and capacity to fight poverty and actually promote development. This could be because as CIDA's budget grows, it wields resources that are more attractive for "capture" by parties more interested in Canada's own security, diplomatic or commercial interests than in development assistance that actually focuses on poverty reduction. Alternatively, this may be explained by that fact that CIDA's policy subordination makes the government more willing to channel resources through the agency in order to achieve non-development-related foreign policy interests. If successful from the point of view of Canadian interests, increased politicization and securitization of aid could further increase CIDA's importance and reduce its autonomy. If current initiatives fail, CIDA could see itself marginalized from the rest of government, regaining autonomy but enjoying more modest financial resources. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses two key issues. One is whether since 9/11, a gap has formed in the Canada-US (CANUS) North American defense and security partnership. The second concerns the future role of Canada in this relationship in light of the new mutual national security issues that have emerged since September 2001. The article traces the historical evolution of this strategic collaborative alliance from 1940 to present, and highlights Canada's response to this perceived gap. As part of this examination two key factors emerged that could affect Canada's future role in defense of the North America. The first is the atrophy of the Canadian armed forces since the end of the Cold War. The second is the establishment of U.S. Northern Command in October 2002. Canadians see this unilateral move on the part of the US as presenting a challenge to their future role in defense of the continent because it calls into question the utility of the 49 year old North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) Agreement. In addition, the swift unilateral action taken by the US caught the Canadian government by surprise, and that its inaction, due to its inability to overcome long-standing anxieties related to its national sovereignty, put a large strain on its relationship with the United States. The article proposes that greater understanding between the partners, linked to the nurturing of trust, will go a long way in bridging the gap that has formed within this long-standing defense and security relationship. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Canadian government promotes “global citizenship” through a number of Canadian foreign policy commitments. For example, in 2005, then-Prime Minister Paul Martin, announced Canada’s International Policy Statement (IPS) and in it, the term global citizenship is a frequent, yet undefined, concept. Another example of Canada’s commitment to global citizenship is the announcement in February 2004 of Canada Corps â€" now part of the Office of Democratic Governance â€" as an opportunity for Canadians of all ages to participate in global citizenship and institution-building around the world. One of the key features of Canada Corps is a focus on young people. According to the Minister for International Cooperation (then Aileen Carroll), this program will allow youth to “gain valuable international experience” and “become more engaged globally.” In the past decade, the Canadian International Development Agency and the Department of Foreign Affairs have invested substantial resources for the creation of volunteer/internship opportunities for young Canadians. This paper examines youth internship abroad experiences in the context of Canadian foreign policy and perceptions of “global citizenship,” inquiring into how young Canadians abroad comprise part of Canada’s foreign policy and international development agenda and also what impact (in foreign policy terms) these young Canadians feel they have through their experiences. Drawing on e-journals and interviews, understandings of global citizenship are analysed. The findings suggest that the term “global citizenship” is used frequently and vaguely by Canadian youth and in Canadian foreign policy documents suggesting that it a superficial and empty term. This study can further our understanding of Canada’s foreign policy mandate and its prospects for promoting global justice through youth internships. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, the idea of the green state has emerged as a way of understanding the state in the context of the international relations of the environment. By assuming the role of a public environmental trustee and responsible global environmental citizen, states can achieve changes at the international and domestic levels. However, for changes to be sustained and deep, policy needs to challenge rather than support the logic of ecologically destructive competitive capitalism and hierarchical globalization. This paper argues that Canada's historical commitment to green multilateralism makes it well-positioned to move toward the role of a green state, but that a major barrier remains Canada's continuing support of inequitable and unsustainable global relations of economic exchange based on competitiveness. Rather than forming a single coherent strategy on climate change, for example, two distinct and competing principles vie for dominance in Canadian international environmental policy: competitiveness and protection. As a result, Canada's climate change policies have been irregular and inconsistent. For example, Canada has recently departed from multilateral commitments agreed at Kyoto, while simultaneously claiming to take decisive action to reduce overall greenhouse gas emissions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Personality has significant effects on international relations. Leaders' characteristics can influence reactions to situations, selection of goals and strategies, and personal diplomacy. The Prime Minister of Canada is in a position to shape Canada’s foreign policy, and therefore scholars should seek to know more about the Prime Minister’s personality in order to better understand and predict the type of style he will bring to the international bargaining table. Using a technique for measuring personality at a distance established by Peg Hermann, this paper assesses the personality traits to construct a personality at a distance profile of Prime Minister Harper, with a goal of presenting strengths, weaknesses and stylistic predispositions that can help explain his foreign policy. The analysis will then be compared to a similar analysis of the leaders of other major parties in Canada. The method concentrates on the following factors: nationalism, belief in one’s own ability to control events, need for power, need for affiliation, conceptual complexity, self-confidence, distrust of others, and task orientation. Content analysis of interview responses is used to indicate the strength of these traits. These traits are then compared to normed data for 104 world leaders and 15 Anglo-American leaders to build a composite profile. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One often reads that popular written medias bare a special responsibility in the linkage between migration and security. The argument is that medias often (if not always) portray the movement of people as negative; thus, fostering a sense of threat and insecurity. As well, scholars have argued that medias have created a "migration crisis" inducing the securitization of migration in Western countries. In addition, several senior analysts/bureaucrats interviewees for this study have ranked media as a highly significant actor in the process of securitizing migration. In fact, the argument is often presented with such a level of ubiquitousness that it is rarely unpacked. Yet, I demonstrate in this paper that such a conclusion is grossly incomplete. Proceeding within a sociological constructivist perspective, I have investigated editorials of two major newspapers in Canada and France between 1989 and 2005 to show that the role of media varies considerably within and across cases. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most distinctive features of the Canadian nation-building project is the way that it has tended to define itself in terms of separation from, and opposition to, the United States. This "not-America" reflex has been the basis for a permanent, low-level anti-Americanism and a rallying point for opposition to continental integration. Proponents of the free trade agreements were able to overcome this nationalist impulse by playing up the economic risks involved in being kept out of US markets, and playing down the supposed political and social risks of supranationalism. Today there is a new (post-9/11) anxiety about access to US markets, and a new push for "deeper integration." Most proponents say the time is not right for diplomatic progress, because the US is distracted by the War on Terror, but are still working hard to prepare the ground at home. But the barriers seem to be higher this time, because the new integration agenda calls for more extensive policy convergence and institution-building, the Canadian economy is doing fairly well, and many Canadians are still swept by the wave of anti-Americanism set off by the war in Iraq. This paper will review recent surveys on Canadian attitudes toward the US, the "deeper integration" agenda, and the idea of a North American "community." It will then identify and analyze the various rhetorical strategies being used to cultivate support for "deeper integration," and to frame it in ways that resonate effectively with Canadian anxieties about political union and cultural absorption. Finally, it will gather as many clues as possible about how these arguments are actually resonating with the attentive public, and offer a preliminary assessment of the potential support in Canada for further North American integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

News media called the two women competing for the post of Prime Minister in the 1999 New Zealand election "Xena warrior princesses" and described one of them as a "beautifully tempered samurai sword". These metaphors placed the female leaders firmly in the electoral "battleground" while clearly marking them as female. Are female leaders feminsed or masculinised by media coverage of their electoral performances? Our paper analyses newspaper reportage of three national elections that featured competitive women leaders, two elections in New Zealand and one in Canada. We examine the gendered nature of descriptions and framing of the male and female leaders. Given the masculine nature of the state and international relations we anticipated the application of masculine descriptors and antagonistic tactics to male and female leaders alike. This expectation was borne out by our findings, and we argue that the norm of aggressively masterful and adversarial political leadership circulated through media coverage of these three elections, reinforcing the idea of political competition as a battle between heroic warriors. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most Canadians (and most of the Americans who pay attention) think that the party in power in Ottawa makes a big difference in Canada-US relations: The Liberals are supposed to be nationalists, who sometimes push too hard, and the Conservatives are supposed to be "continentalists," who sometimes cuddle too close. (Prior to the late 1960s, it was the other way around.) There are many free-floating anecdotes out there, but there hasn't actually been any systematic research to investigate whether, or when, or how, this conventional wisdom actually matches up with the process and outcomes of bilateral relations. Party seems important in terms of the general "compatibility" of the two governments' political agendas, and the "activation" of particular interest groups in Canada. But it also seems to be offset by structural asymmetries, prior legal and institutional commitments, more-or-less permanent bureaucratic and interest-group pressures, and bi-partisan? Public expectations. The Canada-US relationship is of course too broad and complex to be covered thoroughly here, so in this paper I will focus on defence cooperation during and after the Cold War, with attention to the initiation, intensity, and resolution of bilateral conflicts ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International and transboundary governance is increasingly characterized by the disentanglement from traditional political institutions and the emergence of new, horizontal and dialogue-oriented governance modes. Within the Great Lakes-regime between the USA and Canada, deliberative governance across national boundaries has been evolved, which produces democratic legitimacy and effectiveness through the inclusion of civil-societal and economic actors, argumentative procedures and common good oriented problem solving. This raises a challenging research question: Is the deliberative mode of governance within the Great Lakes-regime a model case, which allows drawing conclusion on institutional prerequisites and means how to “democratize” governance in similar issue areas? Guided by this research question the paper develops a three-dimensional model (input, throughput, output) of deliberative democracy, which serves as normative-analytical framework in order to identify and to appraise, generally speaking, the potential of deliberative politics in international governance and, in particular, the deliberative potential within the Great Lakes-regime. Equal access to political influence for non-state actors in the political communication and decision making is conceptualized as input-legitimacy. The throughput-proceduralism relies on the communication and action modes between state and non-state actors aiming at collective preference formation. The output-effectiveness relates to the search and formulation of factual and common good oriented problem solving options, which can be recognized by the public as such ones. My long-term empirical study on the Great Lakes reveals that a deliberative network and multilevel governance system of a bilateral decision making body, expert advisory bodies and public participation has been established. Six different public participation procedures on different political-institutional levels have been identified and analyzed by means of an interpretive analytical approach including policy analysis, discourse analysis and speech act analysis: public hearings, workshops, meetings, round tables, focus groups, and public advisory bodies on the regional and local levels. The results of the expert and public participation within a two-years-working cycle are aggregated in biannual reports, which provide the basis of the Canadian and US environmental policy making on the Great Lakes.Against the background of the theoretical-conceptual research on deliberative democracy and the empirical analysis of the Great Lakes-regime, generalizing conclusions can be drawn on the institutional and procedural design of deliberative governance in transboundary and international spaces in form of a loose coupling of decision making bodies, scientific advisory bodies, public participation, and epistemic community. For this purpose the merits and weaknesses of the Great Lakes-regime were carefully considered and the normative thoughts reflected. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we examine Canadian engagement with the World Social Forum (WSF) through case studies of Social Forums (SF) in cities in Ontario and Quebec, efforts to organize a Quebec-wide SF, and the aborted 2003 effort to hold a “pan-Canadian Social Forum.” We ask why social forums emerge first in Toronto, where activists networks were weaker, while in Quebec, where networks of social movements were very strong, local social forum building was slow and chaotic ? Quebec-based participation in the world-scale WSF event is much more robust than that of the rest of Canada, yet the localization of the SF in Quebec has been slower and more conflictual? We examine both the effects of sub-national SFs in strengthening social movements and enabling activists to build new alliances between movements, cities or nations and the conditions under which SFs reinforce dominant power positions and patterns of exclusion among activists. Finally we look at how the local forums connect to the WSF process and ask can the global be localized? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years Canadian and US relations have been fraught with tensions, from the trade of softwood lumber, to defense spending and missile defense, to same-sex marriage and the de-criminalization of marijuana. That tensionsexist is not in itself new. But what has changed is that today none of these issues escapes being framed in terms of the terrorist attacks of 9/11. Risk and vulnerability underpin discussions about future geopolitical directions,with Canada particularly insecure about the recent tendencies towards protectionism and unilateralism by the US. The disaster of 9/11 has thus changed much, but also in many ways not much has changed. Indeed, advocatesof deeper economic integration in Canada have used the terrorist attacks to push forward latent proposals for renegotiating free trade, perhaps along the lines of a customs union or a common market. Some steps towardsreconfiguring deeper economic integration have in fact been set out in the Security and Prosperity Agreement of North American, signed by the political leaders of the US, Canada and Mexico in March 2005. This paper will examinethe ways that disaster and risk have shaped the policy framework around deeper North American integration since 9/11 with particular attention on the Security and Prosperity Partnership Agreement. The implications forcitizens in the region will be considered, alongside the appeals to citizen safety and security which have been used to rationalize the unfolding integrationist agenda. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do states come to perceive that they are threatened by terrorism? And how do their specific features/characteristics determine their response to the threat? This paper examines the responses of Canada to international terrorism and highlights the different ways in which national identity determines when states will feel threatened and how they will respond. Canada is a good case study because we would expect it to follow American counter-terrorism policy closely for two reasons: first, because the Canadian economy is dependent on ties with the United States, and second, because of the close social, historical, and political links between the two countries.We ask how Canada came to see itself as threatened by international terrorism. We examine the responses of Canadians and the Canadian government to the attacks on the United States in September, 2001. We show that this threat perception is based on ideas of identity as much as on objective “facts”. We then discuss how dominant ideas about Canadian identity shaped the manner in which Canada responded to the threat. We do this by examining a number of policies enacted by the Canadian government in the years after 9/11, such as the 2001 Smart Border Accords and the Passenger Protect no-fly list, and find that they diverge from American policies in significant and interesting ways. We also examine Canadian responses to American counter-terrorism policies such as rendition and new passport requirements. Again, we find Canadian responses conditioned by Canadian identity. We conclude with some implications for theory and policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the post Cold War era and accelerating after 9/11, Canada adopted a more aggresive militaristic role in order to secure a more intimate and ultimately rewarding position beside the US as a subdominant player in the expanding New World Order - a states system Wood evocatively labels the Empire of Capital. In this paper, I theorize the more aggressive militaristic role of the Canadian state within this Empire of Capital. First, I examine geopolitical and economic rationales for the war in Afghanistan. Second, I examine ideologies of race, class, and gender undergirding the militarism of the empire. Third, I examine how the Bush and R2P doctrines instituionalize and legitimize empire. Finally, I examine the mythology that Canada is a peaceful state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing number of Indigenous peoples living on Turtle Island (U.S., Canada) view themselves as “dual citizens”: citizens of both their Indigenous nations and the countries in which they reside. Yet global Indigenous rights documents offer a slightly different interpretation: for example, Article 5 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples calls for Indigenous peoples to retain “…their rights to participate fully, if they so choose, in the political, economic, social and cultural life of the State.” Are Indigenous peoples advocating dual citizenship or a form of measured separatism within the context of the contemporary global Indigenous rights movement? Additionally, how can the global Indigenous rights discourse provide insights into claims of Indigenous self-determination and citizenship? Drawing on global and regional Indigenous rights instruments, such as the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, and the Baguio Declaration to name a few, I examine how citizenship and rights have been constructed in order to get a clearer sense of contemporary Indigenous conceptualizations of self-determination. Additionally, case studies of Indigenous political movements in the U.S., Canada, Nicaragua, and Peru, as well as the work of political theorists (Tully 2000; Kymlicka 2000; Altamirano-Jiménez 2004; Alfred 2005), inform the discussion. In the final part of the paper, I call for a philosophical and political repositioning of Indigenous peoples rights claims in order to regenerate Indigenous community-based responsibilities and open new pathways for Indigenous self-determination. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human security has been presented by a growing collection of states as a concept that is transforming global governance structures in significant ways by broadening and deepening understandings of security to address the needs of common people. Yet the entrenchment of the human security paradigm within several members of the human security vanguard has been accompanied by a renewed commitment to the principles of neoliberalism both domestically and within the international sphere. Thus, the dominance of neoliberal economic ideology has created various 'common-sense' propositions with respect to human security that has made it possible for rights, responsibilities, problems, and solutions to be defined in particular ways that narrow the policy spaces in which states with human security agendas are prepared to act while maintaining other unequal power/relations that benefit national economic interests. As such, this paper will examine how human security has been reconciled with reductions in other forms of stateled social regulation and an increasing deference to market imperatives that are constitutive of a geopolitical gaze that enables and disables particular types of policy actions through the identification of threats, opportunities, and moments that necessitate the evasion of responsibility. The specific empirical focus will be centred around the discursive relations of the human security agenda in Canada that have thus far left Canadian-based transnational corporations unaccountable for gross misconduct that contributes to human insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper titled "Explaining Allied Attitudes Toward U.S. Missile Defenses: Canada, Japan, and Britain," prepared for the "Annual Conference of the International Studies Association" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It offers to help fill part of the gap in the literature with respect to the attitudes of U.S. allies. It investigates such developments in a comparative manner with special focus to Canada, Japan, and Great Britain. It also probes the central factors in the national debates of the countries.

For over 30 years, Canada's official policy has been multiculturalism, in an attempt to level out what was famously called the vertical mosaic. This stress on multiculturalism affects both its liberal immigration policy and its domestic agenda. However, the United States, with its more restrictive immigration policy and assimilationist (read: melting pot) agenda, has a great influence on how Canada and Canadians talk and think about various ethnic/national groups, both through the large quantities of media that cross the border and through the fact that Canada cannot afford to completely ignore U.S. government policy and rhetoric. This paper explores Canada's discourse surrounding Arabs in the year following September 11, and who they are to Canadians by looking at news stories. As the U.S. media and politicians' discourse of Arabs has become more confrontational, has Canada's followed suit, or are Arabs just another piece in Canada's increasingly horizontal mosaic? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Toronto-New Delhi Community-Based HIV/AIDS Project was a three-year pilot project initiated by an Indian non-governmental organization, Society for the Promotion of Youth and Masses (SPYM), and its Canadian Partner, Canada World Youth (CWY). The project, funded primarily by the Canadian International Development Agency, was intended to develop the professional skills of young Indian and Canadian health care and community development workers and to build the capacity of SPYM to integrate HIV/AIDS care and support within the existing health care system in Northern India. This paper analyses the accomplishments and limitations of the initiative as both a development education project and a program aimed at improving service delivery. It also considers the potential applicability of the model developed by this project to other bilateral HIV/AIDS initiatives. Finally, it examines the impact of the program on participants and stakeholders and considers the effectiveness of the project as an informal education initiative intended to encourage young health and development workers to consider the meaning of active global citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous debates on smuggling of migrants, transnational organized crime and on clandestine immigrants have emerged these past years through out the world. The General Assembly adopted on November 2000 The United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime and two additional protocols supplementing the above mentioned convention: The Protocol Against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air; and the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in persons Especially Women and Children. Canada ratified the three instruments in May 2002. In the aftermath of September 11th some remarkable changes have been observed in the security measures and the migratory control stakes. Since then, illicit immigration is seen as a high menace and a priority to the western governments. The measures against smuggling immigrants have never been as streaked which brings higher control at the borders. George W. Bush and his government are leaning forward a harmonization of the immigration laws and procedures, security and customs between the United States and Canada. Both nations have chosen to close all entries to illegal migrants by enforcing border control. Canada adopted on October 2001 a strategy part of the Antiterrorist Plan that will strengthen all immigration measures against the terrorism. All these changes have a negative impact on the respect of the rights of immigrants and refugees. The purpose of this paper is to analyze how Canada applied the UN Convention and its protocols. We will explore the impact of 9/11 on the Canadian legislation of immigration and also the pressures felt by Canada to conform to the measures taken to fight against illegal immigration. All trough this critical analysis we will study how the immigrants and refugees haves seen their rights and liberties diminished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Water has become a focal point for recurring tensions and conflicts the world over. With global demand for freshwater growing steadily, Canada cannot be oblivious to the fact that it holds 20% of the planet’s potable water resources. Water thus is a continental issue: by 2020, the water shortfall in the U.S. may equal its total current consumption. The sharing of continental water resources appears inevitable. Water is also a contentious domestic issue in Canada: while Ottawa opposes construction of a pipeline to carry water to the U.S., the Premier of Newfoundland has indicated that he is seriously considering marketing his province’s water. While there is little likelihood the issue will spark a full-blown conflict in North America, it may well fan political and economic tensions within the Canadian Confederation and between Canada and the U.S. Our paper takes stock of this controversy and particularly addresses the impact of the free-trade agreements on Canada’s free disposition of its water resources and the way it affects the US-Canada relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada and the United States have the most complex and extensive bilateral relationship in the world. Bilateral trade exceeds one billion dollars per day, and millions of jobs on each side of the border are dependent on cross-border trade, investment, and tourism linkages. Both nations also have federal systems, with their non-central government units being among the most active globally in international affairs. Approximately 40 U.S. states now operate 240 offices abroad, and on a proportional basis, Canadian provincial governments are even more actively involved than their counterparts in the United States. The Quebec government alone has as many employees dealing with international relations as the 50 U.S. state governments combined, and it certainly ranks as the most internationally active non-central government in the world. This paper examines provincial government policies toward the United States and state government policies toward Canada, and analyzes how these policies and activities complicate both the bilateral relationship and intergovernmental relations within the two North American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]