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This paper provides a preliminary exploration of the social construction of climate science and policy in a range of sub-national, national, and international policies aiming to avoid dangerous climate change. The paper discusses the rationale that are most likely to result in substantive reductions of greenhouse gas emissions and the role science has played in justifying climate change policies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is an increasingly salient issue within international environmental politics. Biodiversity, despite having become a focal point for conservation, has not risen to the same level of salience. Such disparity is interesting given that the Framework Convention on Climate Change (FCCC) and the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) were linked to a similar negotiation process and collectively represent the foremost treaties addressing sustainable development. In light of the attention climate change has received over biodiversity, this paper revisits the old question of why some issues receive more attention than others. In seeking an answer, this paper will focus on the role of ideals and knowledge in the construction of issue-areas. In particular, it will examine how each issue was defined during the negotiation process and how this effected its perceived salience. This paper will ultimately argue that despite scientific uncertainty inherent in both issues, climate change is more saliently defined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes how uncertainty and an unequal distribution of costs across countries affect governments’ preferences towards the timing and design of climate change policies. In choosing and enacting climate change policies, governments have to deal ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper "Abrupt Global Climate Change and the International Climate Change Regime" that was presented at the 46th annual meetings of the International Studies Association in Honolulu, Hawaii. It examines the science of abrupt climate change and its possible impacts. It says that long-term climatic oscillations have been attributed to a series of factors including variations in solar activity and tilt of the planet's rotational axis.

The proposed paper examines global negotiations on future climate change policy. The current international treaty, the Kyoto Protocol, expires in 2012. Negotiations on the successor agreement are currently under way and are proceeding in two parallel processes, one of which aims to renegotiate policy commitments of industrialized countries. The paper explores the political dynamics in the first year of these negotiations. Based on the author’s direct participation in international climate negotiations, the study examines the interplay of economic considerations and environmental concerns in shaping state preferences. It analyzes country positions and the configuration of political camps behind competing climate policy proposals. The recent declaration by the European Union of unilateral and ambitious policy commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emisisons is theory-relevant. The argument is that dramatic differences between negotiating positions of European and North American countries are conditioned by differences in their approaches to economic planning and cost-benefit analysis. Long-term economic benefits motivate European countries to pursue strong climate policy. These countries are shifting the dominant discourse, and now emphasize business opportunities and the economic reasons for combating climate change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on two ways that are frequently suggested for furthering climate negotiations. First, many paths to achieve the same goal is often forwarded as a crucial element of future architecture agreements within the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. The idea of many paths implies that several mechanisms, institutions and agreements are required to prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system. The many paths is likely to involve climate action at various levels such as global, regional, national and local and will necessary require coordination of the potential vertical synergies. Second, both scholars and policy-makers increasingly emphasize potential synergies between climate change and world trade and argues that a closer inter-linkage is needed to fulfill the goals of the respective regimes. The paper analyses potential conflicts and convergences when these two approaches to reach international climate objectives meet. It studies how the synergies between climate and trade can affect the use of measures at other scales than the global, in particular climate policy at municipal level. This is done by comparing the major issues of trade and climate interaction with examples from the measures used in municipal climate strategies; in our case from Stockholm, Sweden. It also explores the possible future consequences of a higher degree of harmonization between climate and trade policy multilaterally for municipal climate action. We also suggest a set of research questions to further study the practical implications of a higher degree of interaction between the two regimes as well as an empirical study of how such linkages are made in international, national and local climate policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a draft of a chapter that will be included in the forthcoming edited volume entitled, "The Social Construction of Climate Change." The chapters in the volume present a number of potentially fruitful avenues for analyzing the "social construction of climate change." This paper focuses on the early framing of climate change as a political problem at the international level and the associated normative debates that emerged related to how states should respond to the threat. It then evaluates how the international framing of the problem and the normative debates were translated into the domestic political processes of Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The early domestic framing of the problem had profound effects on the political debates in all three countries and played a major role in shaping the degree to which emergent international norms were translated into the domestic policy debates. The paper seeks to explain how and why the political framing of climate change evolved at the international and domestic political levels and explores the consequences of these changes for climate policy in the United Kingdom, Germany, and the United States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International environmental regimes have undergone a transformation in the last decade from a system based on centralized nation-state governance of resources to a devolved collaborative system of management in which non-state actors can play a significant role. One result is the growth of interlocal institutions which can provide local non-state actors a role in cross-scale environmental decision-making. This paper analyzes the local to global interplay of institutions managing four key arctic species: caribou, salmon, beluga whales, and polar bears. The research proposes that while global forces have reduced the capacity for non-state resource-users to control these species due to climate change and global market forces, representing a loss of power, interrelated global trends have caused an increase in the number of vertical institutions that are available to such resource-users to participate in species management. More narrowly, this paper proposes that central to the efficacy of non-state actor participation in transborder natural resources is the interlocal institution. These claims are supported through a threefold case study methodology. First, using Young?s (2002) theories of fit, the institutional pathways from local native co-management to global agreements are traced in order to evaluate the fit of institutional designs with ecological resource characteristics. Second, institutions come with certain discourses that empower some behaviors and forbid others (Escobar, 1995, 1999). This research articulates the extent to which different non-state actors wield power, and in what fashion, either through or in spite of institutions. Lastly, the paper demonstrates further support for the analysis of interlocal institutions, local transnational institutions for contiguously shared resources (Lovecraft, 2004), as a setting for local non-state actors to influence international environmental decisions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents a conceptual framework for global climate protection based on the observation that there is a remarkable degree of similarity regarding when and how the issue is addressed domestically across countries suggesting an effective linking mechanism in terms of diffusion and learning in the wake of early movers. So far, however, a consistent analytical framework to theorize such phenomena that could shed some new light on the emergence of global cooperation is missing. Most models dealing with global cooperation in climate protection focus primarily on questions of finding and stabilizing international agreements that are addressed as problems of strategic interaction and rational design. The theoretical problems such a top-down approach entails due to an innate free-rider problem that prevents individual actors from taking action by their own are all well known. Equally known, however, is the fact that individual actors often do get engaged in voluntary measures beyond formal obligations. Empirical research on climate protection has long recognized the important role of domestic initiatives, which are seen as vital to create the political and regulatory environment for more effective and widely accepted international cooperation. Analytically this indicates a multi-level process that may be best captured by self-organization as a process of macroscopic pattern formation based on the interactions of microscopic system components. The challenge now is to identify the mechanisms that explain the complex interactions and feedback mechanisms that lead to innovation, selection, and diffusion of new political strategies and solutions. To provide this link the paper develops the concept of an international system of innovation. Innovation oriented environmental policies are already discussed and implemented for quite some years in various countries. The promise of such policies is to capitalize on a potential win-win situation regarding economic development and ecological improvement, which would turn climate protection into an individually rational strategy. In how far such gains really could materialize depends, of course, on a number of factors that are not further considered here. The paper focuses instead on the international dimension of innovation oriented policies and the implications this may have for global cooperation to emerge. In a globalized world, innovation decisions regardless whether they refer to policies or technologies have to take account of the behaviour and reactions of other countries. If other countries follow suit based on the expectation that serious action on climate protection will be inevitable in future, it may be possible to capitalize on first mover advantages. Self-reinforcing processes may be possible at the national and international level if a competition for the best environmentally friendly policies and technologies emerges. The approach thus sets out a framework to examine whether and how innovation oriented policies at the domestic level may lead to a multi-level diffusion process and thereby to the creation and deepening of global cooperative structures reflected by social, political, and institutional arrangements and treaties that may result in some lock-in effects and path dependency. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most writing on interlinkages so far has analysed institutional interaction between different policy areas, such as between trade and environment or between environmental regimes focusing on biodiversity and on climate. This paper will analyse institutional interaction within one governance area, namely global climate governance. This is the first major governance area where we observe the emergence of different regulatory frameworks and different institutional settings within and beyond the Kyoto regime that each encompass major segments of international society, be it with regard to their geographical range or their functional scope (e. g. greenhouse gas emissions, but also ozone-depleting substances or forests). This situation of a fragmented global policy arena, which has been likened to a "mosaic" of approaches and regulations, in one of the most pressing global environmental issue areas poses significant challenges for politics, political science and international law. For example, lack of uniform approaches may jeopardise the success of the segmented policies adopted by individual coalitions, and the possibly strong economic implications of a stringent climate policy adopted by one coalition of states may have severe ramifications for other policy arenas, most notably the trade regime. On the other hand, parallel regimes may offer several advantages. They could allow for the testing of innovative policy instruments in some nations, with subsequent diffusion to other regions. Innovative policies may also assist in the step-by-step convergence of parallel regimes, thus uniting the mosaic of approaches into a more uniform and possibly stronger global climate regime. The paper will develop these in-terlinkage problems in some detail, with a special focus on the North-South perspective. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines progress made by EU and other European nations in achieving the targets they agreed to when they ratified the Kyoto Protocol and the additional goals some countries have set unilaterally, assesses the policies they have put in place to pursue these goals and how these policies compare; and explores the political factors that contribute to the political support for these efforts. The paper uses theories and frameworks from comparative public policy and politics to assess these policy and political developments, and seeks to identify lessons from Europe concerning how to generate political support for precautionary climate policies and the kinds of policies that are most effective in efficiently reducing greenhouse gas emissions that might help move climate policy forward in the United States. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is expected to bring about major global environmental change, although considerable uncertainties exist with regard to the extent and geographical distribution of these changes. Predicting scenarios for how climate related environmental change may again influence human societies and political systems necessarily involves an even higher degree of uncertainty. The direst predictions about the impacts of global warming warn about greatly increased risks of violent conflict over increasingly scarce resources such as freshwater and arable land. We argue that our best guess about the future has to be based on our knowledge about the relationship between environment and violent conflict in areas that already experience forms of environmental change that we think will increase with climate change. Previous rigorous studies in the field have mostly focused on national level aggregates. This paper represents a new approach to assess the impact of environment on domestic armed conflict by using geo-referenced (GIS) data and small geographical, rather than political, units of analysis. The paper addresses some of the most important factors assumed to be strongly influenced by global warming: productivity of land, freshwater availability, and population density and change. To contrast the neo-Malthusian emphasis on natural resource scarcity, we also address other environmental factors suggested to impact levels of conflict such as presence of resource abundance (diamonds, oil, timber and drug production) and of rough terrain (forests, deserts and mountains). ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the international effort aimed at tackling climate change is related to the curbing of greenhouse gases emissions, while its human impact, especially in the South, is still vastly neglected by policy-makers. An important part of this human impact will be the forced displacement of populations, especially in low-elevated regions, such as islands, coastal and deltaic areas. Particularly at risk is the small atoll of Tuvalu, in the South Pacific Ocean, which is lowest-elevated state, and whose very existence is threatened by sea-level rise. The people of Tuvalu have reluctantly accepted the idea of relocation, and have started moving to New Zealand, under the terms of a negotiated migration scheme. Australia, which has not ratified the Kyoto Protocol, has refused to receive migrants from Tuvalu, and is now accused of ?eco-terrorism? by the authorities of the sinking atoll.Global warming is expected to force millions of people to relocate, and this paper looks at the possibilities of international cooperation in addressing this issue. Building on the case-study of Tuvalu, it examines how a global environmental responsibility could be shaped, and how the burden and responsibility of climate change-induced migrations could be shared and allocated. While the Kyoto Protocol provides an example of a burden-sharing scheme for the curbing of greenhouse gases emissions, such schemes are needed to meet the human cost of climate change such as the resulting forced migrations. Using the case of Tuvalu as a starting point, this paper tries to imagine which means of international cooperation could provide a new global public good : the protection of climate change ?refugees?. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the very nature of climate, scientists had to study it across national boundaries. Already in the 19th century, meteorologists formed occasional international collaborations and simple coordinating bodies. From the 1950s onward these expanded into ever larger and more elaborately organized global programs involving thousands of experts. The programs chiefly studied daily weather, but when research pointed to the possibility of global warming, it raised scientific questions that could only be addressed through international cooperative studies, and policy questions that required international negotiations. When governments formed the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), geoscientists comprised the core group. They imported the principles, mores, and many of the procedures that the scientific community had developed since the 17th century for establishing reliable statements about the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is divided in six parts. In the first one is analysed the Brazilian position in the global carbon cycle. In the second part is analysed the evolution in the Brazilian standing in the multilateral negotiations of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change since COP2 Geneva 1996 until COP 14 Poznan 2008. In the third part is analysed the Brazilian deforestation and energy policies before 2009. The fourth part is devoted to the analyses of the shift in Brazil climate policies in 2009. In the fifth part is analysed the potential for transition to a low carbon economy in Brazil and the impact in global climate governance. Finally there is a conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this research is to explore an effective and efficient financing system for climate change adaptation that will reduce the vulnerabilities of underprivileged communities. Two approaches are used: One approach uses indicators to evaluate ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many observers have hailed the entry into force of the 'Kyoto Protocol' to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in 2005 as a landmark achievement in combating global climate change. However, this treaty is but a first step, and its core commitments will expire in 2012. Even full compliance with the Kyoto agreement will not prevent 'dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system' - the overall objective of the climate convention. This situation has led to wide-ranging debates among policy-makers, academics and environmentalists on the future of climate governance after 2012. This quest of finding stable, effective and equitable solutions for long-term climate governance stands at the centre of this chapter. It has also been the focus of the comprehensive research programme that is reported here: the research group 'Post-2012 Climate Governance' of the EU Integrated Project 'Adaptation and Mitigation Strategies' (ADAM). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Key actors are developing “post-Kyoto” climate policies even in the absence of a common international framework. Thus, the “top-down” approach that has characterized the Kyoto epoch seems increasingly to be supplemented by a “bottom-up” approach to intern ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last few years we have witnessed increasingly alarming language used in relation to climate change. Some writers have suggested that this is unwarranted, but the scientific evidence appears to justify the use of alarming language (Risbey). While in ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tackling climate change is increasingly recognized as a policy challenge of utter importance. One of the most interesting and innovative building blocks in the Kyoto Protocol climate regime is the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). Since its inception, this so-called flexible mechanism has evolved into a volatile and booming market for the first internationally traded commodity created by an international environmental agreement, certified emission reduc-tions (CERs). During the process of market establishment and its functioning, private actors such as companies, project verifiers, carbon funds and CER traders have become leading actors in the global CDM market. Although the market continues to be intimately policy dependent as demand derives from the stringency of emission allocations and future nation state commitments for greenhouse gas reductions, this article investigates the transformation of a market that has been initiated by public actors, kick-started by public-private partnerships (PPPs) and that has evolved into a market in which governments are withdrawing and private actors are increasingly taking up their governance function. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates the history of transatlantic climate policy and relations. The U.S. is the major emitter of greenhouse gases that are having an impact on the climate system as well as a potential leader in developing technologies to deal with the causes and effects of climate change. Among the potential consequences of such climatic changes are increase in malaria and dengue infections. An overview of the U.S. and European policy on climate change is also provided.

I will start with a discussion of the ?ET pregnancy?. Why is it meaningful to characterise it as ?ultra-quick?? Based on a summary of the main milestones and development of the process, a central tool will be to compare this process with some other relevant EU processes and also with central developments within the global Kyoto Protocol context. In section three I will then turn to some important possible explanations for this speediness. First, the experienced physician would take a closer look at the real starting point of the pregnancy. Had the EU actually been pregnant for some time when talks about ET picked up speed in 1998; could it be that the pregnancy in reality started when the EU started to develop climate policy back in 1991/1992? In other words, we need to look at central problem characteristics and the very ?ripeness? of the ET issue within the EU context around 1998. Second, could it be that a strong and heavy-handed midwife contributed to a shortening of the pregnancy period? This of course refers to the seemingly dominant role of the Commission indicated above. Could it be that a unified and strong Commission provided the entrepreneurial services needed to ?install? this complex system in record time; hence providing the sort of problem-solving capacity sorely lacking in other international contexts? Moreover, was this strong role of the Commision combined with positive and ?abiding? other EU institutions? Third, it is common knowledge that external impulses and shocks may shorten a pregnancy. This refers to interaction, linkages and learning in relation to bodies, actors and processes outside of the EU. Among other things, it is here natural to consider the US withdrawal from the Kyoto Protocol process in March 2001. This may have opened a window of opportunity for EU global climate leadership and may have spurred the development of internal EU climate policy. Finally, section four will sum up central findings and reflect a little on implications for future effectiveness. Does the ?ultra-quick pregnancy? mean ?a premature baby?? For instance, could it be that central stakeholders and target groups have not been adequately consulted and important policy externalities have not been taken into consideration? Moreover, do recent developments in terms of Member States? follow-up of the 2003 Directive further substantiate that the EU ET policy-making speed is a quite break-neck one? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The International Geosphere Biosphere Program has recently suggested that we now live in a new era of natural history, the Anthropocene, one marked by the emergence of a new series of geological, biological and climatological forcing mechanisms in the biosphere. These new forcing agents are changing the composition of trace gases in the atmosphere, moving large amounts of material all over the planet, drastically curtailing, and in many cases, eliminating habitats and their species. The ethical challenge now for global environmental politics is to think within such a frame of reference. The most pressing ethical matters in the shadow of the Kyoto protocol, and recent events in the so called ‘Middle East’ relate the political questions of who we now are, and how we might usefully know how we might change our identities, and our actions, in light of the sheer scale of recent anthropogenically induced changes within the biosphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes how the introduction of specific policy instruments in multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) affects the implementation of such agreements. The empirical focus is on the implementation of the provision of the Kyoto Protocol rela ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to fill a large and rather debilitating gap in recent literature on climate change by refining and advancing the concept of state-initiated 'industrial complexes' in the United States. Specifically, it aims to better understand the state’ ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the policy debate of today, unabated climate change is considered to be a security threat. Climate change related issues, such as desertification, flooding, and natural disasters pose potential security threats in form of migration, competition of scarce resources and social unrest. This development requires institutions with capacity to untangle complex causes and consequences. Furthermore, they need to be able to mitigate and respond to the problems ahead. Security issues are increasingly included on the international agenda to combat climate change. This raises questions of the capacity of international institutions. Can the climate change governance system cope with the increased complexity? Can institutions adapt to the challenges of climate changes' security implications? In order to answer these complex issues, this paper addresses the emergence of the climate change -security nexus and the institutions in this context. Further it discusses different approaches to study international institutions and the climate change - security nexus. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conventionally understood mode of global environmental governanceâ€"universal, interstate, multilateral negotiations quintessentially represented by the 1997 Kyoto Protocolâ€"has essentially been stymied in climate change by the yawning gulfs that exist between the negotiating positions of major states. Yet stalemate at the state-centric level is not equivalent to the lack or demise of global governance of climate change. On the contrary, we are currently witnessing the emergence of multiple governance experiments at multiple levels of political organization (e.g. carbon offsetting, local governmental initiatives, regional initiatives, and carbon trading). This paper examines how the emergence of these governance experiments constrains and shapes the global response to climate change. It analyzes the politics of these experiments through the lenses of complex adaptive systems and social constructivism and examines how the experiments present both opportunities and obstacles for coherent and effective climate governance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP) was announced in July 2005 and held its inaugural ministerial meeting in January 2006. While the partnership has been dismissed as a "red herring" to distract attention from the U.S.'s failure to address climate change, its members include some of the largest emitters and fastest growing economies in the world. Thus APP-member countries account for a much larger share of global greenhouse gas emissions than the 35 countries with binding emissions reduction targets under the Kyoto Protocol.In this paper we explore - in environmental as well as in political terms - whether the APP may be seen as a supplement or an alternative to the Kyoto Protocol. We argue that separately both approaches are likely to have a low environmental impact and that environmental impact is likely to be enhanced to the extent that they can be combined. Based on an analysis of the positions of two key actors, the U.S. and the EU, we further argue that there are interesting points of convergence between the U.S. position and the Kyoto approach as well as between the EU position and the APP approach. Our analysis indicates that there is potential for more coordination between these approaches than observers as well as the parties themselves seem to acknowledge. After a decade of trying - and failing - to develop internationally coordinated climate policies that include key actors, time may have come to start focusing on the extent of cooperation that is feasible given differences in national circumstances, both among and between developed and developing countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Countries vary considerably in the stringency and type of their domestic climate policies as well as regarding their international commitments displayed in varying levels of reduction targets in the Kyoto Protocol. What are the explanatory factors for this variance? In our paper we firstly analyse in how far countries are comparable regarding their degree of ambition in climate policies despite of different preferences as regards policy instruments. Secondly, we relate the policy outputs of the Annex 1 countries to a model of environmental policy capacities. We first develop a measure of climate policy performance to capture the various aspects of climate policy. Our index draws together existing quantitative and qualitative information on national climate policies. From an array of information, including e.g. emission targets, the portfolio of policy types (e.g. voluntary and regulatory approaches), and the use of flexible mechanisms, two information on the aggregate policy output are derived: a ranked, composite indicator on the one hand; and a multidimensional, unordered information - the profile of climate policy - as identified in a cluster analysis. The latter is able to capture the qualitative nature of climate policy, e.g. the sectors addressed and the policy types used. We then aim to explain the relative position of a country in terms of its capacity. Our model of capacities for environmental policies encompasses the relative strength, competence and configuration of the governmental and non-governmental proponents of environmental protection and the specific cognitive-informational, political-institutional and economic-technological framework conditions. Emphasis is put on issue specific capacities, e.g. the share of the CO2 intensive industries in GDP. Both the profile (cluster membership) and the aggregate performance measure are regressed against components of climate policy capacities. With our model of capacities we offer an explanation for the relative position of the degree of ambition of a country and we also analyse in how far the different elements of political capacity are decisive for the policy profile. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper adopts a discursive framework in order to critically analyze the policy rhetoric permeating debates on climate governance. We argue that three discourses - green governmentality, ecological modernization and civic environmentalism - have competed over meaning in the climate negotiations. Green governmentality refers to a science-driven multilateral negotiation order, associated with centralized climate monitoring and mitigation techniques implemented on global scales. Ecological modernization represents a decentralized liberal market order that aims at providing flexible solutions to the climate problem at the lowest possible cost. Civic environmentalism advocates a fundamental transformation of consumption patterns and existing institutions to realize a more eco-centric and just word order. In its reform-oriented version, the vital force of a transnational civil society to improve the public accountability and legitimacy of the climate regime and its associated governance practices is stressed. We examine shifts in these discourses prompted by debates on future ?institutional architectures? for the climate regime, and reflect upon how the revitalized discursive struggle following these post 2012 talks will impact future climate governance ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the Arctic Climate Impact Assessment (ACIA) was released in 2004, the Arctic became the first international region for a full-scale analysis of the impacts of climate change. Signs of climate change effects and ACIA?s focus on implications for indigenous peoples in the circumpolar North received large media coverage and shifted the emphasis in the framing of climate change from global climate-model averages to regional and local vulnerabilities. Based on an in-depth study of the ACIA-process, this paper discusses the forces behind this shift. It focuses on the interplay between scientific and political processes and the role of international regional regimes in allowing new actors into climate policy and knowledge production. It particularly analyzes the role of indigenous peoples? organizations, their relations to state actors, and how these relations were shaped by norms within a regional international regime: the Arctic Council. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though it is often viewed by environmentalists as defeatist to seriously discuss adaptation to climate change (as opposed to mitigation), it is evident that many regions will be affected by the advance of global warming. This paper will outline the predicted impact of climate change on the world's most destitute peoples, most of them in the southern hemisphere but some in the far north. It will then evaluate the normative implications of international responses to date, including various capital and technology transfer mechanisms, and argue that in order to pursue global justice on this issue a plethora of associated problems, such as the impact of invasive species, infectious diseases, and reduced livelihood possibilities, must be addressed as well. In this sense global warming might act as a catalyst towards global equity, though most models of international relations would suggest otherwise. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses Europe?s strategic choices in climate governance between the United States and Australia, on the one hand, and the major developing countries on the other. It argues that the future climate governance architecture must pass four tests: credibility, stability, flexibility, and inclusiveness. Drawing on this, I review the strategic choices for Europe, structured around three levels of analysis in political science: climate polity, that is, the larger institutional and legal context of policy-making; climate policy, the instruments and targets that governments agree to implement; and climate politics, the actual negotiation process. At each level of analysis, I look at the interests and expectations of two non-European actors or actor groups: the United States, which accounts for over a third of all Northern greenhouse gas emissions, and the group of developing countries, which accounts for the vast majority of humankind. I argue that Europe must take clear principled positions on a number of key issues, in particular the need to have a strong multilateral framework as the sole and core institutional setting for climate policy and to accept the principle of equal per-capita emissions entitlements as the long-term normative bedrock of global climate governance. Both positions, however, will alienate the United States, and both will make it more difficult for the United States to rejoin the international community on the climate issue. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenology of Global Environmental Change, and Climate Change in particular, has potential to become the greatest threat that mankind may face in the 21st century. The ecosystem tipping point theory, established by natural scientists, identifies a ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pressing global environmental problems such as climate change lead states to attempt to coordinate efforts to address the issue through the establishment of multilateral environmental agreements. While many studies highlight the lack of strength and relat ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last few years, energy security and climate change have dominated the political agenda and engendered considerable academic attention. However, interest has overwhelmingly been focused on empirical aspects related to energy security rather than o ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the more inconvenient truths of the current climate change crisis is the questionable reliance upon applied aesthetics to capture the characteristics of this coming catastrophe. With the immensity and complexity of such change, even when it is we ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cities are emerging as leaders in climate governance, demonstrated for example by the adoption of the World Mayors and Local Governments Climate Protection Agreement in 2007 in Bali. Cities around the world have adopted action plans laying out their parti ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A countless number of business and industries are now actively expressing support for the international climate regime and engaging in various kinds of programs and measures to address climate change. But despite the significance of this new wave engageme ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

2007 saw climate change rise to a general status of international security issue - symbolised by three events: the release of the 4th Assessment Report by the IPCC tightening the language about the certainty and severity of the prognoses for climate chang ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Energy security has top priority in policymaking, and is often used by politicians as a rationale for policy changes that also entail greenhouse gas emission reductions. This article investigates systematically the close relationship between energy security and climate change. We discuss the potential for whether U.S. climate policy stands to be altered through calculated policy choices that could both increase energy security and reduce greenhouse gas emissions. We find that when energy security and climate change concerns increase in the same time period it may incur changes in power relationships between the actors involved. Under such circumstances will the potential for issue linkage be high and consequently create room for new climate policy programs. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Long-term policies face a number of challenges to methodological approaches of decision-making. Decisions under deep uncertainty and complexity hardly fulfill the requirements of established optimization methods such as perfect foresight and information about the systems involved. In addition, in a world with a vast number of actors who dynamically interact across multiple levels established game theoretic approaches fail to provide reasonable solutions over long periods. Addressing the challenge, a diversity of methods is being developed and applied which draw on concepts of artificial intelligence, complex adaptive systems and agent-based modeling. The approaches describe a system dynamics that is based on decision rules and adaptive behavior, with optimal control and game theory as special cases. The various methodologies are specified and compared for decision-making in long-term climate policy. Adaptive decision rules of individual actors on emission reductions and technical change are a function of the expected utilities and risks for a given time horizon, extending the established approach of time-discounted optimization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work addresses how scenarios help distinguish between threats, vulnerabilities, and risk, and what are the best possible mechanisms to address the complex relationship climate change and human security impact. Well known scenario cases that have considered climate change and its security impact (such as the Peter Schwartz and Doug Randall case written for the U.S. Department of Defense?s Office of Net Assessment) have most often focused on how to mitigate risk, particularly in the context of ?national security.? Few scenarios, to date, have considered the usefulness of assessing human security impact and attempts to mitigate vulnerability and avoid conflictual outcomes that are considered in a framework other than a nation-state response to a potential/emerging/real ?threat.? Given that scenarios might prove most useful to how a person/group/decision-maker might benefit from climate change scenarios, we propose to assess how best to consider and evaluate appropriate scales of action for a scenario for a given purpose. While catastrophic climate change will affect the globe in a disastrous way, scenarios that consider the complex relationship?and uncertain outcomes?from direct impact on human security vulnerabilities might compel the serious development of a research agenda that moves beyond the nation-states as the best response mechanism to human security impact outcomes as a result of climate change and related vulnerability events. Specifically, if ?human security? is the appropriate social (decision making?) unit of analysis, who or what co-operative regime is best suited to provide response? Moreover, what influence or range of responses might be available for such mechanisms to be effective? Finally, given the complex dynamics of this workshop?s focus, we consider it likely suggests that one scenario will not work for all bases of action, and raise the issue of ?nested? scenarios with multiple options for decision as an effective policy mechanism for decision makers. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]