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In recent years, China has been under frequent attacks by nature. Due to high population, low economic development, wide climate range and vulnerable environment, China would adopt appropriate adaptive and reduction actions according to the basic situation of the country and under the framework of sustainable development. the PRC government released its first policy report on climate change in June 2007, China's National Plan for Climate Change. In 2008 and 2009, China followed up with the release of a white paper titled China's Policies and Actions on Climate Change, which points out that "as a responsible developing country, China is fully aware of the importance and urgency of addressing climate change and has adopted a series of policies and measures in this regard." This essay addresses China's policy responses towards climate change. This paper discusses China's policy response to climate change. The discussion begins with the influences of climate change on China's environment and then moves on to discuss China's concern, guiding principle, goal and policy action in reaction to the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critiques power transition theory through gendered lenses, contending that it is gendered in its language and conceptual framework. It presents a feminist reformulation of power transition hypotheses. It then compares a power transition approach with a feminist approach to the United States’ interpretation of and options regarding the “rise of China”.The first section of this paper asks how power transition theory contains, reflects, reproduces, and reflects certain assumptions about gender in global politics and scholarship about it. It applies general feminist critiques of security studies to power transition theory, then evaluates some gender-based issues with the language and structure of power transition theory specifically. It critiques the statist approach to security thinking within the power transitions research program and those scholars’ assignment of moral value to hierarchy. Instead, it proposes, gendered lenses can add tools to deal with the question of power transition to make the theory both more representative and more aware of its gendered implications. These tools include searching for silences, disrupting dominant discourses, employing empathy and discourse ethics, analyzing the competition between masculine and feminine values, critiquing us/them dichotomies, and critiquing the sexualization of relationships. The second section of the paper applies these insights to power transition theory’s observations about the rise of China, interrogating which people and states are included in that theory, which needs are neglected by a narrow interpretation of what “security” and “satisfaction” mean, the role of gendered militarized culture, and the social construction of gendered states and their contributions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the efforts of developing nations to gain access to the economic, security, and political benefits of space. The analysis in this paper compares the efforts of several developing nations and identifies the extent to which developing nations have been successful in gaining access to the many benefits of space. In measuring ?success? the analysis focuses on whether developing countries individually and/or collectively have been able to develop space capabilities and thus the essential elements of national ?space power.? Particular attention is given to the cases of India, Brazil, and China. However, attention is also given to the efforts of several other developing nations in regions such as Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America. The paper concludes by identifying several common factors that have constrained the respective efforts of developing nations and ensured that they have remained dependent upon the space capabilities and assistance of more developed nations. This dependency undercuts the ability of these aspiring space powers to improve their respective positions vis-à-vis the more developed nations. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American hegemony has passed its peak. The twenty-first century will see a more multi-polar international system. Yet Western European countries may not be the United States' main foils in decades to come. Four new poles of the international system are now widely known in the business and financial press as the "BRICs economies" (Brazil, Russia, India, and China). Does the concept of "the BRICs" have meaning within a rigorous political science framing? From the perspective of an economic liberal employing neoclassical assumptions to understand the world economy, the category's justification is surprisingly weak. In contrast, a political or economic realist's framing instructs us to focus on states that are increasing their relative material capabilities—as each of the four is. Finally, within a liberal institutionalist's mental model, the BRICs countries are a compelling set, yet one with a deep cleavage between two sub-groups: large emerging powers likely to remain authoritarian or revert to that state, and those that are securely democratic. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National and international institutions have transferred massive amount of aid to developing countries, yet some theoretical and empirical studies have cast doubt on the effectiveness of governmental aid in reducing poverty or improving public services. In the absence of extensive public representation, the budgetary process may be monopolized for the maximization of local elite interest. This paper analyzes a panel data of all the counties in mainland China from 1997 through 2002, a period when the central government committed unprecedented amount of fiscal resources to the poor and minority counties. However, those subsidies only produced limited effect on poverty reduction or public services, as they directly or indirectly boost local government spending on the non-productive public sector. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism has been used in clichéd and hegemonic discourses of the West to describe China’s national feeling. In this article, the author first analyzes the epistemological, political and globalization origins of the myth of Chinese nationalism, which are embodied in political nationalism, ethnic nationalism and cultural nationalism. He argues that to shape a new Chinese national identity through modifying the so-called “new nationalism” is merely to continue the myth of Chinese nationalism in the new era. The author then puts forward a new analysis of framework of “of the nation-by the nation-for the nation” and “nationalization stage – modernization stage – internationalization stage”. He points out that the future of Chinese national identity should include three aspects: an open and inclusive national spirit, a harmonious national character, and a moderate sense of national pride. As the largest developing country in the world and a rising world power, China has to achieve modernization and internationalization at the same time and to unite the motherland, accomplishing the whole task at one stroke and binding together the trinity of historical traditions, international trends and world identity. In the course of building a harmonious world of lasting peace and common prosperity, China is seeking her new identity as a responsible country. Finally the author concludes that China’s peaceful development is shaping China’s new identity and will necessarily destroy all kinds of myths about Chinese nationalism. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]