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The newest wave of globalization has created new challenges and exacerbated old ones for the developing world. One such predicament relates to the intensity of non-traditional security threats and the implications for sustainable development. The paper argues that although the majority of states in the international system are in the global south, the security discourse still focuses for the most part on great power politics, which often ignores the ‘security dilemmas’ faced by developing countries. To explore this problem the paper uses the case of tourism and HIV/AIDS in the Caribbean. It draws on Critical Security Studies, which seeks to conceptualize the multidimentionality of security in the contemporary era. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the Cold War, globalisation and 9/11 signify high points in the move towards greater convergence between security studies and peace studies. This cross-fertilisation is viewed as positive, since it has increased the range of voices participating in the inter-disciplinary dialogue. The paper examines the risks and benefits associated with the role feminist scholarship plays in this regard. It not only offers an alternative vision of security and power through the lens of gender, but also presents a view of global security as being representative of a whole range of experiences, including those of women. For instance, in the human security discourse a feminist analysis exposes the dangers of co-option and perceived gender neutrality. The paper thus challenges the notion that a comprehensive unified theory of security should be the ultimate goal and argues that feminist methodologies can promote responsible theory pluralism and theoretical progress in IR by making the various security discourses more reflective of their own normative assumptions and political commitments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to discuss how neutrality is reflected, and if it is relevant in contemporary theory and practice of international relations. The paper shows the links between globalisation, security, and neutrality. First, it departs from a notion that contemporary international relations are characterised by a process a globalisation. Second, it shows neutrality as a phenomenon which belongs to the realm of (also) international security, and as a concept which has rarely been reflected in international relations theory. Third, it suggests that globalisation has changed the nature of international security, as well as of neutrality. But the changes have provoked discussions with contradicting conclusions, and the relevance of neutrality in contemporary international relations has been questioned. Last, it provides a brief account of Swedish neutrality and its variations throughout history. It comes to a conclusion that neutral states still play and will play a role in the new international security setting, although perhaps a different one than in the past. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The activity of the United Nations Security Council has increased dramatically since the end of the Cold War. This is true in terms of the number of resolutions adopted, the number of peacekeeping operations deployed as well as the number of sanctions regimes introduced. The most striking increase has been in terms of the use of Chapter VII of the Charter, under which the Council can make decisions that are binding on member States. This paper takes a closer look at the use of Chapter VII from a political perspective. The paper begins with an overview of the use of Chapter VII for the period 1946-2007, and relates it to world wide conflict patterns. It illustrates the increased use of Chapter VII in the post-Cold War era, but also the distribution of Chapter VII resolutions across conflicts and issues on the Council’s agenda. Next, it considers various explanations for the developments described in the first part â€" the increased use of Chapter VII in general as well as the question of when and where Chapter VII is used. Comparisons are made with situations where the Council has chosen not to resort to Chapter VII. The paper concludes by raising a few questions about possible consequences of the extensive use of Chapter VII on, most importantly, the legitimacy and the effeciveness of the Security Council. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) has always been faced with the 'inclusion vs. exclusion' dilemma: how far should the EU's borders be stretched? According to the Treaty of Rome, any country in Europe can be considered as a potential candidate for membership in the EU. Although this criterion looks quite neat on paper, in reality the concept of 'Europe' and 'Europeanness' has become quite vague over time. Consequently, the task of translating such fuzzy concepts into meaningful foreign policy is also a difficult one. In order to sustain its status as the most successful and efficient project of regional integration the EU cannot offer membership to every country that wishes it without proper assessment of enlargement impacts. But it cannot afford to set explicit limits to EU membership either. A clear 'exclusion' policy will isolate countries that can pose a variety of economic, political and security threats to the EU.The aim of this paper is to explore recent developments of the European foreign and security policy (EFSP) in relation to third countries and to focus on the EU's European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) as an end-product of the EFSP's evolution. The ENP is, essentially, the EU's response to the 'inclusion-exclusion' dilemma: its main goal is to develop closer relations and cooperation ties with the EU neighbours but without offering them explicitly the prospect of membership. Some scholars and practitioners regard ENP's 'all but institutions' approach as the EU's newest foreign policy instrument (See Dannreuther 2006, Ferrero-Waldner 2006, Aliboni 2005). This paper attempts to explore whether this is actually so. By comparing developments in the EU's policies towards European Free Trade member countries ('EFTAs') via European Economic Area (EEA) instrument in the early 1990s, and initial EU's policies towards East European candidates for EU membership in the mid-1990s with ENP towards Ukraine, Moldova and Belarus (from 2004 and onwards), the paper suggests that the dynamics of ENP development and adaptation to external and internal structural factors is quite similar to previous EU's efforts to deal with third countries. This paper proposes that all three policies should be viewed as a combination of learning and adaptation on the part of the EU, which, in turn, was and is shaped by various path-dependency processes. Therefore, this paper aims to contribute to the section 'Post-Modern Foreign and Security Policy in the Enlarged European Union' by focusing on one of the specified dimensions of the EFSP development: the evolving nature of the EU as an international actor in view of the profound changes that currently characterise EU external relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) creates a significant security impact at the global level, through the projection of its own model (as a regional integration process) to the whole world. The Mediterranean can be regarded as the major area where the EU tries to project its own model. The Mediterranean is a significant region as it epitomizes the world with all its vulnerabilities in the face of global security challenges. It is the meeting point of various religions and the stage of intractable conflicts, socio-economic, and political grievances. Illegal immigration, illicit arms and drug trafficking as well as international terrorism are some of the challenges that face the Mediterranean. The EU has two different policy frameworks to deal with the Mediterranean: the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) and the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). Whereas the EMP represents a region-building approach, the newly designed ENP opts for a bilateral one which signals a differentiated relationship between the EU and its neighbours. This paper aims at analysing the EU's security actorness in the Mediterranean. It has two major arguments: The first one is that the EU creates a significant security impact at the global level by projecting its own model to other regions and this can be observed in the case of the Mediterranean. The second one is that when compared to the ENP, the EMP is better suited for supporting peace and stability in the Mediterranean due to its region-building approach. In the paper, the EU’s global security actorness is analysed first. Secondly, the geopolitical significance of the Mediterranean which epitomises global challenges is scrutinised. Thirdly, the EMP and the ENP are analysed comparatively, in order to reflect on their relative advantages and weaknesses in dealing with the Mediterranean. The concluding section proposes ways to enhance the EU’s global security actorness in general and the EMP in particular. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the inception of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in the 1992 Treaty on European Union (TEU), the European Union has worked very carefully to foster a specific type of foreign policy identity. It generally presents itself and is theorized as a normative force in world politics, and as such, is seen as a leader in the promotion of international peace and humanitarian issues. It has customarily placed great emphasis on international law, democracy, human rights, international institutions, and multilateralism in its foreign policy, while eschewing a foreign policy based on traditional national interests and material gain. But in an international environment that is becoming markedly more dangerous, has the EU’s foreign policy identity begun to change? In particular, has the EU exhibited signs of transforming to a more traditional foreign policy orientation; one that is geared towards ensuring the most basic of state interests: survival, security, and power? What is driving the EU to abandon this normative power identity? This paper seeks to answer these questions by examining the influence of European epistemic communities on the EU’s foreign policy making. I argue that by shifting the foreign policy discourse in Brussels towards a more martial orientation, these networks of knowledge based experts are affecting change in the foreign policy identity of the EU. Using constructivist analysis, this paper seeks to examine instances that illustrate how epistemic communities are transforming the EU’s foreign policy identity from a normative power to an identity constructed on traditional great power ideas. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent debates about international security have overwhelmingly focussed on how the content of security needs to be widened to account for the location of security in non-military settings (Weaver et al, 1998; Paris, 2001; Newman, 2001; Dunne and Wheeler, 2004). Human security has frequently been the focal point of such “securitisation” debates. For many commentators, this involves a shift in the ‘referent object’ of security away from the state to individuals and, in so doing, challenges the centrality of deeply embedded “statist” conceptions of political violence. This paper seeks to add to this debate by offering a critique of the manner in which security is commonly operationalised by foreign policy actors within so called “middle powers” with particular emphasis being placed upon Australia and Sweden. The two countries have considerable economic and military clout and their self identities are those of “good international citizens” (GIC) or so called “forces for good”. However, as the paper will demonstrate, their conceptions of what this means in the security field vary a great deal. A key argument developed here is that Middle powers should not be regarded as inherently benign forces for good, but as actors which both enable and disable certain normative agendas within the international security structure. Paying attention to the gendering of security policy within these states allows for a critical evaluation of the way in which “soft security” functions as a highly strategic narrative of foreign policy actors. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Readily available small arms and light weapons (SALW) in post-conflict environments are a destabilizing force that pose threats to delicate peace agreements and allow for incidents that can slide parties back into renewed fighting. As such the international community has typically included disarmament initiatives such as disarmament, demobilization, and re-integration (DDR) missions, development for weapons (DfW) grants, or other arms collection programs as part of broader post-conflict reconstruction missions. While these arms collection programs have had some success addressing the post-conflict supply of weapons, they have done little to address the demand for such weapons, and thus have offered at best a short term solution to the problem of SALW proliferation. Building on cases in Uganda, Kenya, the Balkans, and Brazil, this paper advances that there have been considerable successes in reducing demand for small arms as a result of local level, community based initiatives. Crucial to these successes has been the nature of security provision. Where security remains a privately supplied for good, weapons demand remains high and DDR, DfW, and other arms collection efforts meet with limited success. Conversely, if security provision within communities is more publicly provided for, weapons demand relaxes and programs aimed at addressing weapons supply concerns meet with greater success. The paper then lays out a policy prescription for future post-conflict disarmament initiatives. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Processes of globalization are seen to reduce the governance capacity of states. Against this background researchers widely discuss the opportunities and limits of governance contributions to collective goods by corporate actors. Moreover, IR- and Peace and Conflict-scholars consider corporations to be relevant actors for the provision of peace and security in zones of conflict. Concerning this, the paper investigates the security governance contributions of a corporation from the tourism sector in the first part and thereby demonstrates that corporations are able to and actually (increasingly) fulfill these expectations. Moreover, the paper argues that legitimacy becomes an important category as soon as a company exercises power and thus functions as political actor. Consequently, the paper systematically assesses the modes of corporate governance as well as the sources for legitimation in the second part. The analytical frameworks employed in the paper heavily draws on conceptual considerations from regime theory, global governance, democratic theory as well as peace and conflict studies. The empirical investigation reveals that throughput-legitimacy plays an important role regarding the legitimation of corporate governance in zones of conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My paper for presentation is a second draft (first draft was presented at BISA 2007) of the theoretical framework chapter for a longer project with the working title 'Consequentialist evaluation of security for cooperative International Society'. This project builds on my existing work where I have argued that security studies must be concerned with the consequences or effects of securitisation and desecuritisation, making a case for the existence of positive and negative securitisation and desecuritisation. Positive and negative hereby are derived from what in moral philosophy is known as a consequentialist ethic whereby an action's moral rightness is to be judged by its consequences, for security thus, the hitherto largely ignored question of securitisation for whom takes centre stage. So far, I have completed this, what I call 'consequentialist evaluation of security' for the environmental sector of security only [Floyd, Rita (2007) 'Towards a consequentialist evaluation of security: Bringing together the Copenhagen School and the Welsh School of Security Studies, Review of International Studies 33(2) & Floyd, Rita (2007) Typologies of Securitisation and Desecuritisation: The case of US environmental security 1993-2006 unpublished doctoral thesis University of Warwick]. My paper for presentation at this conference is the theoretical framework for the consequentialist evaluation of security for the remaining sectors of security, identified by the Copenhagen school of security studies as military, societal, economic and political security [Buzan, Barry et al (1998) Buzan, Barry; Waever, Ole; de Wilde, Jaap (1998) Security: A New Framework for Analysis (London: Lynne Rienner)]. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years the European Union has not only reiterated its commitment to the United Nations but has also pledged to work toward strengthening this organization. Since the early 1990s, the UN has been increasingly active in the policy area of international human security. The EU, considered by some as a driving force in the UN policy process, has presented itself as a significant actor in the promotion of concrete actions on human security issues. This paper explores the conditions under which the EU is an effective actor at the United Nations in the policy area of international human security. Using a multilevel game approach, this paper analyzes the willingness of EU actors to work collectively at the UN (internal effectiveness) and the achievements of the EU's objectives at the UN in the area of international human security (external effectiveness). Two case studies of human security negotiations are examined: 1) the fight against landmines, and 2) the illicit trade of small arms and light weapons (SALW). The case studies suggest that the position of other key UN actors regarding a potential agreement appears to influence EU Member States in achieving their objectives. In both the landmines and small arms cases, the EU failed to acquire the support of the United States but also key actors in the G-77. The paper also highlights that the use of consensus in negotiations can have an impact on the EU's effectiveness at the UN. The role of the EU presidency in coordinating the position of all EU Member States and the position of France, Germany and the United Kingdom, also appear to affect the EU's effectiveness. The paper also suggests that domestic politics can directly affect the EU's effectiveness at the United Nation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the last fifty years, the Canadian peacekeeping policy has been a true symbol of tradition and pride throughout the country. With the creation of the United Nations Blue helmets at the time of the crisis of Suez in November 1956, following an initiative having been worth the Nobel Price of peace to the Canadian Secretary of State to the External Affairs of the time, Lester B. Pearson, Canada made its participation in the peacekeeping operations a fundamental axis of its foreign policy and defense. Since then, all the White Papers on defense and all the statements on foreign policy reserved a place of choice to the Canadian participation in the peacekeeping operations, of which most recent Statement on international policy of the government of Canada published in 2005.However since the end of the Cold War, with the turning of the years 1990, the peacekeeping operations changed considerably, leading the Liberal government of Jean Chrétien to re-examine the engagement of the Canadian Forces in the peacekeeping operations during the decade in the White Paper on Defense of 1994. These new policies involved however a decline of the budgets allocated with defense and a significant reduction of the number of the soldiers within the Canadian Forces. At the end of the decade, the Canadian Forces faced the exhaustion and the erosion of their role of specialist in the peacekeeping operations. Burning defender of the multilateralism and dependent on his statute of « middle power » in the hierarchy of the powers on the scene of world affairs, Canada is confronted with a certain loss of influence on the international scene, in particular in the peacekeeping operations.The attacks of September 11, 2001 in the United States marked the beginning of the war against terrorism. The engagement of the Canadian Forces to the UN-mandated International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) of NATO in Afghanistan, and their withdrawal of Bosnia-Herzégovine then shows the limits of what Canada has to offer with regard to the international peace and security. The Publication of the Statement on International Policy, heading « A Role of Pride and Influence in the World », that was tabled in Parliament in April 2005 by the Liberal government of Paul Martin, provides an overview of Canada's role in international affairs and some of the main trends affecting its place in the world, and marks the result of a significant change in the engagement of Canada in the peacekeeping operations, in particular by a new approach of management, the « 3D approach » (Diplomacy, Defense, Development). This new policy contains a new role for Canada in the peacekeeping operations, which intends to be shown more selective and to play a part where its values and its interests are most concerned.These problems thus lead us to be questioned on the principal factors characterizing the formulation of the policy of Canada in the peacekeeping operations between 1993 and 2005, and the adoption of the 3D approach. More specifically, this research is interested mainly in the characteristics suitable for the decisional system as regards Canadian foreign policy, aiming at explaining the formulation of the policy of Canada in the peacekeeping operations under the reign of the Liberal government of Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin. Indeed, several researchers and analysts noticed that the pressures and the constraints of the external and internal environments probably constitute the most important elements to explain the nature of the decisions as regards Canadian foreign policy... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Failed states continue to occupy a prominent place in Western foreign policy as presumptive sources of threats to international peace and security. Yet scholars have acknowledged that the 'state failure' concept is a blunt analytic tool, grouping together states as diverse as Sudan, North Korea, Colombia, Haiti and Iraq. This paper first delineates characteristics of different categories of states: weak states, war-torn states and illegitimate states. It then documents how international actors tend to follow a general logic for addressing each. Although internally consistent, these three different logics contradict one another in systematic ways. Acknowledging structural variables that account for some variance in outcomes, the paper uses three case studies to illustrate the contradictions and convergences of the divergent logic of addressing weak states, war-torn states, and illegitimate states. It suggests that such categories are more useful than 'state failure' in thinking about international insecurity and organizational repertoires. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does international conflict behavior vary between democracies? A great deal of recent literature has begun to examine this question. This literature has stressed the importance of domestic institutions but a consensus has yet to be reached as to what factors account for variation in behavior. The current paper examines the international conflict behavior of parliamentary democracies from 1946-1989. The paper attempts to make two contributions to the existing literature. First, the paper separates domestic institutions into structural and partisan and argues that these two types of institutional constraints have varied impacts on conflict behavior. Structural constraints will lead to more pacific behavior whereas partisan constraints will lead to more aggressive behavior. Second, the paper develops separate indices to measure structural and partisan constraints. These indices allow for more precise measurement between countries and account for more variation than dichotomous variables. The hypotheses are tested using logit analysis with robust standard errors and on two dependent variables drawn from the MIDS dataset. The paper looks at whether the parliamentary democracy initiated the dispute, and whether force was used. The results of the analysis offer support for the basic theory laid out in the paper when looking at the two dependent variables. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants (DDR) is a comparatively new concept and practice adopted by the development and security sectors in the context of so-called ‘post-conflict recovery’ and ‘peace support operations’. As in the case of security sector/system reform (SSR), DDR emerged in conjunction with growing awareness among international donors, agencies and scholars of the linkages between insecurity and under-development in ‘transitional’ environments. It has become increasingly expansive in recent years, merging with the transitional justice agenda in ways that require critical examination. This paper develops an historical and conceptual overview of DDR in the latter decades of the twentieth century. It situates the contemporary debate on DDR â€" including the challenges of achieving sustainable ‘reintegration’, so-called ‘integrated missions’ and appropriateness and configuration of such interventions for children â€" in the broader context of post-conflict reconstruction and development. Crucially, the paper detects persistent discursive and operational ambiguities concerning the aims, benchmarks and outcomes of DDR. At the same time, it finds that approaches to DDR are ‘expanding’ in their reach and breadth, including to areas of transitional justice and human rights. The paper proceeds in three sections. First, it reflects on the conventional approaches to DDR adopted since the 1980s. It considers the orthodox definition of the concept and the varied contexts in which DDR has been pursued. The next section considers how the concept recently evolved to include more development-oriented aspirations - as well as rights-based approaches. This expansion was accompanied by a host of new challenges â€" both conceptual and operational. The final section considers the de facto practice of DDR â€" and issues a range of ‘lessons learned’ over the past few decades. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite renewed interest in international security cooperation after 9-11, security coordination between Mexico, Canada and the United States has been limited. Lack of policy coordination between these three countries is no surprise. They all have developed different security doctrines and practices that are not likely to be changed in the near future. Hence, this paper will analyze the security policies of three North American countries from the end of World War II to the September 11 attacks. Post-World War II analysis will allow me to analyze how structural conditions regarding bipolarity interacted with the domestic conditions of each country. The second period to be analyzed, pre-September 11, will illustrate how structural changes are not immediately translated into new security doctrines, at least not in the near future. Policy adaptation tends to be slow and not always progressive. This paper will be structured in five sections. The first three sections will examine each country’s security doctrines during the Cold War period, focusing on the interaction between international and domestic politics. The fourth section will compare and contrast how each country reacted differently vis-à-vis the end of the Cold War. Finally, the last section will evaluate the implications of these findings and its impact on North American security cooperation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary discourse on security has been dominated by general and sometimes even ideological considerations in which attention is paid to consequences of deepening and broadening of meaning of the term security. Critical approaches, assessment of the sense of human security or extension of the sense of security to provision of public goods are dominating the discourse on security. Only in some cases a question is being asked: What security is about?Usually security is dealt with such concepts as threat, danger, risk, vulnerability, resilience, etc. In the present discussions we can even observe replacement of the term threat with the concept of risk (“risk society”). As to make the discussion on security more relevant to the needs of policy making, it is necessary to identify attributes of security in a systemic sense. It has been already accomplished by this author in the research project of AFES-PRESS. Other members of AFES-PRESS and associated authors also have conducted research on the role of prediction in security theory, or on the role of time and space in theoretical considerations on security. Results of research have been published in a book edited by an international team of scholars under auspices of AFES-PRESS (Hexagon Series published by Springer Verlag). In the book this author has proposed a core concept of security including basic components of any discourse on security â€" threat, risk, securitization, referent object, disturbance, vulnerability, etc.Prediction and anticipation can be regarded as most important factors in any application of the utterance of security. Therefore it is necessary to study how attributes (characteristics) of the concepts used in every discourse on security can be identified and interpreted. In the contemporary considerations such terms as risk, threat, vulnerability, resilience and similar ones are more frequently applied in studies on broadened and deepened ideas of security. It is obviously not possible the define those terms unequivocally but at the same time it is not acceptable that in too many instances they are used as freely interpreted notions, almost “buzzwords”. It is thus necessary to elaborate more detailed and precise definitions of those terms along with identification of the links between their interpretations and applications in policy making.The aim of this paper is to provide a deepened interpretation of such terms as threat, risk, vulnerability, resilience and similar ones in relation to security-oriented considerations. Majority of dominant interpretations of security (widened and broadened) will be taken into account. The role of prediction and anticipation in identification of threats and vulnerabilities will be the main topic of analysis. The basic epistemological assumptions of research on the role of prediction and anticipation in analysis of risk and similar concepts will stem both from mathematical modeling, including the so-called complexity approach (complex systems approach) as well as from hermeneutical considerations. Results of the study presented in the paper will allow for better understanding of the sense of risk, threat, vulnerability and associated notions in security discourse as well as for better understanding of relations between them. I addition to theoretical significance, such a clarification will facilitate policy oriented activities and communication both for policy purposes and for social communication. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Competing perspectives on the role of the European Union (EU) as a foreign policy actor disagree on whether the EU could (and should) be a successful military conflict manager on the international security arena. Essential to the debate of whether it could be successful is the question of what would constitute success in this new sphere of EU foreign policy. Having undertaken extensive analysis of the institutional framework and policy processes of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) within it, the existing literature has yet to agree on a shared notion of success in this realm. In effect, a theoretical framework in which to evaluate the success rate of ESDP military conflict management missions has yet to be developed. This paper therefore discusses how to define and evaluate success in this area of the ESDP and provides an analytical starting point for how to determine different degrees of success in EU military conflict management according to a set of internal and external success criteria. In this way, the paper seeks to advance Foreign Policy Analysis, the study of the CFSP and the ESDP, whilst adding also an EU specific dimension to the existing theories of military intervention and conflict management. The purpose of this undertaking is to inform the current debates concerning whether, when and how the EU should engage in military conflict management beyond its own borders. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s foreign policy makers are under increasing pressure to contribute to global governance. While those responsible for Chinese foreign policy strategic thinking struggle to come to terms with the increased activities of a diverse group of Chinese actors in the international arena, they are simultaneously aware that Beijing is expected to address the challenges and crises that afflict the international order. In Washington and Brussels, China faces rising criticism both for its support for regimes that the United States and European Union shun due to human rights abuses as well as for Beijing’s aid programs “with no political strings attached” in developing countries. The European Commission specifically targeted the need for transparency in China’s aid policies in Africa in the Commission’s unusually straightforwardly worded “Communication” on China in late 2006. In Sudan, in particular, questions regarding China’s credibility as a responsible global actor have become pertinent. As China’s economic, political and military involvement in world affairs expands, other countries’ scrutiny of Beijing’s motives and actions in Africa will deepen. This paper will provide a concise overview of China’s evolving foreign policy toward Africa in recent years, focusing on the Sino-Sudan relationship, with the aim of shedding light on the drivers and constraints of Beijing’s motives and actions. The paper will then assess the implications of Beijing’s policy choices in Africa for its overall international relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to dominant foreign policy thinking fragile statehood is linked to a range of threats to international security and, therefore, requires new solutions. Whole-of-government-approaches, reiterating the necessity to act coherently with regard to these new risks, have not only become the linchpin of most development and security agendas but appear to be almost indisputable. The internationalised practices of development and security not only refer to instable or stateless regions such as Somalia or Afghanistan but produce ambiguous effects in a wide range of countries in the South perceived as being strategically important. However, the material effects of the post-9/11 securitised discourse in North-South relations for the social fabric have largely remained neglected.Our paper sets out to combine the analysis of this policy shift with regard to fragile states with an investigation of its appropriation and consequences in a particular society. Assuming that state fragility is not a new phenomenon we argue in the first part that the phenomena of state fragility and non-state forms of social domination in Africa have entered the discourse of central donors mainly as a threat to regional and international security. Drawing on an analysis of key policy documents of Western donors between 1995 and today, we show that a securitisation of Africa policies has taken place, shifting the Western emphasis to the containment of risks emanating from undergoverned spaces. In the second part it will be analysed what transformations this hegemonic discourse has undergone during its translation into national and local contexts using Kenya as a case study. Based on extended fieldwork in Nairobi as well as on an array of qualitative interviews, the paper will argue that on different levels actors have the capacity to appropriate the discourse and its practices. This will be complemented by exemplary reactions of targeted groups to current security practices. Kenya is a particularly instructive case: On the one hand, after the terrorist attacks in 1998 and 9/11, Kenya was declared an anchor state for stability in East Africa by the US and receives large scale security-related support (expertise, technology, counter-terrorism and development assistance) from Western countries. Consequently, Kenyan security agencies pursued a policy of religious and ethnic profiling against certain groups. On the other hand, the pressure of Northern governments to implement an anti-terrorism bill led to a mobilisation of significant parts of the population against the proposed legislation. The paper analyses the interplay between knowledge production, its translation into security practices and reactions to them in order to come to a more comprehensive understanding of the social life of the post-9/11 security regime. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A distinctly new type of military cooperation in non-combatant operations has emerged in recent years between the U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM) and the military establishments of Southeast Asia,* involving a wide and expanding array of joint activities defined previously** as "soft military power(SMP), a term inspired by the work of Joe Nye.The paper begins with an expanded explication of "soft military power"(MMP) and a discussion of its importance to both the U.S. and the states of Southeast Asia given the economic and eventual military rise of China in the greater East Asia region. The core of the paper focuses on two questions. First, how can we assess the impact of America's SMP initiatives on Southeast Asian regional security cooperation. The paper attempts to operationalize measures which go beyond a simple description of state-to-state or region-wide military interaction. These measures focus on the emergence of a "regional security community mindset" among regional militaries.(Officer surveys are not incorporated into this project at this point.) The second question asks if there is an identifyable link between U.S. SMP initiatives and any observable increases in Southeast Asian regional security cooperation. Conclusions drawn from the available data are used to evaluate (a) the significance of PACOM's SMP initiatives in terms of the U.S. Asia-Pacific strategy, and (b) to augment the theoretical discussions on the potential for increasing security cooperation. In this case, the role of an outside major power, may be a primary mover in increasing regional security cooperation, something regional actors have been unable to do on their own. Data for this paper is being assembled with the cooperation of PACOM in Honnolulu. Background information is taken from personal interviews with PACOM officials in Honolulu, June 2005, and from interviews with three retired U.S. Combatant Commanders including Admiral Dennis Blair, former CIC at PACOM.-------*This cooperation extends to some thirty-five Asia-Pacific states. The author's expertise and accumulated research dictates the focus on Southeast Asia.**Enhancing Regional Security in Southeast Asia: The Role of America's Soft Mmiilitary Power" presented at the 2007 ISA Annual Meeting, Chicago, Illinois, March 2007. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper conceptualises security as a (meta)discourse of violence that masks violence in the name of counter-violence, killing in the name of protection. As the case of Hindutva in India illustrates, violence against minorities is normalised in the name of personal, communal, national and even international security. The will to secure the Self has as its corollary the will to insecure the Other, the desire to control and use violence. Using the example of anti-Muslim violence in Gujarat in 2002, the paper examines some of the ways in which a stereotypical image of Muslim men (the figure of 'The Muslim') is seen as constituting the danger against which the Hindu body politic needs to be secured. The violence against minority Muslims is facilitated and justified in the name of achieving security for the Hindu Self at individual, community, national as well as international levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the impact of the latest EU enlargement on Union actorness on the international scene. In a straightforward manner, actorness is seen as a function of capacity and cohesiveness. The paper challenges the widespread view that EU enlargement dilutes both the capacity and cohesiveness of the Union. It does so by regarding the answer as dependent on the outcome of three questions: what international environment will an enlarged Union be facing? What external policies will an enlarged Union pursue? What kind of entity will the Union constitute in world politics as a result of those actions? The tentative answer is that the higher number of members is far less detrimental for capacity than commonly expected, considering new security threats, the changed significance of geography and geopolitics, the assets brought in by new members, along with the dual role/identity of the Union as both a global network player and a more traditional actor. Thus, whereas cohesiveness may indeed be weakened due to the growing complexity of co-ordination and synchronization, overall actorness is unlikely to be undermined. The paper ends by elucidating implications of this intricate equation as regards the interplay between the EU and other world players, in the form of four scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rising anti-Americanism in the winter of 2002 despite the increasing security threats from North Korea, has led some to call the situation a crisis in the ROK-U.S. alliance. However, the opinion polls from June 2003 and February 2004 show that anti- Americanism in South Korea has substantially waned. The main aim of this paper is to examine whether the recent wave of anti-Americanism has the content and intensity to threaten the legitimacy of the ROK-U.S. alliance. By analyzing the changes in public attitude and perception towards the U.S. over the past two years based on three survey data, this paper argues that anti-Americanism in South Korea has not posed any real threat to the alliance. However, the polarized public opinion towards the U.S. remains a potentially serious threat to the future of the ROK-U.S. alliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The state monopoly on the legitimate use of violence has been at the heart of the development of security as a collective good. Not only has it institutionalized the state as the prime national and international security provider, it has also helped to reduce the threat from other actors which are either prohibited from the use of violence or limited in doing so. Recent developments appear to undermine this role. Not only are private security firms proliferating at the national level, but also are mercenaries and private military companies making a comeback in international conflicts ranging from Sierra Leone to Iraq. This paper seeks to provide a theoretical examination of the implications of the growing role of the market in the provision of security by discussing how the commodification of security affects both the concept and level of security in contemporary society. To do so, the paper is structured in four parts. The first part examines the debate over the concept of security; the second part discusses the theory of collective goods and how it applies to security; the third part analyses the characteristics of the market and what it means for the concept and provision of security; and the fourth part discusses the future of security as a collective good. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nation building, ideas of security, and practices of violence are constructed upon the subjective formations of individuals, a collective social imaginary of the self and a notion of the perceived "other"; this process depends heavily on the production of unequal power relations within the multiple locations of race, gender, sexuality, culture and class. Historically, the discursive formation of the "other" plays a key role in western knowledge frameworks and military practices that produce both epistemic and material violence upon particular bodies. This paper analyzes political and feminist theory in an attempt to address the normalization of violence within these theories, that then contributes to ideas of the US state and its foreign relations. The "protecting" and "civilizing" bodies of the US produce terror and violence upon the bodies of 'those in need' of so called protection. It is this contradiction that is often silenced and normalized under the rubric of inter/national security interests and feminist IR. This paper questions the violence within the theories and practices of international security in an attempt to push the boundaries of International Relations to acknowledge these contradictions and seek less violent frameworks of knowledge production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are there relevant lessons from the Nunn Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction case that can inform counterproliferation policy versus the nuclear weapons threats presented by North Korea? During the 1990s, there were various attempts by the Clinton Administration to innovate in national security policymaking. Innovations were attempted in peace operations, the interagency process, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Were the 1990s Clinton policy leadership efforts in stopping the threats of WMD proliferation in North Korea, India, Pakistan, Iran and Iraq all policy failures that could have been prevented? Could more effective Clinton Administration policy leadership have made US counterproliferation efforts more successful? This paper focuses on the Clinton Administration's Counterproliferation Policy Initiative in the development and implementation of the Nunn Lugar programs for Cooperative Threat Reduction with Russia and the Former Soviet Republics. This case study uses institutionalist theory to explore using a cooperative strategy approach for building a counterproliferation regime in Northeast Asia. The analytical framework includes an examination of the Nunn Lugar, or Cooperative Threat Reduction Programs, from policy relevance and instrumental relevance perspectives. Overall, this paper's findings suggest the significance of institution and organization-building approaches for improving counterproliferation policymaking. The option suggested here is to nurture a small group of like-minded states and statesmen (the six parties), focused around one specific functional area (counterproliferation), to build effective rules, organizations and enforcement mechanisms for developing an effective Northeast Asian security regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will address the issue of change in international institutions and governance brought about by the global war on terrorism. It will apply the concept of new multilateralism as an analytical tool in order to map out an emerging qualitatively different approach to international organization. New multilateralism is most obvious and pronounced in Europe whose regional order traditionally has been highly institutionalized. European regional integration unfolding within the institutional domain of EU Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) will serve as a critical case study of the trend towards the establishment of new patterns of governance in the international system. The argument will proceed in the following way. First, the concept of new multilateralism will be discussed in reference to John Ruggie’s original definition of multilateralism as a generic principled institutional form in international life. Second, the paper will explore recent developments in the foreign policy domain of the European Union as an institutionalized intergovernmental political process. It will address the trend towards flexible forms of commitment and participation under the CFSP mechanism as an instance of the new multilateralism in international relations. The new multilateralism of the post-9/11 period, this paper will argue, continues the historical tradition of classical multilateralism by reflecting (in Ruggie’s words) American hegemony rather than American hegemony and by revealing the adaptive and reproductive capacities of international institutions. Similarly to classical multilateralism, it does not necessarily generate formal organizations but continues to respond to a demand for institutionalization of relations in the international system. In contrast to classical multilateralism, new multilateralism is based on a network of bilateral arrangements. In the spirit of multilateralism, it evokes a principled code of conduct, however, outside existing international institutions: it creates coalitions of the willing. New multilateralism is bilateral in approach and multilateral in cooperative action and outcomes. Thus, it accelerates transformation rather than stabilize international relations (which classical multilateralism did). It substitutes governance outcomes resulting from the existing universalist multi-purpose international institutions by single-purpose short-term arrangements in a variable geometry of participating countries. Without substantively changing the standards of international organization, new multilateralism reverses the attained level and patterns of complicated multilateral diplomacy. It is based on straightforward means-ends bilateral relationships resulting in flexible multilateral coalitions. Coalitions of the willing are increasingly being established as a multilateral response to international threats. They have become a source of governance in the international system. From the perspective of European regional integration, the continued institutionalization of a possibility for enhanced foreign policy and defense cooperation under CFSP, in parallel to the consolidation of strategic bilateral relationships and participation in ad hoc international coalitions, exemplifies a new pattern of regional relations produced by new multilateralism. The Convention on the Future of Europe reflects and reinforces that trend by creating new opportunities for variable-geometry coalitions within an otherwise highly structured institutional mechanism. This example indicates that the nature of European and with it, international, governance is changing. Regions no longer represent a formally institutionalized geopolitical environment. They are becoming increasingly defined in terms of threats, vulnerabilities, and capacities for response by flexible ad hoc security arrangements. The paper will conclude that the coalitions of the willing have emerged as a new multilateral source of authority and legitimacy in the international system beyond international organizations. Arguably, this change in the pattern of international governance is essentially deeper than the nature and scope of institutional change brought about by the end of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically engages with recent efforts to frame the global AIDS pandemic not just as a health and development issue, but also as an international security issue. The paper demonstrates that such political activism, contrary to the beliefs of many of its advocates, is not merely a ?progressive? attempt to transcend the limits of the narrow international security agenda revolving around the deployment of organized armed force; it is also an activity part and parcel of a new biopolitical economy of power that emerged in Europe at the end of the eighteenth century around the government of ?life?, and which is currently being spread globally in the name of HIV/AIDS. The paper then raises the question of whether this biopolitical dimension to the securitization of AIDS renders the latter a futile strategy for resisting the global marginalization of HIV/AIDS, in that it only further entangles the worst affected countries in a complex set of biopolitical power relations that civil society and grass-roots activists, in turn, would do best to actively resist. The paper?s overall argument is that the biopolitical nature of the securitization of AIDS risks bringing new normalizing and racist social practices into play, but that these ethical dangers must not necessarily lead grass roots activists to completely reject the ongoing securitization of AIDS. Rather, the key question that emerges from a biopolitical analysis of the securitization of AIDS is how the latter can be advanced in a manner that minimizes these ethical dangers, suggestions for which are explored in the paper?s conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper advances and tests hypotheses that link state behavior to domestic and international factors. The intervening link is worldviews, the dominant (for purposes of this conference, one could say hegemonic) mode of thought by the national leadership. This paper suggests that a relatively benign international environment and a pattern of domestic coalition rule will lead to the rise of leaders who are prone to view the world as more cooperative, believing states primarily seek security. Leaders with such a worldview are in turn more likely to support multilateral regimes and peace operations. A more hostile international environment and a pattern of domestic unitary rule will lead to the rise of leaders who are prone to view the world as less cooperative, believing states primarily seek power. Leaders with such a worldview are in turn less likely to support multilateral regimes or peace operations. Following the approach used in the early days of democratic peace theory, this paper sets aside the process by which worldviews shape that relationship. Before investing in the hard work of process tracing, this paper tests whether or not there is a correlation between two independent variables (the level of competition in government and the hostility of the international environment) and the two dependent variables of support for multilateral regimes and for international peace operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of international political economy in East Asia usually breaks down to a contest between two theoretical interpretations of state action: liberalism vs. realism. Many scholars of East Asia take a traditional liberal approach to the region, arguing that economic interaction and mutual economic self-interest will have a pacifying and unifying effect on the region. Critics of this approach adopt a traditional realist perspective and argue that security concerns, territorial disputes and competition for power and influence limits the extent to which economic interaction can affect the political economy of East Asia. This paper will argue that both approaches touch on critical truths about East Asia, but both fail to place the development of the regional political economy into the appropriate social context. Understanding the political economy of the region requires articulating and understanding the social relationships and normative structures that define regional interaction. The most important factor affecting inter-state relationships in East Asia is the need to develop viable and stable states. This imperative affects how state elites define their relationships with other states, and determines if ostensibly realist or liberal considerations carry greater weight in shaping a state’s economic policies. This paper will apply a constructivist analysis to the study of the East Asian political economy. It will draw on the work or Joel Migdal, Peter Dauvergne and others in assessing how the issue of state capacity affects state interests and actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper builds on the paper Disarmament, Arms Control, Nonproliferation, and Couterproliferation: In Search of Synergy and Policy Coherence that was presented at the combined International Security Studies Section, ISA, and National Security and Arms Control Section, APSA, meeting at Richmond, VA in October 2002. That initial paper examined the development of the four title policy elements against the emerging international security environment as a foundation from which to examine US Government internal policy, process, and organizational factors for arms control as a policy arena. The follow-on paper proposed here would depart from the same conceptual and process development, but it would examine the external position, emphasis, and priority of the four title elements in US external foreign and security policy and its implementation. The focus here will be on analyzing and critiquing the shift from, for example, nonproliferation to counterproliferation, and from relatively more collective approaches to arms control policy to a more unilateral emphasis. A preliminary outline would be something like the following: Policy Evolution (place, role, and priority in US policy) Disarmament and Arms Control Nonproliferation and Counterproliferation; Bush Administration Policy and Rationale No Place for Disarmament, An end to Arms Control Counterproliferation first, Nonproliferation in a Supporting Role; Policy Relevance and Recommendations; Nuclear Arms Control, Nonproliferation, and Counterproliferation CBW Arms Control, Nonproliferation, and Counterproliferation Conventional and Emerging Arms Control Arenas; Crafting and Implementing a Coherent and Synergistic Approach to Arms Control [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The absence of a common and operational security strategy has been viewed a critical weakness of the European Union as an international actor. This is true in particular when the Union is faced with political and military issues and conflicts where its wide array of non-military instruments may prove insufficient or irrelevant, indicating that the Union is lacking not only in the clarity of its goals but also in the efficiency of its means. A comparison on both accounts is most often made with the United States. Not unexpectedly, in the aftermath of its most recent debacle in the Iraq crisis, the Union has formulated its first common security strategy (European Security Strategy, 2003). The paper reviews the ideational, institutional and structural factors that determine the culture, function and power of the Union as a strategic actor. More closely, the paper assesses the construction of strategy and the determinants of strategic behaviour, and the consequent growth of EU actorness. The convergence of strategic cultures among the members, the institutional capability of the Union as the basis of its functional position, and its power to affect the structure of the international order provide elements in the emergence of strategy. In the context of strategic behaviour, the paper looks at the management by the Union of the strategic triangle of idealism, functionalism and realism as guidelines for action. In dealing with the strategic responses of the European Union to the hegemony or pre-eminence of the United States, the paper notes their differing approaches to the relationship between Hobbesian, Lockean and Kantian strategic cultures as the basis for international change. The strategic policy of the Union, based on its institutional strengths in soft power complemented with nascent hard power, is outlined as the combination of engaging the United States in binding multilateralism and pursuing equal partnership in global issues, consequently providing a restrained U.S. power with legitimacy. How the United States will respond to the transformation of power in international security remains a complex and open issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

NOTE: The paper has been retitled, "Is a Broader NATO a More Secure NATO? The Impact of Enlargement on Military Effectiveness. The purpose of this paper is to examine how enlargement, a distinctly political process motivated by a compelling political logic, impacts the two military roles of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO): collective defense and collective security. Does an enlarged NATO advance or impede these dual missions? Drawing on evidence and logic from the two most recent rounds of enlargement, the paper finds a broader NATO is not a more secure NATO, if security is defined in military terms. Whether this trend can be reversed rests largely on the NATO leaders and member states that to this point have enthusiastically embraced the enlargement process. The paper concludes with suggestions for making NATO a militarily effective as well as a politically significant organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are women’s bodies constructed as the sites of state politics? What are the gendered discursive formations of liberation and protection? Why is international security discourse, promoted by the US, focused on women’s freedom as a justification for military intervention? Nation building, security and war practices are constructed upon the subjective formations of individuals and a collective social imaginary of the self and the perceived other. Historically, the discursive formation of the other plays a key role in US foreign policy and military interventions. By interrogating the power dynamics of gender, race, class, culture and sexuality, this paper critiques national and international security theories and policies to show how the US produces terror within the other as a way to perpetuate its security discourse of military intervention as protection and liberation. This paper purports the idea of the US liberating others in an attempt to protect its own historic subjective formation of nation as white male landowner. This paper pushes the boundaries of security studies to analyze the gendered relationships between people and a nation and the resistance and compliance that exist within these discourses and actual practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on explaining how alliance security dilemma worked between the United States and South Korea in their approach toward North Korea since the 1990s. I so doing, I develop a model that combines Glenn Snyder’s alliance model and Domestic Politics. Although Snyder’s theory of alliance security dilemma (entrapment & abandonment) is one of the most useful theories on alliance, it does not satisfactorily explain the dynamics of the dilemma that the US and ROK experience since the end of the Cold War. This is because, I argue, how an ally (South Korea) experiences fear of abandonment or entrapment by its partner (US) differs based on its policy preference, which is determined by the ally’s leadership. For instance, Kim Dae-jung did not feel fear of abandonment by Clinton’s North Korea policy because it served his sunshine policy, whereas he felt strong fear of entrapment by Bush’s hawkish North Korea policy. On the other hand, Kim Yong-san felt strong fear of abandonment when Clinton Admin. pursued engagement policy toward North Korea because the Kim gov’t was pursuing hawkish North Korean policy. After presenting the theory that combines Snyder’s and Putnam’s models, I use it to explain how the US and South Korean policies toward North Korea sometimes worsen their alliance security dilemma, while sometimes mitigated the dilemma In so doing, I divide the period of investigation into the following: 1) 1st Clinton-Kim Yong-san period during the NPT crisis (ROK felt both entrapment & abandonment by the US) 2) 2nd Clinton-Kim Yong-san period (ROK feared abandonment by US) 3) 1st Clinton-Kim Dae-jung period before the Perry Review (no clear policy initiative, tention with North Korea rose) 4) 2nd Clinton-Kim Dae-jung period after the Perry Review (policy coordination worked, ROK’s fear of abandonment by the US reduced) 5)Bush-Kim Dae-jung period (ROK’s fear of entrapment magnified). This paper fits into panels on alliance, IR theory focused on interaction effects, foreign policy analysis, northeast Asian security, etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the current state and future prospects of nuclear arms control. It does so within the context of the current unipolar security environment. Among the questions this paper will consider: Is nuclear arms control possible with a hegemon? With this hegemon? What are the prospects for significant nuclear arms control in the current security environment? Does the framework for analysis match that for conventional arms control? If not, what are core differences in the analytic framework? This paper will also evaluate some potential risks of the current nuclear arms control environment, including political, economic, and military factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to analyze possible scenarios for the next U.S. target in the Middle East. The neoconservative hawks, both inside and outside of the Bush administration, have drafted grandiose plans to redraw the geostrategic map of the Middle East in order to establish Washington’s long-term hegemony in the region. As Michael Ledeen, a former U.S. national security officials and a principal strategist of the neoconservative movement stated: I think we’re going to be obliged to fight a regional war [in the Middle East], whether we want to or not,... It may turn out to be a war to remake the world. According to Richard Perle, a membver of the Pentagon’s highly influential Defense Advisory Board, the war against Iraq and the subsequent regime change in Baghdad will have a domino effect on the rest of the region and will carry a clear message to Irqan, Syria and several other states in the region. In Perle’s words: We could deliver a short message, a two-word message: ‘You’re next.’ The Bush administration’s new national security strategy of preemptive strikes has heightened fear among the next possible U.S. targets, especially in Iran. By de-emphasizing deterrence and multilaqteral diplomacy in favor of preemptive measures, Bush’s nuclear doctrine in effect rejects the fundamental premise of several major arms control measures, including that of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. The conclusion of this paper is that the Bush administration’s assertive Middle East policy with its emphasis on regime change and axis of evil will have long-term negative consequences for the stability of the region and global peace and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the demographic representations of threats in the post Cold War security context. Fears of differential fertility between regions, countries and ethnic groups have long been a focus of U.S. national security interests. Today, these fears center on differences in population growth rates between Israeli Jews and Palestinians, Hindus and Muslims in South Asia, and more generally Islamic countries and the West. Youth bulge theories predict that a high proportion of young males within a country predisposes it toward political violence. In the current war on terror defense and intelligence strategists are pointing toward youth bulges as an instigator of violence, especially in the Middle East. The paper also examines the gendered nature of these strategic doctrines as well as their integration into other international and domestic security models, e.g. environmental conflict theory, the superpredator explanation of juvenile crime, and racial profiling. It analyzes their relationship to migration issues and changing demographic realities such as mortality from the AIDS pandemic, slowing of population growth worldwide, and the gray dawn of population aging in the West. Are there subtle differences in the understanding and articulation of these threats among different political interests, e.g. conservative unilateralists and liberal multilateralists? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflict and cooperation over water have long been issues of curiosity for scholars and practitioners interested in international security and peace. Conflict arises not only because water respects no political boundaries but also because no clear and accepted international principle of water rights and water sharing exists. States must therefore resort to negotiations. To date, analysis of negotiations over water has largely been limited to case studies. The theme of the paper is to depart from this case study approach and to see whether there are common characteristics that link these negotiated outcomes. The study of conflict and cooperation over water is unique in that of all the transboundary environmental problems, similar water problems occur throughout the world. There are over 200 international river basins, 178 of which are shared by two states. To be sure each basin and the associated problems are unique in the details. However, many are similar enough that the outcomes associated with them can be compared. The paper is primarily concerned with the nature of the conflict that arises, and the treaty remedies used for resolving the conflict. Only bilateral agreements are analyzed?focusing on rivers or lakes shared solely by two states. Specifically, the cost-sharing regime, relative to the projects agreed upon in the treaty, is investigated. The paper argues that overall patterns in international water treaties, in general, and the cost-sharing regime, in particular, can be attributed to differences in the geography of a river (or lake) and the location of the states vis-à-vis the river (or lake), the differences in relative income between the states, the relations between them and the type of project agreed upon. These findings may shed light on the direction states will choose to negotiate their water disputes in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the revival of security assistance within the mix of US development/military aid. The latter has been on the decline since the Cold War, in line with the normative expectations of the OECD-ODA regime, but has returned as a central element of the US war on terrorism. The focus is on front-line states in the conflict, and the volumes of US assistance are large. Paradoxically, this may push up the US aid/GNP ratio that had fallen to the lowest level among OECD donors. The paper would review the determinants and distribution patterns of US security assistance, the linkages between security and development assistance, and the correlates of both to recipient pc-gnp, lifexp, regime type, bilateral trade, and other variables. A more general discussion would examine the normative questions within the aid regime regarding military aid, and the utility of such aid in projecting U.S. influence in front-line regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there has been some aggregate quantitative work on arms races and rivalry, this paper analyzes the space race between the US and the USSR as an in-depth quantitative case study of interstate competition. During the height of the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union engaged in a struggle to ensure dominance over the potentially final strategic frontier ? space. Here we test the popular notion that after the launch of the first Sputnik the Soviet Union and the U.S. engaged in a race to space, following previous patterns of arms races between the two major power rivals. Placing the analysis into the expanding rivalry literature, this paper employs a time-series analysis of the unfolding space rivalry between the two major power competitors. Using newly collected data on satellite and rocket launches into space, as well as presidential approval, conflict/cooperation scales, and economic indicators, we are able to illustrate the dynamic interaction between domestic and international competition. Specifically, applying VAR techniques to the data allows for the testing of various hypotheses related to reciprocity, deterrence, and two-level models of interstate interaction. The results show that the space race was fueled in large part by domestic considerations, rather than true security concerns. Increased Soviet conflict did not increase the likelihood of US launches, as one might expect. Instead, US launches followed dips in presidential approval. Historical documents and secondary sources further support the importance of domestic politics, although not to the exclusion of international variables. In total, the findings support a two-level logic for rivalry maintenance, whereby increased competition from an enemy is inflated by domestic rhetoric and inflames further competition in the future. We conclude, that far from resembling an escalating arms race pattern, the space to race was characterized by the different strategic and domestic goals of the two rivals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the heart of Critical Security Studies (CSS) is a commitment to promoting emancipation. The argument of the paper is that, for that commitment to emancipation to be effective, CSS scholars must develop a deeper understanding of the ways in which academic professional training can undermine that commitment and must develop strategies so that they can succeed in academia while protecting that commitment. The paper sets its discussion of IR academic training in the context of the broader literature on the politics of professional training, in particular Jeff Schmidt’s ‘Disciplined Minds’: the primary function of academic professional training is not the inculcation of neutral skills but ideological discipline. The paper duscusses the extent of the success of CSS, peace studies and internet networks such as ZNet and NASPIR in preserving a commitment to emancipatory politics within IR academia. It concludes by arguing that there is a potential for a second wave of CSS characterised by a more effective approach to academic disciplinary politics; coalition building with other critical scholars who do not categorise themselves in terms of CSS; and greater engagement with those already engaged in emancipatory political practice [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract of ISA 2004 Paper Gender and U.S.-Japan Relations The goal of this paper is to examine U.S.-Japan security arrangements with a gender perspective. After WWII, the governments of the United States and Japan concluded a security treaty, primarily to defend Japan from communist threats. It was meant to be a provisional agreement to complement the United Nations, which was dysfunctional due to the rise of Soviet-U.S. confrontation. Now that the Cold War is over, the rationale of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty demands a change in Japan’s security policy toward a more U.N.-centered approach. However, events after the collapse of the Soviet Union, such as the Gulf War and the wars against Afghanistan and Iraq, have shown that the Japanese government is determined to uphold the U.S.-Japan security arrangement. The stated reason: the threat from North Korea. This paper, however, tries to demonstrate that beyond the perceived threat from North Korea, Japanese understanding of masculinities shared by leading politicians shape their worldviews and thus lead to the construction of Japan’s defense policy that assumes that the military alliance with the U.S. is the only option for Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to capture the dynamics of contesting security in Southeast Asia and examines how state and non-state actors have responded to the changing nature of its security environment. The paper argues that in spite of structural constraints and problems with conceptual clarity, human security is finding a place in the regional security discourses. Albeit found along the margins of subaltern security discourses, human security is the concept that embodies the security concerns of societies and where the most vulnerable can rearticulate their security in their own terms, without being excluded and alienated. Civil society organizations have been pivotal in framing human security through their transnational linkages and work in human rights and development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In February 2002, the American President George Bush called upon the United States to a monumental struggle of good versus evil, specifying where security challenges in the new millennium will come from. The definition of what constitutes a security risk has changed in the post-Cold war era as illustrated by the September 11 2001 attacks to the USA. These new threats to security opened a road towards a dividing the world along new demarcation lines in the 21st century. In this highly turbulent security environment, Turkey is faced with the task of redefining its place in the international balance of power system and reformulating its foreign policy in response to both changes in the international institutions and threats to global security. This paper first identifies the new security challenges to Turkey’s foreign policy making in line with the reformulation of security risks and institutions; while doing so it points out to the diverging preferences of Turkey’s foreign policy partners-namely NATO’s European members and the USA. A major reference point for the reformulation of the international system is with regards to Turkey’s relations with the USA especially in the aftermath of the Iraqi war in 2003. The War in Iraq in 2003 also signalled some transformation at the international system and a crisis erupted between Turkey and the USA over the implications of the Iraqi War. This paper will analyze these implications and evaluate the changing nature of Turkish-USA relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a post-September 11th world where the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) may be impossible to contain and one war to prevent WMD acquisition has already occurred in Iraq, it is critical for academics and policy-makers alike to develop a more nuanced understanding of how the proliferation of WMD has and could change international security. This paper will investigate how the acquisition of chemical, biological, and/or nuclear weapons by state and non-state actors influences their decision-making, the behavior of other states, and the overall international security environment. The study of WMD proliferation accesses a number of key issues at the intersection of international relations, including the nature of power and US hegemony, the role of technology in shaping state behavior, spillover between security and non-security issues, and the relationship between domestic political decision-making and international security. Unfortunately, the vast majority of research on WMD proliferation within the international relations community deals with the causes of nuclear proliferation; the consequences of proliferation are only rarely considered and usually in the context of the Cold War or as a secondary variable when analyzing great power behavior (Russett and Huth 1984; Betts 1987; Huth 1988; Huth 1990; Geller 1990; Huth, Bennett, and Gelpi 1992). Outside of some case studies and policy analysis work, nuclear proliferation by smaller powers, the impact of chemical and biological weapons proliferation, and WMD acquisition by non-state actors have been relatively ignored by the academic international relations discipline. This paper will uniquely enhance disciplinary knowledge of the changing nature of the international security environment by utilizing in-depth case research, including primary source documents, and statistical analysis to test the varying consequences of WMD acquisition. The statistical analysis will employ a newly developed dataset that codes for all state actors that have attained chemical, biological, and/or nuclear weapons capabilities throughout history. Tests will be conducted using a multiple stage regression model that incorporates multi-causal explanations for different types of behavior. The results will empirically demonstrate the impact of WMD proliferation on international security in the past and shed light on how the US and other states are likely to handle these issues in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will focus on Mid-Atlantic EU Simulation Consortium (MEUSC) experiences using the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) as the simulation focus in its 2001 simulation program. One of MEUSC’s persistent themes has been to engage students in EU issues and debates that are both topical and current in actual EU decision making circles. CFSP, with a special focus on terrorism, proved to be most effective in that regard during 2001 MEUSC simulation; this simulation was also especially daunting precisely because of the combination of timing and topic. This paper, therefore, will examine the range of challenges faced by MEUSC participants at several key points, and especially by the MEUSC student Commission in its formulation of the 2001simulation resolution. Students and faculty alike were immediately forced to confront the massive amount of work that EU decision makers had undertaken in the wake of the September 11th attacks. MEUSC’s experiential learning program endeavors to connect American students and faculty to EU policy makers and policy making in a unique way, using the simulation experience to help bridge the gap between the academic and the practical. The challenges that MEUSC participants had to overcome in preparation for the 2001simulation in many respects mirrored the cooperation and conflict that is often part of EU decision making, and certainly the reality of the EU policy process in the aftermath of September 11. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the most effective ways of heightening the public and media salience of human rights issues in an era when security concerns habitually are granted top billing? In this paper, I examine one way that international human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) attempt to mobilize public opinion in democratic societies. Such NGOs attempt to draw attention to human rights abuses abroad in order to increase the salience of such issues to the voting public in such a way that electoral pressures can be brought to bear on the leadership of democratic major power states ? states that may have the ability to influence human rights abroad. Related research has demonstrated that domestic politics can influence the extent to which donor states incorporate human rights into their foreign aid policy.In recent years, one of the ways that NGOs have most successfully drawn public attention to human rights abuses has been to enlist the help of celebrity spokespersons. These high-profile representatives by definition command a degree of media coverage and public attention that rivals not only those of NGO heads but also of most elected political leaders. Recent examples of human rights-related NGOs whose campaigns have received substantially higher levels of coverage following celebrity endorsement include the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, Amnesty International, and Drop the Debt. Using both quantitative and qualitative content analysis of media coverage and public opinion regarding of these and other NGO campaigns over the last ten years, I examine the effectiveness of celebrity endorsement as a tool that NGOs can wield in their battles for influence over public opinion and elected officials. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]