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As a North-South phenomenon that involves claims of citizenship and sustains significant economic networks through migration patterns, the "mail-order brides" industry counts more than 3,000 agencies worldwide. It can be defined as 1) being based on introducing men and women from different countries through agencies specialized in placing personal ads about potential wives in catalogues or on the Internet; 2) making profit out of such introduction services; and 3) aiming at creating an intercultural marriage, with the objective of enabling the woman to immigrate. In this exploratory paper, I argue that "mail-order brides" are part of a security governance of migration. Relying on Foucault's concept of governmentality and Deleuze and Guattari's politics of desire, I develop the idea that security anxieties about this largely unregulated lucrative industry stem not so much out of concern for the freedom of the women being involved, but from the fear that it signals a "privatization of citizenship," namely the uncontrolled sale of marriage for immigration and citizenship benefits. Rather than following a real transnational "free market of love," the mail-order brides industry plays on various desires directly intertwined with globalisation flows and imaginings about the nation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An enduring pressure for U.S. foreign policy makers has been upholding and promoting the values of the United States while often necessarily working with dictators and authoritarian regimes for national security concerns. This paper examines the ways in w ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After a decade and a half of human security as ambition, is it any more imminent on the continent of Africa than at the end of bipolarity? This paper reviews definitions of, and debates around human security as advocacy, policy, ideology and theology with ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Torturefest and the Passage to Pedagogy of Tortured Pasts," in Francois Debrix and Mark Lacy, eds., The Geopolitics of US Insecurity (Routledge, 2008). This paper analyzes the significance of several new works of popular culture, including plays, films, art exhibits and television programs, that directly or indirectly address controversies over the practice of torture in the US-led war on terrorism. Every work, including prominent feature films, is connected to educational efforts such as symposia, community forums or curricula designed for high schools and universities. Because the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan have not ended, such a "torturefest" raises significant educational questions, not just over how the war on terrorism will be taught in schools, but also over the use of popular culture as a purposeful intervention in present-day thinking about the current wars. It would be naïve to hope that such works of visual culture could "solve" the question of torture, but their very act of dissension itself raises another question of how a record of public non-consent can survive against the many circumstances of public life that favor forgetting that any debate ever existed at all. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women often become the symbols of tradition, religion and the 'nation'. As people and groups migrate, many immigrants become involved in processes of homesteading practices as a way to create security in novel contexts. This often means securing the boundaries around the group by clearly defining the content of the group’s traditions, thus resulting in the emergence of parallel societies in multicultural contexts. This paper is concerned with the role of women in this process. In particular I discuss how ethical issues of (m)otherhood emerge as women become the guardians of specific cultures, traditions and/or religion and how this is likely to reduce women’s ability to act as subjects in their new context, thus increasing their structural and psychological marginalization. Of importance is to discuss how these issues can be dealt with in multicultural societies. Examples are provided from Swedish and Danish contexts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women are both victims of war and agents of peace as recognized by the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) on 'Women, Peace and Security' (2000). This paper has three aims. First, it offers a brief critical analysis of the broadening of security studies to encompass human security.Second, it gives a short outline of different ways that feminist scholars understand security, explaining the rationale for the gendering of human security. Third, I maintain that human security is a peacebuilding tool and offer reasons why it has particular appeal for feminists. By tool, I mean it provides an emancipatory framework within which to judge whether concrete goals further just peace with security. I suggest that feminist ethics affords an analytic tool through which to understand our responsibilities for human welfare by practicing political compassion. I assess the applicability of this tool in terms of UNSCR 1325. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the end of the Cold War how the international community views the relationship between development and security was fundamentally transformed. Security and development came to be seen as inter-related and mutually reinforcing. Civil wars afflicted primarily poor countries, leaving these fragile states even poorer and less politically stable and thus at greater risk of civil war reoccurrence. Long term security and stability thus required generating sustainable economic growth and the UN and other international donors began devoting significant resources to post-conflict reconstruction efforts. The September 11, 2001 attacks, further redefined how the international community viewed this relationship. Conflict was no longer seen as a problem of the the developing world. The attacks brought violence directly into the safe and comfortable “zone of peace” of the advanced post-industrial democracies. The newly dominant discourse of mutual vulnerability suggests that the failed states of the Global South and the conflicts ravaging them pose a danger to the global community by spreading the virus of disorder. With the initiation of the “war on terror” this crucial connection between security and development came to dominate the policy agenda of international donors and especially the United States. With the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, military personnel became involved in work that previously was the purview of development and humanitarian agencies.This paper examines the evolution of the linkage between development and security within the international donor community and how the changing understanding of this linkage has affected development assistance programs. In particular it analyzes the consequences of the recent blurring of the lines between security and development assistance by examining the Afghanistan experience. It argues that although the line between development and security may be blurry, the mechanisms for providing for both should not be. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While significant research has been done on the causes of nuclear weapons proliferation and on the theory and practice of preventive and preemptive war, little has been done to link these islands of literature. A number of policy makers have waged in on the concept of counterproliferation focusing specifically on the decision making leading to it and its relative value as a tool to fight the spread of nuclear weapons; however, there has been little effort to systematically explore the impact of preventive force used in the name of counterproliferation on the overall stability of the nonproliferation regime. Specifically, can preventive military action successfully fight nuclear weapons proliferation? Will states shrink away from nuclear weapons proliferation in the face of preventive attacks or will states decide that in order to keep foreign powers from meddling in their security affairs accelerating or establishing a nuclear weapons program in necessary? This paper seeks to address these questions through in depth case study analysis of the most popularly studied instances of preventive force being used against nuclear weapons programs as well as a general look at the universe of these cases. Moreover, because the literature surrounding counterproliferation is generally devoid of systematic and theoretical analysis, this study will employ the traditional lenses of international relations theory as a means to understand and hypothesize about the impacts of such conflicts on the overall spread of nuclear weapons. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Which factors determine the alliance strategies of micro states? Many micro states are either secluded island states with little need for traditional alliances or tied very closely politically, economically and culturally to a bigger neighbouring 'protector state'. Therefore, they have had little use for more traditional alliance arrangements. However, alliance patterns have changed as the significance of flexible ad hoc coalition building as a means to coordinate international interventions has increased. As a consequence, the strategic challenges and opportunities for micro states have been transformed. Focusing on the coalition on Operation Iraqi Freedom, this paper explores three hypotheses on micro states' choice to join international ad hoc coalitions: 1) participation provides increased security; 2) participation provides non-military, typically economic, gains; 3) participation reflects the lessons of past security challenges - and examines the explanatory power of each hypothesis by a comparative case study of 11 Pacific micro states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voluntary transparency measures are being used in a number of contemporary security policy and disarmament processes. Their stated purpose is to promote compliance,enhance implementation, and advance consensus on salient issues. Despite a growing theoretical literature in IR on the emerging "global norm of transparency", however, the consequences of increased openness, as well as the ultimate interests of those advocating transparency, are far from clear. Focusing on the national reporting process on the implementation of the United Nations Programme of Action on Small Arms and Light Weapons (UN PoA), this paper will critically assess the claim that transparency measures serve to further the collective benefit of negotiating parties. It will assess how transparency measures were incorporated into the policy process around the UN PoA, what functions they fulfil, how they are used, what types and formats of transparency are present, whether they are used and backed up by other measures, and how the information exchange as such is affecting the policy process. The analysis will seek to further our understanding of how voluntary transparency measures affect policy outcomes, and why (and in what circumstances) states may be inclined to promote or adopt such measures in international processes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a political sociology approach derived from Pierre Bourdieu’s work, this paper analyzes the emergence and consolidation of the European security and defense policy. ESDP is construed as the illustration of a broader transformation of the European state, whose monopoly over legitimate violence is put to a serious challenge. But, I argue, the challenge derives less from the forces of globalization or some “regional integration logic” than from the intentional actions of state actors, and precisely those who are traditionally seen as the carriers of state sovereignty: statesmen, diplomats and military officers. More specifically, I develop a conceptual apparatus around the notion of fields, that is, highly institutionalized social arenas wherein actors interact, share social representations, and compete for influence over policy outcomes. The development of ESDP amounts to the creation of transgovernmental field, an expanding network of security and defence actors that cuts across national boundaries. An important structural condition for this field to emerge was the intense military and foreign policy cooperation that unfolded over the past 50 years, in the EU but also in NATO. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trilateral security cooperation among Japan, Australia and the United States has accelerated over the last few years, with the first foreign ministerial meeting held in early 2006. Not unexpectedly, the new cooperation between Canberra, Tokyo, and Washington is often characterized as a revival of Containment (against China, this time) or a mini-NATO in Asia. The paper will examine this latest development in East Asia’s security relations, with a specific focus on Japanese policymaking. The concept of a democratic state as one form of state identity will be given particular attention for understanding Tokyo’s attitude toward trilateral security cooperation, as well as the new security order in Asia. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent is there a decline in American soft powerâ€"its ability to influence other states by the legitimacy of U.S. policies and the values that underlie themâ€"within the United Nations? In a recent Foreign Affairs article, Joseph S. Nye Jr. (2004) makes the argument that there is a decline of American soft-power due to a rise in anti-Americanism. In this paper, I test Nye’s hypothesis by assessing the extent to which American’s soft power is on the decline within the UN. I measure soft power in terms of voting alignment on key issues of importance to the U.S. within the UN General Assembly and Security Council. I employ cross-national aggregate public opinion data from the Pew Global Attitudes Project and the United States Information Agency and from 1985 to 2005 as the key explanatory variable, and conduct a multivariate statistical analysis while controlling for U.S. foreign aid received and military alliances as competing explanations. The results of this study also shed light on the extent to which countries are engaging in “soft-balancing” against the U.S. and are resisting the unipolar dominance of the United States (Pape 2005; Voeten 2004). References:Nye, Joseph. 2004. The Decline of America's Soft Power. Foreign Affairs 83 (3).Pape, Robert A. 2005. Soft Balancing against the United States. International Security 30 (1):7-45(39).Voeten, Erik. 2004. Resisting the Lonely Superpower: Responses of States in the United Nations to U.S. Dominance. Journal of Politics 66 (3):729. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the Cold War period the Japanese maintained a largely inflexible approach to their role and place in international affairs. Even now in 2007, the major security policies of Japan are based upon the Japan-US security alliance and the US remains the first and only interdependent security partner for Japan. However, in the post-9.11 world, much more accommodation with international norms will be required. Japan needs alternative security partners to work with. Australia, together with New Zealand, is considered an eligible candidate. Therefore, the paper will rationalize the prerequisites towards the complementary security arrangements within Japan, Australia, New Zealand and the U.S. The effectiveness of the ‘JANZUS’ is boldly examined from various points of view. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, part of a broader research project, is concerned with the question of how military intervention as part of the 'war on terror' was justified in the three core members of the 'Coalition of the Willing': the US, UK and Australia. In particular, we focus on the ways in which interventions in Iraq were justified to domestic audiences across these states. Building on critical constructivist understandings of security, we suggest the importance of conceiving of security discourse and policy as an intersubjective realm. Within this realm, the ability to legitimise or enable particular foreign and security practices is related to the extent to which these practices are located within dominant narratives of history, culture and identity within the political communities concerned. While political leaders in these three states therefore defined the need for intervention in broadly similar terms, subtle differences in emphasis and argumentation are potentially important not only in communicating how the military interventions themselves are made possible in different contexts, but also in illuminating the possibilities and constraints for discourses and practices of security in global politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents research from a joint project between the Brookings Institution, Center for International Cooperation, and Center for International Security and Cooperation that evaluates the performance of international institutions in addressing civil violence and regional conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about collective identities in International Relations as they relate to state-to-state relations. First, I claim that the introduction of identity into the study of IR has changed our understating of foreign policy, security studies, and more broadly, international politics. Second, I analyze different definitions and conceptualizations of identity as employed by various IR scholars. Third, I seek to establish what limitations IR scholars face when defining and conceptualizing identity. I conclude by asking whether or not there is a link between certain types of identity conceptualizations and the legitimization of various foreign policy strategies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines recent trends in the scholarship on the international relations of Southeast Asia. The Southeast Asian institution-building boom of the 1990s precipitated a significant increase in the number of scholarly attacks on the implicitly realist assumptions that underlay many Cold War studies of the region. However, that "battle of paradigms" often reinforced artificially stark divides between liberal/constructivist and realist approaches to the region. Several influential recent works have veered back toward a more realist understanding of Southeast Asia, but they have done so without unduly disparaging the importance of regional norms and institutions. Instead, recent work tends to situate norms and institutions as components in broader Southeast Asian strategies that remain fundamentally rooted in risk-averse views of neighborly intentions and the structural realities of the regional system. I argue that such studies represent a healthy trend. They fuse an enhanced theoretical consciousness and a greater appreciation of the potential of norms and institutions with credible empirical understandings of the region. As an illustration of recent trends, I discuss the concept of "hedging," which has become increasingly salient in the literature on Southeast Asia. Using the hedging concept as an anchor, I briefly discuss how various Southeast Asian governments have used material, ideational, and institutional levers to pursue their interests. I argue, in line with recent trends in the field, that their multi-dimensional strategies reflect a construction of their interests and regional environments that continues to prioritize the role of the state and the centrality of power distributions in shaping regional outcomes. Each ASEAN government has sought, through a variety of "liberal" and "power-political" means, to promote a regional balance of influence among great powers and secondary states that will create the best possible opportunities for autonomy, security, and growth. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines developments in EU Member States’ counter-terrorism policies in the last decade. Most EU initiatives to develop a common European capacity to prevent terrorism from the mid-1990s have aimed at improving cooperation among the Member States. Concerned onlookers still wait for these efforts to produce intended results. While these problems can be attributed an unwillingness to suspend the sovereign prerogative in national security matters, another related reason is arguably that the Member States have very different national counter-terrorism legacies. Previous empirical research on counter-terrorism within the EU only gives some guidance as to whether this would be a reasonable claim. First, it has yet presented few comparable indicators of Member States’ counter-terrorism policies. All previous studies draw on case studies or, at best, comparative case studies, rendering longitudinal systematic comparison within and across polities difficult. Second, most previous research has primarily focused on an overly narrow conception of counter-terrorism policy. Urging the need for systematic studies in this area, the objective of this study is to develop a conceptual framework and an analytical method to study counter-terrorism policies of EU Member States. We proceed in two steps. First, we define counter-terrorism policy as a two-dimensional concept combining Member States’ positioning on (a) counter-terrorism ambitions and (b) civil rights ambitions. Striking a balance between these core values is the most critical challenge in the liberal democratic response to terrorism. Second, we estimate all Member States’ positioning in this two-dimensional space over time (1996-2006) by resorting to paneldata obtained from various EU bodies following key conventions related to counter-terrorism cooperation in Europe. These data will enable us to analyze the correlation between the fight against terrorism and the civil rights ambitions of the Member States. Adjacently we will be able to show how national experiences of terrorism affect cohesion and diversity among EU Member States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies Michel Foucault’s work on security dispositifs and liberal governmentality that he has developed in his Collège de France’s lectures Il faut défendre la société (1976), Sécurité, territoire et population (1977) and Naissance de la biopolitique (1978) to US global security strategy and discourse. It focuses more specifically on US global governmentality as it relates to outer space, asking how through the US national security governmental(ized) regime Space is being contingently managed. Hence, on the one hand, it looks at how security as a form of management of contingency is being applied to the logic of managing the access to outer space and the freedom of Space, and, on the other hand, it reflects on the political rationalities and technologies at play in the US reordering of international law and legal regime in outer space. It is understood that the Foucauldian outlook here follows more the management of contingency and the preparation towards a “future to come” (un à-venir) as there is no more identifiable enemies than a disciplinary society system in the likes of Foucault’s 1972 Discipline and Punish, even though long-established disciplinary practices in the US national security governmental regime are still somewhat present. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes Russian and Western post-Cold War practices over the issue of NATO’s transformation. From 1993 onwards, NATO’s enlargement (in Western discourse) or expansion (in Russian discourse) has remained by far the thorniest bone of contention in the security relationship. It epitomizes the larger question of the borders of the Western civilization, its normative substance, and its relations with “Others.” The disagreement between Russia and NATO members regards not only the integration of new members from Central and Eastern Europe but also the Alliance’s taking up of new security functions in the name of the West, from collective security to global policing. More fundamentally, Russian-Western debates over NATO reflect the deeper reconstruction of an international security order in the post-Cold War era. While Alliance members have been able to impose their peculiar understandings as universal and legitimate to several post-communist states, Russia has consistently refused to recognize the new Western order of things in international security. Nowadays, NATO-Russia relations are the scene of fierce symbolic power struggles in which Western states defend an intersubjective status quo challenged by Russia. The demonstration starts from interview data collected in 2006 and 2007 from 70 practitioners in Brussels, Moscow, Washington, London, Paris and Ottawa. This subjective data is put in the context of political discourse on both the Russian and Western sides, from 1993 to the day, about the issue of NATO enlargement/expansion. Using a Bourdieusian approach, a particular emphasis is put on security practices in order to illustrate the Russian-Atlantic power politics of diplomacy over the Alliance’s post-Cold War evolution. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the African Union's Peace and Security Council (PSC) as a case study of some of the wider issues animating the study of international security institutions. It does so in three main parts. The first section provides an overview of the immediate origins of the PSC. In the second section, I deploy Acharya and Johnston's framework to discuss five elements of the PSC's institutional design. In particular, I sketch the organization's membership (i.e. the number of actors allowed to participate); scope (i.e. the range of issues that the institution is designed to handle); formal rules (i.e. regulations governing how decisions are made); norms (i.e. the formal and informal ideology of the institution); and mandate (i.e. the institution's overall purpose). The third section offers a tentative evaluation of the PSC's activities between 2004 and 2008 by drawing upon Edward Luck's framework for assessing the UN Security Council. Specifically, I ask how important are the PSCs deliberations and the content of its official statements; how relevant is the PSC politically; has the PSC worked in an efficient and productive fashion; and is the PSC the best placed institution to deal with the security problems at hand? I conclude that the future for the PSC is relatively bleak unless more of the African Union's members can be persuaded to devote more serious levels of resources (human and financial) to it. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses two key issues. One is whether since 9/11, a gap has formed in the Canada-US (CANUS) North American defense and security partnership. The second concerns the future role of Canada in this relationship in light of the new mutual national security issues that have emerged since September 2001. The article traces the historical evolution of this strategic collaborative alliance from 1940 to present, and highlights Canada's response to this perceived gap. As part of this examination two key factors emerged that could affect Canada's future role in defense of the North America. The first is the atrophy of the Canadian armed forces since the end of the Cold War. The second is the establishment of U.S. Northern Command in October 2002. Canadians see this unilateral move on the part of the US as presenting a challenge to their future role in defense of the continent because it calls into question the utility of the 49 year old North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) Agreement. In addition, the swift unilateral action taken by the US caught the Canadian government by surprise, and that its inaction, due to its inability to overcome long-standing anxieties related to its national sovereignty, put a large strain on its relationship with the United States. The article proposes that greater understanding between the partners, linked to the nurturing of trust, will go a long way in bridging the gap that has formed within this long-standing defense and security relationship. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of the 20th century was accompanied by the rise of a new genre of fiction: the spy novel. This paper will contextualize the emergence of this new genre. It will pay particular attention to Joseph Conrad, whose novels discuss international conflict, foreign intrigue, espionage and security. It will discuss the reasons behind the popular success of novels like Heart of Darkness (1902) Nostromo (1904), The Secret Agent (1907) and Under Western Eyes (1911). For if we can isolate the main reasons why these novels became popular during the opening years of the 20th century, then we may also shine new light on the origins of the scholarly studies of International Relations. For the early novels of conflict, imperialism and international intrigue and the early scholarly studies of International Relations appear to be cut from the same cloth: They emerged simultaneously because they responded to the same phenomenon, i.e., a steeply emerging, popular and wide-spread fin-de-siècle interest in world affairs. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The quantity and quality of weapons possessed by a nation are a key determinant of its military capabilities and consequently of its level of security (or power) in the international system. Due to the scarcity of resources, nations must select how much of their defense budget to devote to the production (acquisition) of existing weapons and how much to dedicate to the development of new and superior weapons (military R&D). Investing in existing weapons has a certain payoff in the short term but leaves the nation vulnerable to military technology breakthroughs by rival nations. Investing in military R&D has the potential to generate superior weapons and thus give the nation a significant military advantage over its rivals (or guard against the likelihood that other countries may acquire such an advantage). But the payoff is highly uncertain and the investment may end up representing a waste of valuable resources. In this paper I use a dynamic model of rivalry to study the optimal allocation of military spending between existing military technologies (quantity) and military R&D (quality) under two different international environments: a system of overt competition; and a hegemonic system with potential challengers lurking on the sidelines. I establish that the optimal allocation of the defense budget depends on two factors: The size of the overall budget constraint, and the expected, relative payoffs associated with the two types of investment. As the overall budget becomes tighter, there is substitution away from existing weapons towards R&D spending independent of the type of competition in the international system. Furthermore, while R&D spending is favored more under competition than under hegemony at high levels of defense spending, the opposite pattern obtains at lower levels of overall spending. In practical terms, this implies a) that reductions in the defense budget in the US will translate into an increase in the share devoted to weapons development. And b) that this pattern is going to be more pronounced under the current US hegemonic regime than it would have been during the US-Soviet rivalry. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to examine how the EU has reacted to specific types of security threat, contribute to a range of security governance functions and coordinate its activities within the system of European security governance. A further aim will be to examine the challenges of the EU in areas where coordination with other security organizations has either failed or taken place, and investigate the factors which either promote or inhibit cooperation among the security organizations. The article suggests that the concept of security governance, although complex in its application, offers certain advantages for the study of security that are not evident in other international relations approaches; significantly the ability to identify security threats more clearly, and to assess more effectively how security threats are managed in a multi-level and multi-actor setting. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the perils and benefits of outsourcing UN peacekeeping to private military companies (PMCs). Various PMCs have a proven capacity to perform at least some peacekeeping functions. Although experts have expressed serious doubts whether their capacity to do peacekeeping will always translate into the achievement of peace and security, the author contends that PMC peacekeeping should not be dismissed on ideological ormoral grounds when the choice is either a PMC operation or none at all. It is, however, imperative that the perils of using PMCs are addressed before peacekeeping is turned over to the private market. In particular, a set of clear mechanisms of accountability, control and transparency of the PMCs needs to be put in place. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective is to analyze whether or not NATO is an effective security actor. Based upon the security governance theory, the main transformations of NATO are described through three security functions (conflict prevention, peace-enforcement/peace-keeping and peace building) and three core components of governance (co-ordination, management and regulation). Likewise, this paper examines how NATO has reacted to specific types of security threat, contribute to a range of security governance functions and coordinate its activities within the system of European security governance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary international system has developed principles, rules and mechanisms of multilateral intervention in international and domestic conflicts for the sake of security and humanitarian reasons. The paper discusses the concept of multilateral security, and analyses the Author’s data set of 124 peace operations of the UN and international organisations (NATO, OSCE, and EU). The empirical analysis of aspects like size, duration, and geographical location of past and active peace operations contributes to both enhancing the existing knowledge, and developing the interpretation of the multilateral security practice in current world politics. In particular, it is assessed the data revealed trend of de-centralization of multilateral security from the UN to regional organizations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The civil wars in El Salvador and Guatemala constitute paradigmatic cases of internationalization of domestic conflicts in Latin America. International actors actively participated during both, the military confrontation and the peace process. In this paper, I intend to trace and explain the process through which domestic actors decided to invite external actors to be part of their internal struggle and I explain their motivations to do so. I describe how almost all forms of internationalization are present at different points of these conflicts and peace dialogues. All the actors embedded in this conflict used alliances of various types, such as the use of force or threat to use force; bilateral economic or military aid, or denial thereof; logistic and training assistance, or denial thereof; diplomatic legitimation, or denial thereof; and multilateral credit and trade advantages, or denial thereof. The nature of the external actors that were invited was equally diverse. Pro-status quo actors (such as the United States), gradual-change advocates (such as Mexico, France, Colombia and Venezuela), revolutionary-change advocates (such as Cuba and Nicaragua) and peace advocates (mainly the United Nations) were all decisive at different stages of both war and peace. In sum, I try to reconstruct the process through which these different types of internationalization took place. My main argument is that internationalization happened for various reasons: international actors were available and willing to aid the parties, and this aid, constituted an opportunity for each party to improve its own military and political position vis-á-vis its opponent. But also, and equally important, each internationalization process facilitated internal transformation within each party to the conflict. Certain actors within each group (the state and the insurgency) decided to ‘use’ international actors in order to strengthen their own position and in order to weaken other groups’ position within the coalition. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to systematically reconstruct the transformation of the West in order to be able to better understand how the normative foundation of the transatlantic relationship is changing through new patterns of securitization/desecuritization. Especially since 9-11, the state and future of the transatlantic relationship has been discussed passionately in both political and academic circles. The cohesiveness of the transatlantic community (of values, as it were), by and large taken for granted since the heydays of the Cold War is apparently becoming problematic. Linking US and European interests and identities the “West” purports to represent a central semantic category â€" but with a rather diffuse meaning. We propose to conceptualise the West as an empty signifier, as a placeholder for a non-defined universality with the power to integrate different interests and identities because of its emptiness. It is this very semantic structure, opening up different ways of relating to the West, which has made it possible to conceive of it as a distinct, yet unspecified form of normative order. While the content of the West thus remains unspecific, the patterns of relating to it change over time. We will reconstruct the discursive practices effecting such a gradual transformation in terms of dynamics of securitization/desecuritization, of naming potential and possible threats to the West articulated within the Transatlantic space. This opens up a perspective on transformations within the West as a political order treating change not only as an irritation measured against the past but also as the creative source of institutional consequences shaping the future. Changing ascriptions of threat, for example the transformation from a bipolar system with nuclear threats by superpowers to a multipolar system with asymmetric threats by terrorists, may trigger gradual transformations not only in the patterns of securitization/desecuritization but also in the institutional structure of transatlantic relations, especially as far as its classical institutional manifestation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, is concerned. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of my paper is to understand the transformation in security management with the case study of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) of the European Union. I want to suggest another way of understanding ESDP beyond analysis of discourses and official documents. From my point of view, combining critical constructivist and sociological approaches present the most relevant path of thought for my study. If ESDP enters officially in an intergovernmental logic, in fact, it is no longer the exclusive field of the member States, but rather the result of social interactions between a broad variety of public and private actors at the national, transnational and European levels. So, we must look at the interactions, roles, aims and means of these actors which give indications on new security practices, processes and issues, the heuristic value is higher. I am looking at the practices of security with framework of critical security studies and with theoretical and methodological means of the political sociology which permit the analysis of sociology, socio-professional trajectories, taking role, struggles of position, inter-institutional games and process of identity construction of European actors, suggesting emergence at European level of a new socio-political space. At the moment, critical security studies focus of immigration policy and political sociology on social matters. I want to demonstrate that we can combine these two approaches to understand security and defence making process too, with the case of ESDP. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Security and Defence Policy is often seen as one of the more recent successes of the European Union. This paper examines the extent to which the small state members of the EU, particularly the Nordic and Baltic states, have been able to make a contribution to this policy. Sweden and Finland played an early role in the policy and have since ‘punched above their weight’. Denmark has excluded itself from the defence side, and the three Baltic states have limited resources to contribute and have been more enthusiastic about NATO. Despite this very patchy picture, there have been definite contributions from the north to the outlook of the ESDP, and an engagement that could not be predicted at an earlier stage. To an extent, these reflect particular views of international security held by these small EU member states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Copenhagen School's concept of securitisation is regarded as one of the most innovative, but also most controversially discussed approaches in IR and security studies. Located within the wider theoretical scheme formulated by the Copenhagen School, it provides a specific analytic in respect of examining security politics and, predicated on this, the evaluation of the prevailing pattern of security interactions on a given regional level. However, several commentators have pointed out a tension within the securitisation approach, which mainly stems from two different possible readings of this concept: one that puts more theoretical emphasis on language and a second that stresses the importance of considering context. By conducting a first-cut, preliminary analysis on one crucial issue of current Japanese foreign policy, the case of abducted Japanese citizens to North Korea, this paper highlights the challenges one encounters in trying to apply the securitisation approach to this specific case. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States’ current nuclear strategies pose more danger to international security today than during the Cold War because they lack clear definition, coherence, and understanding of threats and actors. The perception of nuclear weapons as a deterrent still persists; however, the post-Cold War shift in the international triangulation of power forces one to question the definition, nature, mechanism, effectiveness, and the object of nuclear deterrence. The nuclear strategies are no longer as universally shaped by the idea of retaliation. Coupled with the lack of clear understanding of threats, the danger of using nuclear weapons is higher today, as the major nuclear powers are still groping for a definition of purpose and objects of deterrence. This paper explores the major powers’ nuclear policies in respect to the current security threats and the effects of those policies on the continuation of ‘nuclear taboo’. The first section will focus on the theory and mechanism of Cold War deterrence. Section two will attempt to clarify the character of deterrence today, given the post-Cold War shift in the distribution of power, as well as an increasing number of international actors and security threats. In the third section, the nuclear policies of the major powers will be briefly outlined, providing a background for section four, in which each state’s perception of threats will be analyzed in reference to its nuclear strategy. The fifth, and final, section will provide a theoretical discussion on the possibility of breaking the ‘nuclear taboo’ and the current nature of international security. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State goals in international relations are typically viewed as dispassionate: doing X will enhance state security, increase welfare, or fulfill legal obligations. Even less instrumental goals are typically seen as the logical working out of underlying factors. This paper goes against this type of reasoning by revealing the pragmatic role of emotions in goal and policy formation. It argues that state goals are motivated by emotions such as embarrassment, shame, and humiliation, and that the latter are instrumental in explaining and predicting a state's policy directions. Using techniques similar to those employed in cognitive mapping, a specific method termed "affective mapping" is proposed, portraying a state's emotions as a sequential chain of contextual circumstances, momentary feelings, and policy options and outcomes. The method is considered an effective tool for demonstrating the role of emotions in international relations as well as for building policy scenarios based on a state's affective map. It is also considered conducive to the development of a taxonomy of emotions in international relations, including constituent elements, typical characteristics, occurrence, implications, etc. To demonstrate the method's value and applicability, it is tested on a couple of illustrative case studies from U.S. foreign policy: the Iranian Hostage Crisis (1979-81) and the Bay of Pigs (1961). Some preliminary components of humiliation and embarrassment at the state level are identified, alternative behavior paths drawn, and the potential impact of a state's emotions on subsequent foreign policy decisions discussed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sino-Japanese rivalry presents the most serious security challenge in East Asia, not only because of the length and depth of the differences between the two countries, but also because of the absence of most of the usual channels for conflict resolution, such as an honest broker, regular high-level contact, and confidence-building measures. The paper suggests tension-reducing steps of three types -- unilateral, bilateral, and multilateral -- at three levels: Tracks I, II, and III. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 1990s there has been a growing body of research analysing the nexus between conflict, peace, security and development often referred to as the ‘conflict-development’ or ‘security-development’ nexus. Many studies research the causal relations between important development relevant themes such as poverty, inequality or natural resources and the likelihood of these factors causing or exacerbating armed violence. Other research looks into the specific contribution of development cooperation to peacebuilding with often policy or operational recommendations. Again other studies research specific development relevant themes on the post-conflict agenda like demobilisation or security sector reform. Why have some of these research results been embraced by practitioners while others have not found their way into policy and operations? It is certainly true that the policy community prefers those research results that present simple messages that do not contradict with the existing system. Nevertheless, the research community has also contributed to deficiencies in research-policy transfer. Complex problems call for multi-disciplinary quantitative and qualitative research approaches. However, the different research communities have been operating in a fairly separated manner. The objective of this paper is therefore to take a closer look at the different disciplinary debates in order to contribute to bridging disciplinary as well as methodological boundaries as a means to more effectively contributing to finding multi-disciplinary answers to the complex problems of peacebuilding. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1992 Maastricht Treaty, which brought into being the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the path of European integration has meant the difference between a strong and secure Europe and the disintegration of a grand, idealistic experiment. In this post-9/11 world, with recent terrorist attacks in Madrid and London, and several attempted terrorist plots foiled, Europe now faces a critical juncture when it comes to dealing with the problem of security. Are strongly held beliefs about sovereignty ceding ground to an untested supranational order? I argue that key epistemic communities of military strategists, technology experts, and diplomats are already breaking down this resistance because they are in a unique position to persuade others of certain shared norms.These knowledge-based networks, or “epistemic communities”, are comprised of non-governmental professionals who share policy relevant expertise, and have actually gained acceptance for the beginnings of a European homeland security. I seek to explain why they are succeeding in pushing forward security integration despite the strong inclination for national governments to hold onto this authority. In this paper, I compare three epistemic communities â€" military strategists, technology experts, and diplomats â€" to shed light on the interaction of competing epistemic communities with different motivations and norms. A shortcoming of the current epistemic community literature is that it tends to assume that each epistemic community is operating in a transnational vacuum. Even though I demonstrate that all three epistemic communities support further security integration, their motivations, preferences, processes of socialization, and shared norms vary immensely. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) are unique operations designed to deal withthree aspects of peacebuilding; namely, governance, security and development. In theory,it is expected that a PRT's military component facilitates stability while its civilcomponent implements development activities in order to win hearts and minds of thelocals for short-term stability and build governance and economic structures forlong-term stability. In this paper, the author observes PRT's development activities andanalyzes how these activities really contribute to filling the gap between stability anddevelopment by drawing from experiences of more than 10 PRT lead nations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy makers in the United States and at the United Nations have begun to identify global climate change as a matter of national and international security. This paper will explore the implications of linking climate change and security in this way. We begin by elaborating three general discourses linking environment and security. The environmental conflict discourse views environmental concerns as a potential source for militarized conflict between and within countries as human populations compete for resources. The environmental security discourse takes a broader view on the meaning of security and considers the ways that human health and well-being arejeopardized by environmental degradation. Finally, the ecological security discourse places the security of environmental systems at its core and examines the ways that human activities threaten the environment. We will argue that it is not new to think about climate change as a security issue.Rather, current discussions reflect a shift in how decision makers define security, a shift from the environmental security discourse to the environmental conflict discourse. We will then discuss the implications of this shift by noting the different types of politics and decision-making processes embedded in each of these discourses. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mainstream IR theories have difficulty explaining the regional politics patterns that emerged in the post-cold war. The ‘distribution of power’ cannot explain how a state’s perception of external threats generates different policy outcomes. In the post-cold war era, regional powers’ perception of external threats is not convergent, unlike during the cold-war era. The U.S. military posture has undergone a major shift since 9/11. The concept of a ‘war on terror’, a ‘long war’, non-proliferation, and the ‘China threat’ now dominate U.S. foreign policy. The U.S. relies less on a static alliance system. Meanwhile, North Korea has been identified as a member of the ‘axis of evil’ with its WMD programs and nuclear ambition. In Northeast Asia, the regional powers’ (the members of the Six-Party Talks-South Korea, North Korea, Japan, China, Russia, and the U.S.) perceptions of the North Korean nuclear threat differ because their state identities produce different understandings of North Korea. In focusing on the U.S., South Korea and North Korea in the Six-Party Talks, this paper traces the relationship between state identity and the perception of threats, and examines how changes in state identity generate different perceptions of external threats and different foreign policy outcomes. Keywords: Perception of Threat, State Identity, Regional Security Dynamics ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin American countries have foresworn weapons of mass destruction,and the region does not represent a threat to the non proliferationregimes today. The adherence to arms control treaties andorganizations is widespread and adherence to the NPT, The CWC andBTWC is nearly universal. The region produced the first treatywhich prohibits nuclear weapons in a populated area of the world in1967, the Tlatelolco Treaty. In the 1990s, Argentina and Brazil,along with South Africa, became examples of proliferation "rollback".Furthermore there is a wider consensus in the region against thepresence of weapons of mass destruction.The move towards the formation of a nuclear regime in Latin Americatook place during a period of great optimism regarding a post ColdWar nuclear regime. Nevertheless, after these golden years of nuclearrejection proved to be a false dawn, the situation in Latin Americadid not change.Yet one should not forget that the nature of the NPT has alwaysgenerated opposition from certain sectors of Latin Americansocieties; the discriminatory nature of the regime and the need tomove further towards disarmament are issues constantly raised. Thereis a clear tension between the legalist tradition in the region andthe concept of non proliferation.This paper will look at the debate and application of the conceptof non proliferation in multilateral foruns in Latin America afterthe end of the Cold War focusing on aquiescence, path dependencestemming from the decisions made during the 1980s and 1990s and thelegitimacy gap on a regional basis. In this context the relationbetween the discourse and application of the concepts of disarmamentand non proliferation will be explored. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I’m currently analysing the way certain domestic initiatives in governance are being re-oriented by the new security agenda. This ties into a more global perspective because I argue that global factors â€" notably the combined effect of demographic and economic volatility â€" are provoking modern states into experiments with new forms of power. The framework for developing this claim draws on Foucault’s account of the C18th: I argue that the C21st is witnessing similarly high levels of economic change and population mobility, whose effect is to provoke liberal states into inventing new strategies for managing populations. Here I draw on work by Marxist geographers such as David Harvey and Mike Davis to flesh out the relevant sociology, especially regarding the destabilising effects of neo-liberal policies and migration flows. Against this background, I suggest that Western societies have until recently been relatively insulated from the more destabilising effects of these global flows but that current concerns about social disintegration are (still rather haphazard) responses to their rippling out into previously privileged states/elites. One of my aims in the paper is to link macro and micro levels by considering the way particular policies are being designed (albeit still in a rather ad hoc way) to tackle the resulting loss of social cohesion and a sense of insecurity. The British government is particularly instructive here because concerns about security are affecting the entire political agenda; because its experience of “home-grown” terrorism has explicitly linked these concerns to domestic worries about segregation and because policy makers are overtly invested in discovering new forms of governance, in the belief that security depends as much on social integration as on foreign policy. Here I maintain:1.that despite a rhetoric of democratisation derived from political theory, these new forms of power â€" such as building social capital, reinventing norms of “Britishness” and “citizen governance” â€" need to be interpreted from the perspective of the security agenda that is driving and transfiguring them;2.that while on the face of it they decentralise power to citizens, their combined effect is to manage populations more comprehensively, through a range of strategies that are ideological, bureaucratic and spatial rather than obviously repressive;3.that while researchers have mainly focussed on the new forms of coercive power that respond to the terrorist threat, it is also important to recognise a range of ideological interventions at the level of civil society. I draw here on Althusser’s distinction between repressive and ideological state apparatuses, but a Foucauldian perspective is then useful in drawing attention to the many small, even apparently benign, strategies that affect the fabric of daily life. In order to make this micro-level more concrete, I analyse some recent efforts at building social capital by one of London’s local authorities, showing how these are unwitting responses to the effects of global forces on mobility, (in)security and (dis)integration.4.In assessing such policies as experiments with new forms of power, I keep in mind Foucault’s warning that “the project of transferring to civil society a power of initiative and action” remains a “relationship of power”, “this relationship being in itself neither good nor bad but dangerous”. (Foucault, “The Risks of Security”) ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is no more a question of debate that the security industry has expanded in a dramatic way these last years. This phenomenon has led academics to address the ensuing shifts in the governance of this collective good - security - with a specific look at the threatened centrality of the state. While the problematic has been understood in several different ways, they seem all to agree on one thing: the role of the police (in the transformation of the governance of security) is a passive one and/or is not to be taken in account. Even if it could be argued that the police have been slow to do something, it is however wrong to believe that there was no significant reaction from the public police to the growth of the security industry. And it is in fact the central argument of this paper to acknowledge the existence of this reaction and to discuss it.We had then two main objectives:- To describe the shape of the reaction of the public police relatively to the growth of the security industry. - To discuss the consequences of this reaction on the providers of security's scene and the governance of security.To reach these objectives, we have drawn from examples found in the literature and more specifically on two specific contexts, the Montreal municipal police in Canada and the United Kingdom situation.The reaction of the police has mainly been an increase in their commercial activities, the selling and renting of products and services to private interests. Among the several kind of commercialisation of public police services found throughout the world, two of its latest expressions - the accreditation process and the delegation of powers - are at the core of the police's reaction to the growth of the private security industry.Two probable consequences were then discussed: the weakening the centrality of the state in the provision of security and the increase of the public-private distinction's blurring. Moreover, the creation of new security actors - through accreditation and/or powers' delegation - could possibly have a paradoxical effect. Indeed, in their attempt to reaffirm their central position in the provision of security, the police is probably going to weaken the same already threatened centrality. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International Relations scholars often say or assume that the notion of human security poses a threat to state security and the state establishment. This is not overly surprising given that at the time of the notion's conceptualization in 1994, it was explicitly argued to be an alternative to state security. In contrast to this perception, I argue in this paper that human security is neither resisting state security nor competing against the state per se. On the contrary, the human security enterprise is sustaining the state by reconstituting its nature and role in the contemporary global order. As such, I see the relation between human security and the state as mutually constitutive. While some human security advocates would broadly agree with this statement, my understanding of human security differs in that I see it concretely as disciplining states to governmentalize. I arrive at this through a governmentality study of human security and the state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In trying to grasp the mode of international security as it stands today, operations of Private Military/Security Companies (PMCs/PSCs) and outsourcing of security as such highlight important changes impacting international society. On the one hand, one can observe the privatization of the military of the United States at its height attracting both amazement and suspicion: on the other hand, one sees the private security sector in the United Kingdom shifting towards post-Iraq reconstruction and international development. This paper explores how PSCs seek new relations in international community especially in their relation to the non-profit development sector, while distinguishing themselves from the more belligerent US model. Reference will be made to the British Association of Private Security Companies (BAPSC), peacekeeping training and PMSCs, as well as current developments observed in Japan. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of WWII, and once again at the end of the Cold War, Europeans created order and thereby enhanced their stability. As the following discussion will make clear, they did so by transcending historical legacies, including former enemies into security structures, tying the US to the European continent and thus, over time, promoting principles, norms and rules that built trust and redefined identities. Or, put differently, Europeans promoted peace and stability by giving rise to what Webber et. al. (2004) and Kirchner (2006) characterize as "security governance." Security provisions in the Asia-Pacific region look very different. History there is still a "neuralgic point" (Berger 2006) and a "hub and spokes network" consisting of five bilateral alliances, along with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (a "security regime" which is gradually moving toward a "security community") and the ASEAN Regional Forum were created over time to stabilize the region. Recognizing that Asia is not Europe, the paper argues that the process of European security provisions, nevertheless, provides useful lessons for the Asia-Pacific region, particularly when it comes to the institutionalization of trust on multiple levels--a development that appears inevitable to assure regional stability in the long-run. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the problem of disease has received special attention in the human security literature of international relations (e.g., Price-Smith, 2001; Ostergard, 2002; Burkhalter, 2004), with scholars focusing especially on the unique threats posed by infectious diseases such as HIV and SARS â€" despite the fact that noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) such as heart disease and cancer account for the majority of the global mortality burden, and are the leading source of mortality for every region of the world except Sub-Saharan Africa (World Health Organization, 2001). Despite the claim from human security scholars that the threats posed by infectious disease are fundamentally distinct from traditional state-based enemies, the construction of disease as a security threat in the discourse does little to validate this argument. Rather, as this paper demonstrates, it is the compatibility of infectious diseases with the traditional security paradigm that has made them a more conducive object of analysis than NCDs. This argument is developed by illustrating how such compatibility manifests in three ways: the potential for infectious disease to be a catalyst for socioeconomic transformation; the fact that it derives from organisms that may be targeted for containment/eradication; and its perception as an immediate, as opposed to diffuse future threat. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, conflicts evolved and changed, new security issues emerged and Armed forces from around the world transformed themselves in order to cope with new technologies, social and legal considerations. But in this changing context, are peacekeeping operations really achieving their objectives?From a theoretical point of view, three generations of peacekeeping operations may be singled out. Empirically however, one is often puzzled over the inconsistencies between the mandate and the actions, as well as the means of UN forces. Is this signaling a malaise that the recurrent transformation is not adapted to the reality in the field, or simply a transition period to another generation of conflict management?This paper seeks to offer some preliminary insights by analyzing the effectiveness of different generations of peacekeeping operations in solving conflicts. We will be focusing manly on missions that acted on a neutral basis by simply interposing UN troops in order to separate combatants (first generation), compared to operations that actively took sides in order to punish aggressors and protect victims (second generation), and also operations that go beyond the immediate security concerns and embrace a broader scheme of operation in order to address the political, legal, educational, and societal aspects of a conflict (third generation). In the light of their effectiveness as to the final resolution of the conflict, we will subsequently infer on which type of peacekeeping generation is more apt to respond to different types of conflict. This analytical framework will be applied to several case studies covering the period from 1945 to the present. The findings should allow us to contribute to future strategies aimed at improving the performance of UN missions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]