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Although violent threats are progressively more sophisticated, frequent, and deadly, this paper will argue that the root causes are not new. Ralph Bunche posited that to ensure peace, the principles and practice of true justice, equality, human rights, and democracy must be secured. However, instead of creating the foundation for enduring peace, we are witnessing the rise of inequality within and between nations. Indeed, even as the number of political regimes classified as ?democracies? increases, economic rights are deteriorating and social cleavages are growing within the current hegemonic order. Following Bunche?s intellectual tradition, which I argue is part of the historical materialist one, and using a critical realist method of analysis, I contend that the neo-liberal paradigm, now directing global transformation, is generating a complex supranational structure that compels states, competing in the global arena, to serve as conduit of global capital. States within this emergent global order move towards a common model, which consists of three mutually reinforcing elements. These are: a neoliberal economy, which aims at the ascendancy of market forces; a Weberian bureaucracy, reflecting processes of rationalization; and ?low-intensity democracy,? which focuses on formal electoral rights, with little consideration for the wider socioeconomic power structure. To elaborate, today?s global liberal market sustains a new strain of capitalism, one that concentrates an inordinate amount of power in the hands of corporations at the expense of ?democracy.? Contrary to what the neo-Marxist literature argues, the paper maintains that even though we will continue to witness opposition against this process, through different means, this will not result in the ?ultimate class struggle.? Instead we will see ?consensual? forms of social control with their mechanisms of ideological hegemony, and worldwide ?class warfare? among the poor, and between the poor and the middle class, whose members witness a decline in their standard of living. I argue that global capitalism, then, simultaneously creates integration at the structural level and fragmentation at the microlevel. Indeed, it exacerbates national, class, racial, and cultural disparities, interdicting the development of class solidarity. This study focuses on the emerging ?low-intensity democracy.? The research, through cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses, which employ both quantitative and qualitative methods, will examine the level of democracy in ?developing? (Bolivia and Uganda) and ?developed? states (Germany and Britain). Each states? level of democracy is then compared to the relative condition to one another and against itself over the previous decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the quantitative conflict literature employs data sets that draw a large portion of their cases from 1945-1990. This historical period coincides with the U.S.-Soviet bipolar competition and security arrangements associated with that competition. A debate within the democratic peace literature has emerged between those who view the democratic peace as a general phenomenon, and those who see democracy?s effect on international conflict as largely a function of the particular circumstances of the Cold War alignment. The critics of a general relationship between democracy and war focus specifically on the role of the United States as a leader of one of the bi-polar alliance blocks The possibility that observed relationships between democracy and war could be dependent on the particular historical circumstances of the Cold War raises the question: To what extent are other empirical findings about international conflict also a function of the hegemonic influence exercised by the superpowers during period? Using ordinal logistic regression to examine the pattern of third party joining this paper re-examines the extent to which the relationship between democracy and intervention as well as the relationships between variables commonly used to explain third party interventions in the conflict literature, such as proximity, power status, democracy, trade and alliances, are a function of the intervention choices of the United States during the Cold War. The paper finds that the intervention choice of the United States is by far the most important predictor of the intervention choices of other third parties to interstate wars. And that accounting for the intervention choices of the United States ?explains? away much of the general relationships observed in earlier studies. Interestingly enough though reduced in substantive importance, a statistical the relationship between shared democracy and joining remains even after accounting for U.S. intervention choice in this period. This finding suggests that the relationship between shared democracy and third party joining is not entirely dependent upon the exercise of American leadership during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research examining the impact of democratic governance on the behavior of states in the international system has focused primarily on the contrast between democracies and non-democracies. Past research has demonstrated that democratic states are more likely to experience trade disputes at the GATT than are their non-democratic counterparts. This paper extends this research to examine the impact of different types of democratic institutions on the trade dispute propensity of states. By focusing on the community of democracies, this paper explores the effects of variations in domestic institutions on state behavior. Using a new dataset of trade disputes and the World Bank Database of Political Institutions, this paper demonstrates that variation in domestic institutions has a significant effect on the propensity of states to engage in trade conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic theorizing on nationalism in mainstream international relations theory has understood nationalism to be the defining principle that holds the nation and the political unit (i.e. the State) as congruent (Gellner, Hechter, Posner). At the heart of the contention between various thinkers on nationalism has been whether elites purvey nationalist discourse in order to unify and stabilize the state or whether nationalism is inherited as a cultural identity vis-à-vis the promulgation of historical progress. Benedict Anderson has argued that the shift from antiquity to modernity via the transition to vernacular, the emergence of representational styles of governance, and a change to calendrical time has made modern nationalism possible. Focusing on print media as a major contributor to the myth of community, he argues that a stable sense of nation-ness has become the most universally legitimate value in the political life of our time (Anderson, 3). From the works of these men, no matter there theoretical leanings, we see a dominant conclusion: nationalism is the monolithic and universalizing ideology of a sovereign political community known as the nation-state. Post-colonial theorists have worked to trouble this notion of nationalism by arguing that in fact one dominant narrative does not pervade the nation, but rather that multiple narratives both perform and disrupt this narrative (Bhabha). Focusing on the way in which notions of the nation have culminated in otherizing those who don’t fit neatly into the imagined community, Yegenoglu, Chatterjee, Bhabha and others have argued that the discourse of nationalism and specifically national-identification, like orientalist discourse, is predicated on a relationship of alterity wherein the national subject articulates his identity in and against others. Thus rather than simply homogenizing political communities, nationalism in fact splits and differentiates in order to produce nation-identifying subjects. In my paper, I would like to analyze the way in which the imagined community is figured via the psychanalytic conceptions of desire and fantasy. How does nation-ness become articulated as the unifying identity in and through which a specific political community (often seen as the state) comes to render itself? How do hegemonic discourses of nationality constitute themselves via the construction of a sexualized and gendered alterity? These of course are huge questions. So this paper is an initial stab at rethinking mainstream international relations theory that understands the nation as a functional narrative of a political community without recognizing the way in which that narrative is figured in, through, and against a subjectivated (sexualized and gendered) other. But it also, and more importantly, would be an attempt to trace the way in which desire, specifically, functions in the making of national identity . Thus using the works of Bhabha, Chatterjee, and Renan I want to trace the way in which desire, as the relationship between an emerging national subject and its objectified other, can help think against more dominant narratives of nationalism as a homogeneous and unifying discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1990s, the mainstream American IR literature on both the spread of international norms and the activities of non-state actors arrived at its conclusions by focusing almost exclusively on those norms and non-state actors that emerged within the context of a broader ideological framework that could be called liberal secularism. This paper seeks to bring the study of ideologies and ideological frameworks back into IR as a way of examining the relationship between liberal secularism and religious fundamentalism in contemporary world politics. In order to do so, the paper looks at the relationship among political entrepreneurs, non-state actors, norms and competing ideological frameworks in the international system. Empirical examples covered in the paper include the competition between liberal democracy assistance networks and Islamist networks such as Hizb ut-Tahrir and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an examination of the controversy surrounding Ronald Robinson and Jack Gallagher’s 1953 argument of the Imperialism of Free Trade, the paper seeks to shed light on contemporary understandings of international markets and political control. Robinson and Gallagher argued that late Nineteenth Century imperialism was simply a continuation of an earlier British policy that encouraged and supported the expansion of trade throughout the world. They claimed that penetration of foreign markets by British goods was commensurate with the establishment of British political control. Their critics mounted a successful critique against The Imperialism of Free Trade on the basis that Robinson and Gallagher had ignored a key distinction between the establishment of markets and the establishment of political control. In so doing they had lost any sense of what was unique about the expansion of imperialism in the 1880s. The paper will aim to apply this last insight to popular discussions of international politics and economics today, in the work of Naomi Klein, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, and John Grey. It will claim that these authors have not made clear the link between free markets and political control, in so doing they risk ahistorising the concepts of imperialism and empire, undermining the usefulness of these concepts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the gendered nature of economic development means the status of women must be included in an analysis of the link between economic development and democracy. Women do not participate in the process of economic development or benefit from its results in the same way men do. These differences impact structural and cultural changes that link economic development to democracy. Therefore, the status of women should be included in models linking economic development to democracy. In this paper, I discuss the literature linking development to democracy. Then, I demonstrate how economic development is gendered and theorize about the impact these differences will have on democracy. I conclude with some preliminary statistical support for my assertions and some thoughts on why gender matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact that impending EU accession is having upon public policy in Hungary. It looks at how the power and ideology of the EU is shaping the political agenda in Hungary in the realms of economics, the environment, and ethnic relations. This paper also addresses some state and non-state actors responses to the creation of these public policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an overview of the way in which international democracy assistance has supported the Electoral Commission (Electoral Tribunal) in Guatemala over the years since the democratic opening in 1985 and particularly since the signing of the peace accords in 1996. The Electoral Tribunal has been a key institution that has helped sustain the democratic process in Guatemala and survey data shows that it ranks among the highest rated democratic institutions in that country. The paper will assess the key areas that have been supported by international cooperation, highlighting the strenghts and the shortcomings that may have arisen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional governments are increasingly developing foreign relations independently of those conducted by the central state, although these relations usually remain subordinate to state foreign policy. This phenomenon, most often called paradiplomacy, takes two different forms. In some cases, for example American and Australian states, paradiplomacy represents an attempt to secure economic gains by promoting exports and attracting foreign investment. In other cases, paradiplomacy is more developed, its objectives are more ambitious, and its action multi-dimensional, that is, it encompasses economic, political and cultural aspects. My paper suggests that this last case of paradiplomacy is found in regions where there are strong nationalists movements such as Quebec, Flanders, Catalonia and the Basque Country. It argues that sub-state nationalism and paradiplomacy are functionally related. Sub-state nationalism involves two core processes: the construction, politicization and expression of an identity, and territorial mobilization. Paradiplomacy represents a vehicle for nationalist leaders to promote a ‘national identity.’ In developing an international personality for their region, these leaders are projecting the identity on the world stage and making a statement about nationhood. Paradiplomacy also serves to stimulate nationalist mobilization because it is rarely welcome by the central state. In this context, it serves to make the argument that only independence will allow the region to properly defend its interests on the international scene. The paper develops these arguments using the case of the Basque Country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there were those who suggested that the end of the Cold War would result in the death of realism, the situation has actually been the reverse and we are witnessing a revival and renewal in realist thought. One of the more promising developments is the growing recognition that rather than there being one monolithic version of realism, there actually are a variety of realisms. Consistent with the idea that there is not one realism, but many, is the attempt to delineate different types of realism. A number of different typologies have been offered and in this paper I undertake the task of elucidating three competing voices of realism: classical, structural, and modified. The first part of the paper is devoted to setting forth a coherent account of each of the three voices of realism. In general terms, classical realism embodies the writings of those who have emphasized the importance of human nature for understanding the behavior of states. Structural realism incorporates arguments that attribute the cause of conflict to the anarchic structure of the international system. Modified realism includes those writers who believe that cooperation, while difficult to achieve and hard to sustain, is nevertheless possible despite the assumption of anarchy. Also included in the modified category are the writings of the neo-classical school who are attempting to re-incorporate unit level characteristics into a structural theory of international politics. The primary theoretical question that I explore in the second-half of the paper concerns the manner in which each of the three voices of realism conceptualize and understand the central concept of power. Realists of all stripes display a deep concern with the role of power, yet there is a great diversity in what various realists mean by power. Critics have often charged realists with having an elusive conception of power. It is my intention to distill carefully how each of the three voices of realism that I elucidate in the first part of the paper understand the role that power plays in the politics among nations. Special attention will be devoted to articulating how each of the three categories of realism define and operationalize the core concept of power. One of my main intentions is to consider in more depth what various realists mean by their ubiquitous fusion of politics with power. This paper will be valuable to those who have been concerned with demonstrating the utility of realist thought in the post-Cold War era. It draws on a recent body of work that seeks to demonstrate the interesting range of realist positions that exist. The idea of there being a range of realisms opens up a number of interesting theoretical questions and puzzles. This is certainly the case with respect to the concept of power and my aim is to show the various ways in which realists understand this central concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why have suicide bombings in the Middle East become so common and so popular whereas in South Asia they have started to disappear from the political landscape? Are groups that perpetrate this tactic related to one another or learn from each other? What little scholarship exists analyzing suicide bombing conceives of the phenomenon as motivated by non-rational religious beliefs, nationalist ideology, obedience to charismatic and authoritarian leaders, or because of despair but always assume that suicide bombing should be case specific. In Sri Lanka suicide bombing was effective in making both sides war weary, dissuading external donors from continuing their support, moderating both sides’ demands and was a factor in bringing them to the negotiating table. In the Palestinian case, the bombings served as a method of recruitment and mobilization for radical elements within the Palestinian community. They serve at one and the same time to attack the hated enemy (Israel) and give legitimacy to outlier radical groups who compete with the Palestinian Authority (PA) for leadership of the community. Although there is little that connects Sri Lanka to the Middle East, the Sri Lankans learned this tactic from their contacts with the Hezbollah in Lebanon in the early 1980s and imported it to Sri Lanka in 1987. Among Palestinians, groups that previously eschewed suicide terror jumped on the bandwagon after it was successful in increasing Hamas’ popular support. Thus there is a spill over effect of suicide terror from one region to another as well as a diffusion of the tactic within the Palestinian case. Sheikh Yassin and Dr. Abdel Aziz al Rantisi called for the use of suicide terror against the American invaders in Iraq. There were several successful suicide attacks in that conflict. Finally, on April 30, 2003, two British citizens of South Asian descent perpetrated a suicide attack in Tel Aviv. The interconnections between their group, the Al Muhajiroun and the militant groups in the occupied territories, Hamas and the Islamic Jihad, serve to provide an interesting case of how terrorism (and suicide terror in particular) has had a contagion effect. The paper will demonstrate that multiple radical organizations are engaged in a competition with one another and use violence to increase their prestige and support. This competition now extends beyond the borders of one single country. This paper seeks to compare the phenomenon of suicide bombing and investigate to what degree there has been contagion to other regions and rival organizations as a result. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper takes its departure from recent discussions about the possibility of a cosmopolitan democracy. The paper responds to various crtiticisms leveled at this idea, while also proposing a number of structural changes or innovations which would render such a democracy more feasible and realizable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My paper compares a few of the key issues of Hannah Arendt's and Immanuel Kant's account on IR by revisiting the controversial reading she offered on § 40?41 of the Critique of the Power of Judgment. It claims that by focusing closely on their parallel insights concerning the insecurity inherent to the supranational level of politics which was called by Arendt "the world" and by Kant "the cosmopolitan community of mankind", one can argue for her thesis on the high political relevance of the theory of judgement based on what Kant labelled as sensus communis in his aesthetics. Kant held that political stability in national political communities is part and parcel of the upcoming emergence of an overall rule of the law on the global scale, while Arendt convincingly proved that totalitarianism (the formative experience of her thinking on human co-existence whatsoever) is a completely new and unprecedented form of government which substantially differs from other forms of governance. She also pointed out that this qualitative difference does not create a different world. The vulnerability of other, more traditional forms of governance is heightened by the advent of totalitarian politics exactly because of this unity in humans' world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission's PTRC (2001-2003) Thematic Public Hearing on Political Violence and Crimes Against Women, analyzing both the representations of women and the disruptive moments that occurred in this hearing. Through a bricolage of narrative form including vignette, testimony, interpretive analysis, and selections from interviews, this paper explores the cacophony of voices and parallel realities present within the work of the PTRC. An examination of the public hearings, demonstrates how certain figures, such as virgin victim and righteous mother/community leader, are privileged through a human rights framework, overlaid upon the Peruvian national discourse. This examination also illustrates how others figures, such as imprisoned subversive women, are denied the possibility of recognition. This paper underscores the way in which dominant representations of women in the PTRC's national historical narrative impose limitations on a transition to democracy due to underlying exclusionary logics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proliferation of prefixes like 'neo' and 'post' that adorn conventional 'isms' has cast a long shadow on the contemporary relevance of traditional political belief systems like liberalism, conservatism, and Marxism. This paper explores how the thickening of global consciousness finds its expression in the growing capability of today's political ideologies to translate the rising global imaginary into concrete political programs and agendas. But these subjective dynamics of denationalization at the heart of globalization have not yet dispensed with the declining national imaginary. The twenty-first century promises to be a ideational interregnum in which both the global and national stimulate people's deep-seated understandings of community. The paper ends with an introduction of a new classification scheme that divides contemporary political ideologies into 'market globalism', 'justice globalism', and 'jihadist globalism'. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, after decades of highly divisive Great Debates, it has become commonplace to regret the internal divisions within the IR discipline. The fault line has been identified between rationalistic and constructivist modes of theorizing and attempts have been made to build bridges between them. This paper takes a look at the prospects of theoretical convergence by examining the parameters within which such a process could unfold. The paper takes as its starting point the Kuhnian and Lakatosian notions of paradigms and scientific research programmes. The paper concludes that although theoretical convergence is indeed possible, it is not entirely without problems. It can only take place on the basis of certain a priori (meta)theoretical assumptions, which cannot be derived from any objective factors. In consequence, theoretical convergence can only take place on the basis of these commitments and it cannot be derived from more general, theory-independent axioms through which the relative strengths of different theories could easily be combined. In the light of this, the paper ends by reflecting whether theoretical convergence - even integration - is even to be desired. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand one of the processes of change taking place in the so-called ‘New Europe’ in its process of enlarging the circle of states whose shared identity and core values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, makes them a value-based community with some specific qualities. The specific focus of this paper is ideational change at the domestic level and its consequences at the international level and vice versa. Interest is focused on the adoption of liberal democracy. Therefore, the main question that is addressed in the proposed paper is how and why a democratic norm set seems to have been adopted relatively easily is some Central and East European states, but with considerable difficulty or not at all in other similar states, despite the appearance of similar structural and practical circumstances. In addressing this question, the paper focuses on the way in which the mechanisms of socialization are used by three European organizations, namely the European Union, the Council of Europe, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. In other words, is effective democratization related to the type of socialization mechanism employed? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explore the relation between contemporary forms of capitalism and the extensive disciplinary and penal apparatuses that tend to appear in the most thoroughly liberal capitalist states. Specifically, this paper will build on the work of Michel Foucault who noted over three decades ago that modern technologies of discipline and punishment, designed to control the consciousness and subjectivity of individuals, to foster processes of self-regulation and to produce docile bodies, emerged in late eighteenth and early nineteenth century Europe in conjunction with capitalist social relations. However, it will move beyond Foucault in further elucidating the ways in which the criminalization and disciplining of the poor has historically been and continues to be constitutive of the (re)production of capitalism. Using the United States as the primary case study, it will argue that the successful reproduction of capitalism crucially depends on a number of mechanisms traditionally ignored by political economists. In particular, this paper will draw attention to the ways in which capitalism (both historically and at the contemporary moment) has benefited from the criminalization of the poor and racial minorities; the increasing subsumption of discourses concerning the social origins of crime to neoliberal discourses emphasizing crime as choice; the production of the disciplined labourer within institutions (both materially, through the highly exploitative prison labour, and discursively as the criminal is increasingly portrayed as an independent, empowered individual capable of responsible self-governance); and through the (re)production of social hierarchies based on class, gender and race. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the ways in which ethnography has been adopted/adapted by International Relations (IR) scholars along with the problematic as well as promising implications of this move. At the same time that cultural anthropology was questioning the ethico-political foundations of ethnographic practice, a growing number of IR scholars were beginning to celebrate ethnography for its ability to usher in an emancipatory research agenda and refurbish the discipline's parochial vestiges. This paper, however, argues that IR ethnographic contributions are relatively unaware of the ways in which ethnography has been (re)written from anthropological quarters over the past two decades and, as a result, depoliticize ethnographic praxis by reducing it either to an empiricist data-collection machine, a writing style, or a theoretical sensibility. Only when the controversial history of ethnographic praxis is erased or ignored, can ethnography become an unproblematic solution to the question of emancipation and the problem of representation. By critiquing the ways in which feminist, constructivist, and postcolonial scholars have misconstrued ethnographic praxis and by demonstrating that International Relations theory has always been part and parcel of ethnographic knowledge production, this intervention hopes to encourage IR students to write ethnography more audaciously and, also, more cautiously. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper defends the case for a non-exclusionary theory of global democracy. The argument is built through the examination of two key dilemmas of global democracy that touch upon the issue of inclusion and jurisdictional boundaries. While the first concerns the legitimate principle to be used to draw political jurisdictions, the second considers the subsequent institutional model to be adopted. Three principal options are examined both for the first dilemma (i.e. the principle of all-inclusion, stake-holders, and political communities) and for the second (i.e. the models of world federalism, global governance, and cosmopolitan multilateralism). The paper shows that the options most consistent with the principle of political participation delineate an all-inclusive and cosmo-federalist model of global democracy. As a response to the current state of international exclusion, the radical project of stretching the paradigm of democratic inclusion to the extreme limit encompassing the whole of mankind is defended. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing literature on the strategies authoritarian regimes utilize to resist regional and global democratic trends. This paper seeks to contribute to this debate by examining the ways in which the Putin regime has used rhetoric to defend Russia against external criticisms of its shift toward autocracy. In many ways the Kremlin in engaged in wordplay similar to that of its Soviet predecessor: claiming that it is a democracy (even though nearly all outside observers dispute that claim), but that its ‘form’ of democracy simply looks different than those in the West. This has become apparent in Russia’s promotion of the principle of ‘sovereign democracy’, as well as its link of external criticisms with neo-colonialism. In addition, this paper will look at how the Kremlin’s definitions of democracy are flexible and often hypocritical; for example, Russia has called into question international organizations when they criticize Russia, but attempted to use those same organizations to criticize the human rights records of others (namely the Baltic states) for offenses which are often weaker than those found in Russia itself. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to look at the way the United Nations has taken the role of democracy promotion as one of its main activities. The paper situates early democracy promotion efforts in the UN’s Electoral Assistance Division and covers up to the newly created United Nations Democracy Fund (UNDEF). The analyses focus on major UN documents such as the UN Charter, the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, and the Declaration on Granting Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples as treaties who helped set the foundations for democratic promotion by the UN, and also covers the considerable importance given to democracy during the mandate of former Secretary-General Kofi Annan, and its relations with development, human rights and UN reform. One of the main contributions of the paper is to illustrate the history of democracy promotion by the UN and how the organization works compared to other international institutions such as regional integration organizations and the Community of Democracies. The research shows how the UN has overcome the main challenge that faces democracy promotion: the lack of an universal acceptable definition of what is and what constitutes democracy, by stressing the importance of democratic practice and the importance of democracy promotion as a bottom up rather than a top down phenomenon, therefore stimulating that local society is involved in democracy promotion. In the end the paper looks at the main challenges and opportunities that the UNDEF may face as argues that the academic community should look more to democracy promotion strategies by international institutions as a complement to studies on democracy promotion strategies by national states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mainstream IR's claims to objectivity relies on a dramatic absence of self-reflection concerning its own historical emergence. My paper calls for a shift in attention, which exposes IR's debt to imperialism. As the inherited imperial hegemony of IR has been exposed by a variety of works in postcolonial studies and critical IR, it bears particular relevance to the independence model of Hawai'i, what I am calling the Hawaiian State Discourse. Hawaiian State discourse is proving hugely persuasive in shifting the language and vocabulary through which the Hawaiian-American relationship is discussed and understood. This has involved a popular shift in consciousness among Kanaka Maoli (Native Hawaiians) from victimization to empowerment. Whereas, for the last 30 years resistance to U.S. imperialism was confined to the idiom of colonization, HSD appropriates international law to expose the illegal U.S. occupation of Hawai'i. This speaks to a condition of ambivalence in postcolonial reason. IR's claims to truth, reason, and political objectivity offers hope to Kanaka Maoli. However, I argue that it is precisely the constitutive exclusions of Eurocentric genealogies of modernity that must be interrogated. Rather than describing what a particular phenomenon is, I argue for the critique of how its representation and therefore its privileged position in "qualified knowledge" structures is actively produced and reproduced. This calls attention to the generative force of law and European Enlightenment notions of realism in hegemony. Instead of dismissing the political movement towards justice for Hawaiians through the resuscitation of the Hawaiian State, this paper complicates and thus augments Hawaiian State Discourse by analyzing its epistemic closures and ontological commitments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is now considered important for IR to better understand how states as complex collectives come to act on the world stage. Toward that end, this paper examines how the United States reached a collective decision to attack Iraq and what it means and does not mean to call that decision a collective one. In the process, the paper will illustrate how a critical realist perspective permits a synthesis of two approaches normally considered opposed: political economy and discourse analysis. The decision-making process will be shown to have been a de-centered one, dependent on rhetorical maneuvers among elite actors within a field of structured power relations and against a background of public inattention. The picture will hardly accord with the traditional IR conception of nation states as simple rational actors pursuing clear national interests. Called into question as well is the traditional Kantian confidence in the moral behavior of democracies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, an increasing number of social democrats, liberals, and progressives have adopted explicitly cosmopolitan theories of international justice. This paper explores questions about the type of global governance that we might want to advance just such cosmopolitan goals. In doing so, however, it also draws attention to some of the tensions between progressive approaches to international justice and a concern to promote a more democratic global politics. The broad aim of the paper is thereby to shift attention toward a kind of democratic utopianism.Historically when progressives have adopted utopian or ideal theories of international politics, they have often advocated forms of government in which democracy is secured through nation states: citizens are to elect governments who then represent them in the international domain. Yet, new theories and new worlds of governance cast severe doubt on a reliance on this representative model of democracy (at the national, regional, and international level). The literature on global governance is full of accounts of the way a global pattern of rule arises not from a hierarchic governing structure by from markets, networks, and partnerships among often unelected actors such as high court justices and central bankers. Such network governance requires new kinds of democracy, and especially new forms of participation. The paper ends, however, by suggesting that these new forms of participation, as evidenced by regional and international cases, are as likely to top-down impositions of expertise as they are to be a radical democratic utopia. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does transitional justice bring stronger democracies or reduce human rights violations? Scholars and advocates of transitional justice tend to assume a positive relationship between transitional justice and improved democracies and human rights records. To date, however, no systematic analysis has explored the success of transitional justice in achieving those objectives. This paper begins to do so. Using the University of Wisconsin-Madison’s Transitional Justice Data Base, that includes over 175 countries tracked over 30 years, the paper examines the impact of specific transitional justice mechanisms (i.e., truth commissions, trials, amnesty, lustration). It explores not only whether transitional justice improves democracy and human rights, but also whether one or more mechanism does so better than other mechanisms. The paper uses measures of democracy and human rights found in existing data sets, including Cingranelli and Richards (CIRI), Freedom House, Political Terror Scale (PTS), and Polity IV. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does international conflict behavior vary between democracies? A great deal of recent literature has begun to examine this question. This literature has stressed the importance of domestic institutions but a consensus has yet to be reached as to what factors account for variation in behavior. The current paper examines the international conflict behavior of parliamentary democracies from 1946-1989. The paper attempts to make two contributions to the existing literature. First, the paper separates domestic institutions into structural and partisan and argues that these two types of institutional constraints have varied impacts on conflict behavior. Structural constraints will lead to more pacific behavior whereas partisan constraints will lead to more aggressive behavior. Second, the paper develops separate indices to measure structural and partisan constraints. These indices allow for more precise measurement between countries and account for more variation than dichotomous variables. The hypotheses are tested using logit analysis with robust standard errors and on two dependent variables drawn from the MIDS dataset. The paper looks at whether the parliamentary democracy initiated the dispute, and whether force was used. The results of the analysis offer support for the basic theory laid out in the paper when looking at the two dependent variables. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While many have noted that the Bush administration?s new security strategy has reformulated many of the tactics of American Grand Strategy, few have attempted to establish a connection between militant liberalism, the reduction of risk and transnational accumulation. In this paper I argue that US mobilizations for a perpetual Global War on Terror (GWOT) might best be understood as a coercive insurance policy for a globalizing capitalism. In this context, while the discourse of global new constitutionalism may serve to secure aspects of transnational accumulation by law, its more coercive counterpart may be found in the evolving strategic thought of global dominance planners who not only seek to insure American preeminence throughout the twenty-first century but who also seek to guarantee the very life-basis of American dominance by a perpetual war fought on many fronts and with a diversity of tactics. Part of why this insurance program has been operationalzied, I argue, is not to reduce the risks to life in general, as contemporary students of biopolitics might suggest, but to a particular way of life ordered, reordered, and reproduced in certain ways and not others. In this sense, I understand the Global War on Terror as animated by the discourse of militant liberalism, a more coercive yet complementary discourse to disciplinary liberalism. The ultimate aim is to instantiate a worldwide liberal revolution and by extension a global liberal zone of peace. According to this logic, the greatest risks to the universal project of free-enterprise capitalism are those regions of the globe that have yet to be assimilated by its ?normalizing? disciplines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a critical survey of the appropriation of the work of Michel Foucault within post-structuralist IR. Foucault has thus far been employed in three ways: to support deconstructions of realist international theory; to analyse discourses and practices on the periphery of international politics; and to develop novel accounts of the contemporary global liberal order. I argue that the first and the third of these usages are especially problematic. Utilised for the critique of realism, Foucault?s main emphases have consistently been overlooked or misrepresented. By contrast, when ?scaled up? to inform analyses of world order, Foucault?s work has ended up supporting essentially liberal accounts of international politics. There are, I argue, clear limits to the use of Foucault in theorising international and world politics, and given this I conclude that if Foucault is to be used more effectively within IR, his work must be situated within a (Marxian) framework which recognises the existence of hegemonic structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research on transitions and regime change has examined only changes between democratic and non-democratic regime. Although democratic regimes are a relatively well defined category, non-democracy is essentially a residual category that lumps together both stable autocratic regimes and cases where different autocratic regimes replace one another in irregular transfers of power. In this paper, we develop a series of hypotheses on conditions affecting the likelihood that autocratic regimes will break down and be replaced by either new autocratic regimes or democratic regimes. We devise a new approach to identifying regimes and regime changes among non-democratic states, and estimate the conditional probabilities of transitions to new autocratic regimes and democracy among non-democracies. We find strong evidence suggesting that although some common factors are more likely to make autocratic re-gimes break down and can make both transitions to autocracy and democracy more likely, many factors influence the two types of transitions in quite different ways and some transitions are relatively more likely under different circumstances. Whereas domestic economic factors have a strong influence on the stability of autocratic regimes, international factors and prior experiences with democracy are strongly associated with the likelihood of transitions to democracy in the wake of the fall of a dictatorship. Lump-ing together ?non-democracies? aggregates a very heterogeneous set of outcomes, and the factors affect-ing the prospects that a given autocratic regime will remain in power are quote different from the factors increasing the probability of irregular regime changes to new autocracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bush administration has proclaimed that the promotion of democracy is a central goal of its ongoing military interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. This paper will examine both why the Bush administration decided to promote democracy during its interventions in these countries and speculate on the likelihood that such policies will lead to consolidated liberal democracy. It will argue that the commitment to democracy promotion in both countries reflects a growing belief among policy-makers in the Bush administration that the promotion of democracy is essential for achieving US strategic interests. It will also argue that the potential for at least half-assed democracy is greater in both countries than many analysts anticipate, because the commitment of the US and other international actors to democracy provides Afghans and Iraqis will strong incentives to demonstrate their commitment to this international norm. The myriad domestic impediments to the consolidation of democracy in both countries and the way in which democracy promotion is harnessed to US security interests may place fundamental limits on the deepening of democracy in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last twenty years have seen the most dramatic extension of democracy so that democratic states now comprise half of the United Nations. The inaugural Ministerial Conference of the Community of Democracies (CD) resolved jointly to cooperate to discourage and resist the threat to democracy posed by the overthrow of constitutionally elected governments. A Council on Foreign Relations Task Force on Responding to Threats to Democracy reported to the second Community of Democracies of the wide range of measures that democracies can legitimately take to prevent and even reverse coups in other democracies. Some such actions have contributed significantly to the reversal of coups ? as seen over the last decade in Haiti, Fiji and Venezuela. Interventions to create new democracies rather than protect existing ones are generally seen as far more problematic. This paper will compare the legal and ethical arguments for these different kinds of pro-democratic intervention and apply them to recent cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Safia Swimelar University of the South EU Enlargement and Minority Rights: Hegemony and Norm Socialization One aspect of the European Union enlargement process has been the EU’s promotion of minority rights within EU candidate countries in Central and East Europe (CEE). This paper examines the dual role of power and ideology (as norms and ideas) in the diffusion and socialization process of minority rights norms, primarily in Europe, but also as a general phenomenon. Using the discourse of international norms and human rights, the West has been persuading the East to adopt minority rights standards, some that even the West has yet to adopt. Making minority rights a condition for future EU membership illustrates the power that West European states have over their Eastern neighbors that will most likely continue once CEE states become members themselves starting in 2004. But the recent events that pitted some CEE states against West European states (and on the side of the United States) may affect the future of Western influence upon the East. As international relations scholars interested in the role of norms and ideas in the international system and in the promotion of values such as human rights, we tend to assume that EU conditionality and socialization are positive processes. We also often assume that minority rights standards in the East are relatively weak, while in the West they are relatively strong, implying that the West is the primary norm pusher and the East the norm taker. However, it can be argued that the EU’s support for minority rights is weak, contradictory, and primarily instrumental. The EU may be using the ideology of human and minority rights to solidify its hegemony over Central and East Europe. Seeing the norm diffusion process as unidirectional from West to East may not reflect reality where East European scholars and policymakers often have more practical solutions to inter-ethnic conflicts than their West European and/or American counterparts. Additionally, most scholars, including myself, have examined the diffusion of international norms through a constructivist/reflectivist framework. The way that the EU accession process has played out illustrates the usefulness of this approach, but also makes clear that rationalism still carries a great deal of weight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

West Africa has been the recent focus of innovative approaches to international human rights intervention in the region’s on-going civil wars. Most of these approaches were borne of crisis management and ad hoc solutions. They include targeted sanctions against commerce in conflict resources, outside sponsorship of mercenaries and other armed groups to defeat on the battlefield rebels deemed unreliable in negotiations, and the institutionalization of peacekeeping in the context of a regional multilateral organization originally organized for economic cooperation. This paper explains how these strategies coordinate diverse interests, including some that work counter to human rights norms in other circumstances, to mitigate human rights violations in this region. The primary critique of these approaches focuses on the tendencies of interest groups to use these alliances to pursue narrow objectives at the expense of long-term political stability. More powerful partners in international human rights interventions usually end up tolerating these interests out of concern to maintain short-term order and to deal with regional problems at low financial and diplomatic cost. These expediencies lead to coalitions and strategies that bear some resemblances to informal imperial influence in Africa in the mid 19th century, during which broad societal concerns for human rights confronted growing anxieties among officials in Europe about regional stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European human rights regime was founded in 1950 and has strong enforcement mechanisms over its 45 member states while providing over 800 million citizens with the possibility of individual recourse to the European Court of Human Rights. Traditional explanations of the regime’s development focus on reactions to World War II and the role of ideas, but do not account for variation among states’ commitments to human rights protection. In contrast, Andrew Moravcsik’s republican liberal approach argues that governments submit to the European human rights regime to lock-in their successors with a favorable policy and that new democracies are the driving force in strengthening international human rights commitments. This paper undermines the republican liberal approach through empirical study of states’ ratifications pertaining to the acceptance of individual petitions and the Court’s compulsory jurisdiction. Established democracies are substantially more likely to support enforcement within the European Convention of Human Rights than new democracies. Although Central and Eastern European countries have accepted the enforcement mechanisms faster than other new democracies did in the early years of the regime, this is primarily the result of pressure from established members of the Council of Europe and the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the effects of systemic democracy on interstate activities. We investigate the effects of systemic democracy on the frequency of 3rd party interventions, the success of peace settlements, and the reliability of alliance commitments. Mitchell (2002) has previously demonstrated the positive contribution of democratic norms, for democracies and nondemocracies alike, on 3rd party interventions. Mitchell measures the level of democratic norms with the proportion of democratic states at a given point in time. We seek to extend her analysis by considering a more nuanced conceptualization and measure of systemic democracy, namely the strength of the democratic community (Kadera, Crescenzi, and Shannon 2003). In addition to accounting for the proportion of democracies, the strength of the democratic community variable incorporates a comparison of the intensities of democratic regimes and those of autocratic regimes and the power of democracies versus the power of autocracies. We also extend her analysis by considering systemic democracy’s effect on peace settlements (using ICOW data from Hensel and Mitchell) and the reliability of alliance commitments (using ATOP data from Leeds). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular opinion about international political economic phenomena has tended to vary according to traditional factors such as national identity, socioeconomic location or dominant political ideology. Yet, in the space of less than a decade, anti-globalization sentiment has spread throughout the world and been adopted by individuals without a history of shared national, socioeconomic or political identity. In seeking to explain the unique characteristics of this normative movement against globalization, this paper draws upon and develops the insights of sociological institutionalism to explain the widespread diffusion of new international norms. Further, using theories of cognitive evolution and complex social learning, it explains the causal role of ideational factors in uniting otherwise disparate groups around common political goals?goals that, when operationalized through institutions, actively shape new political realities. Importantly, this mutually constitutive relationship between transnational social movements and institutions remains functionally intact regardless of whether the ideas involved correspond to material reality or not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political inclusion of minorities has rarely been studied cross nationally and when it has it is most often used as an independent variable. Most often political inclusion is assumed as a component of democracy. This paper explores those factors that increase the probability of minimal political inclusion for minorities. We aggregate the treatment of Minorities at Risk to the state level and we examine the relationship between minimal political inclusion for Minorities at Risk and militarization of society, economic wealth, civilizations/culture, and institutionalized contestation controlling for the level of ethnic heterogeneity. We find that contestation and culture are important while economic wealth and the militarization of society are not significant. The international norm of democracy, while significant, does not have a large impact on the probability that a country will have minimal political inclusion for its minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Michael Goodhart views the theoretical and methodological tensions highlighted in the first two papers through the historical and conceptual lens of globalization. He argues that from the beginning modern notions of democracy and human rights have been deeply intertwined. The domestication of universal freedom and equality in sovereign states, however, leads to two distinct conceptions of what political universality means. Goodhart argues that as globalization accelerates, these two conceptions are increasingly in tension with one another: globalization heightens and highlights a longstanding tension between democracy’s universal principles and their limited realization in the sovereign state. This tension is not limited to the political realm as it has been traditionally understood; Goodhart argues that the conceptual framework of sovereignty has shaped the development of democracy domestically in ways that further constrict its universality. Goodhart contends that by reconnecting democracy with universal human rights it is possible to recapture and reinvigorate its emancipatory thrust. Doing so undercuts the sovereign foundations of modern democracy, however, posing serious challenges to familiar understandings of democracy. At the same time, detaching democracy from sovereignty and reemphasizing its commitment to universality opens up intriguing possibilities for democracy in the era of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine whether the war propensity of reversed democracies ? those autocratic regimes with previous experience as democracies ? differs from the behavior of other authoritarian states. If the normative explanations for the democratic peace are accurate, then the conflict-inhibiting principles inherent to democracy ought to survive, at least to a certain extent, the transition to authoritarianism. If this is indeed the case, these norms should continue to exert a pacifying effect in interactions between democracies and reversed democracies. As such, our argument constitutes a test of an important and heretofore overlooked observable implication of normative explanations of the democratic peace. After reviewing the institutional and normative theories of the democratic peace, we develop our theory concerning reversed democracies and devise testable hypotheses from it. Then, examining the expected probabilities for war in dyads with at least one democracy and using the rare-effects logistic regression technique, we test our theory. The results, particularly in the post-World War II era, are supportive of the claim that prior democratic experience and residual democratic norms continue to lessen the war propensity of reversed democracies. To explore our primary causal claims further, we conclude with two brief case studies of reversed democracies in Weimar Germany and Imperial Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will map the various discursive practices stemming from the notion of imperialism. The insights of this research could be presented as a ideological landscape freely drawing its inspiration from O. Hirschman’s heuristic conceptualisation of market society. This will enable us to glimpse the tendencies at work within the discourses of imperialism (and anti-imperialism) from hegemonist rationalisations to the deconstructions of imperialism (ie, Third World or Marxist critiques). The thesis of a civilising imperialism specifically building on dialectical rationalisations of the reality of imperialism can be traced from Hegel to Wolfowitz via Cecil Rhodes and Jules Ferry. At the other end of the spectrum, critical discourses confront the mystifications of imperialism by stressing the lugubrious economic agenda of colonialism driven by the most sophisticated forms of greed and resulting in the sordid truth of the ravages of imperialism. This binary opposition, however, presents a number of points of interaction between the two rival interpretations, notably as regards the unavoidable nature of imperialism as process. But a more radical anti-imperialist critique that builds on the untamed assets of the periphery might thus be given a better chance to emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IR has become increasingly reflective of its own organization and analytical inclinations recently. Yet, stuck in the tone set forward by its foundational text, the emergent sociology of IR literature has come to adopt specific analytical perspectives itself: Focusing on the production of IR scholarship as international intellectual competition, assessing paradigmatic and geocultural proclivities through the analysis of journal publication patterns, and advancing structuralist conceptions of intellectual hegemony, the literature has been giving insufficient weight to the enactment of analytical perspectives and to the discipline's impact on audiences other than scholars. This paper argues for engaging a broader range of the discipline's parochialisms - paradigmatic, national, linguistic, gendered and historical - through IR teaching. Problematising the analytical functions of intellectual parochialisms, it advocates for a critical pedagogy of international studies based on pluralist theory teaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do states violate internationally accepted norms embedded in domestic rules and institutions, particularly when doing so brings international and domestic censure? This paper examines the topic of a leader's political and legal beliefs and violation o ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine whether cosmopolitan political philosophy yields instruments capable of reinforcing U.N. Charter-drawn restrictions on armed coercion in international relations. The Charter, long compromised by the relative failure of Chapter VII ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores what happens when al-Qaida's global ideology meets the ideology of a militant Islamist, but locally oriented insurgency movement. This will be achieved through studying the relationship between al-Qaida and the Afghan Taliban movement from 1996 until today. The case of Afghanistan is unique, due to the relatively long history of ties between al-Qaida and the Taliban. This enables us to study the dynamics of their relationship through changing historical circumstances. I argue that both before and after 2001, the relationship between al-Qaida and the Taliban was based on pragmatic needs and personal alliances, rather than ideological coherence. Before 2001, the ideological differences led to open conflict between al-Qaida and the Taliban, mainly because the Taliban had no interest in fighting the "far enemy", i.e. the United States, from their lands. After 2001, these conflicts were concealed due to the arrival of the "far enemy" on the very soil of Afghanistan. However, I argue that while the Taliban and al-Qaida are today united in their fight against a common enemy, there are still fundamental differences between them regarding why they fight and what they plan to do when the current fight against foreign troops in Afghanistan has been won. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses Giorgio Agamben’s affirmation of post-sovereign politics by analyzing his critical engagement with the Hobbesian problematic of the state of nature. Radicalizing Carl Schmitt’s criticism of Hobbes, Agamben deconstructs the distinction ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In democracies, frequent leadership turnover and the need of leaders to appeal to their constituencies may threaten the long-term reliability of international commitments. However, current governments can bind future administrations by formulating strong and precise agreements. This paper examines under which conditions such "precommitment" is more or less likely to occur. I look at democratic leaders' decisions to conclude defense versus consultation pacts. While defense pacts precommit future leaders to intervene in the case of the ally's attack, consultation pacts leave more room for future governments to decide on a course of action. Following Fearon (1997), I ask under which conditions democratic governments will make whole-hearted commitments or partial and vague ones? I argue that the answer lies in domestic political considerations about when it is beneficial to formalize an international commitment. A government is more likely to precommit successors if it values the agreement highly, if it believes that it will lose power soon, if potential successors have different preferences regarding the agreement, and the costs of formulating a precise and encompassing commitment are not too high. I test my theoretical expectations using the Alliance Treaty Obligations and Provisions (ATOP) data between 1945 and 1998 and find some preliminary support for my argument. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2006 the Algerian militant salafist group GSPC (Salafist Group for Call and Combat) merged with al-Qaida, and in 2007 changed its name to al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). This paper will analyze the ideological development of the radical Islamis ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trust is apparently becoming an increasingly precious good in interstate relations. The pervasiveness of the "democracy discourse" in contemporaty politics reveals that mutual accountability is something states significantly seek in their scial life. As M.W. Doyle noted, since balancing and deterring enemies appear to be less and less effective to meet global challenges to security, the "cultivation of friends" gains relevance in international society. The aim of this paper is twofold. First, the couple relationship will be taken taken into consideration in order to assess if it is particularly conducive to developing mutual trust between states (a conclusion which would justify the adoption of this metaphor and perspective in IR). Second and more important, the link between couple relationships/multilateralism and the enhancement of overall accountability in world politics will be analyzed by discussing the possibility of a "trust spill-over" from couples to larger groups of states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]