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Relatively high levels of intranational equity in health care, and in health status, among socioeconomic and cultural groups has been a signal achievement of most EU member nations. This has been accomplished through the use of models of health care financing and delivery which incorporate high levels of public sector involvement. With the entry of the former communist-party states of East-Central and Eastern Europe (ECEE) into the EU, a dramatic new element of inter- and intranational inequality will be introduced. Most of the new member states exhibit rapidly increasing intranational inequalities in health status, due in part to their move away from precisely the kinds of structural arrangements for health care financing and delivery that have served most current EU member states so well. It is likely that intergroup and interlocational inequalities within countries in health statuses will represent the most significant element of societal inequity in the EU by 2010. Yet the formal conditions for EU accession give little attention to this issue. This paper contrasts trends in population health, and in the financing and delivery of health care, in existing EU member states as compared with the ECEE countries next in accession. These themes then are elaborated through a closer look at the Hungarian case, using a comprehensive set of health and policy measures for the 20 principal subnational units for the period 1989-2000. The concluding section of the paper considers the implications of this neglect of health-related issues in relation to EU membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most studies agree that the EU behaves mainly as a realist actor in democracy promotion, following security and economic interests rather than consistently promoting democratic norms. However, in developing countries, EU interests are relatively small and poverty reduction is the overarching goal. EU policies towards Sub-Saharan Africa depart from the presumption that development, democracy and security are interlinked and mutually enforcing. This paper however argues that the development-democracy-security triangle is problematic, as it is based on uncertain causalities. Ethiopia is a clear example where the EU's objectives are inherently conflictive: while progressing in the socio-economic area and maintaining relative stability in a conflict-prone region, recent years have seen a downfall in the democratisation process. Faced with this dilemma, the EU has downgraded its ambitions in the democratic realm, and given priority to development cooperation and security policies. Although security interests partly explain this pragmatic approach, especially in the development sphere there are also more altruistic reasons to keep engaged with Ethiopia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All the development policies must consider diverse actors in the making, application, financing and evaluation of the programs in order to look for the detriment of the economic and social imbalances. In spite of being a known premise, in several empirical concerning the co responsibility above mentioned it does not exist. Is it or not an indispensable factor to achieve the success? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite public declarations by member-governments of the EU that appear to support the 'European Social Model' and reject neo-liberalism, socio-economic governance within the EU is becoming more neo-liberal in its orientation. Resulting from a transnational historic bloc spanning business, government, and civil society elites, the dominant discourse of the EU has been positioned to focus upon maximising negative freedom and valorising the supremacy of the market. Centred on creating a common market of goods and services between the member-states, the EU has acted in both intentional and unintentional ways to promote trade liberalisation. However, fissures in the hegemonic order throughout the EU are starting to form, and key institutional developments at the regional level are allowing other ideological positions to emerge. Drawing upon elite-level interviews I performed with major stakeholders in the development of EU social policy, this paper explores the extent to which embedded neo-liberalism has been entrenched within the European Union and how a wide variety of social forces are challenging its continued entrenchment. Capitalising on the need for widespread consultation embedded within the open-method of co-ordination process, non-governmental organisations are using the mechanisms of civil dialogue and social partnership in an attempt to democratise socio-economic governance within the EU. In rejecting the claim that the operation of EU social policy is simply the quest toward 'value neutral best practices' and the development of 'policy without ideology,' these activists and organisations seek to identify the ideological focus of the current policies and advocate for an alternative social model that is both equitable and inclusive. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]