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This paper will conclude the panel by offering a cautionary tale about the current problems of privatization. It will explore the advantages and distadvantages of contracting out core functions and advise against such actions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explore the reasons behind similarities and differences in post-crisis financial regulator regime in Japan and South Korea and the reasons for the variation in the endurance and depth of that reform over time. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs contemporary peasant mobilizing (and demobilizing) discourses and practices to evaluate the terms in which we understand global development today.There are two parts to this exercise, which is an exercise in historical specification. It seeks to clarify why the terms of the original ‘agrarian question’ no longer apply to agrarian change today, and to understand how such mobilization brings new understandings of what development practices in the twenty-first century will need to address if humanity is to survive. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The roles of ‘knowledge and power’ and ‘knowledge as power’ in development have been increasingly gaining the attention of critical scholars as well as policy practitioners. While the former seek to articulate the way in which (global) development is constituted through power struggles which also entail struggles over knowledge in development, the latter tend to misapprehend both. That is, the discourses of development they construct render invisible that development has been historically a continuously contested practice. This is evident for example, in the continued deployment of the comparative method in the theory and practice of mainstream development analysis. Methodologically, such approaches reify spatial boundaries and operate with a temporal logic that necessarily subordinates alternative conceptions of development to that of ‘past time’ in terms of a temporalisation as ‘past, prior or primordial’. A consequence of this is the foreclosure of the possibility of articulating social struggles in challenge of the politics underpinnings this spatio-temporal fix. This paper argues that a critical engagement of this dynamic with reference to the dialectic between ‘knowledge and power’ and ‘knowledge as power’ in struggles over development can render visible the analytical and practical tensions that ensue under a continued legacy of colonial /postcolonial thinking within a reconfigured ‘international’ political economy of global development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sanctions are a prominent tool of foreign policy. Recently, scholars have begun to move from a debate about ‘do sanctions work’ to a more nuanced discussion of how and when sanctions may be effective. For example, it has been argued convincingly that if sanctions are able to change the behavior of a targeted state, they should do so at the threat-stage before sanctions are imposed. If that is the case, an important question arises: What makes sanctions threats threatening? When will sanctions credibly convey the sender’s willingness to impose sanctions and, if necessary, consider military force? This paper develops and tests hypotheses regarding the efficacy of sanctions threats. Different types of sanctions vary in the economic costs they impose on the target state as well as on the sender state itself. At the same time, political regimes differ in how the economic costs of sanctions are translated into political costs for the state leader. I argue that the regime type of the sender state and the type of sanction threatened jointly determine whether sanctions threats are signals of resolve or signs of weakness. I expect targeted states to be more likely to either acquiesce outright or seek a negotiated settlement when faced with a sanctions threat that imposes significant political costs on the leader of the sender state. Conversely, targeted states should be more likely to stand firm in the face of threats that do not impose such costs, ceteris paribus. Using data from the new Threats and Imposition of Economic Sanctions (TIES) dataset (Morgan and Bapat 2006), I evaluate the theoretical argument against rival explanations for the time period 1971 to 2000. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia has beocme a major energy power and is using energy as the main instrument of its foreign policies. But it could not do so without gaining control of much of Central Asian energy holdings. Accoridngly this paper examines how Central asian states both energy producers and non-producers view Russia's energy policies and how they try to respond to it ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship has reexamined the concept of “economic nationalism,” distinguishing it from nonliberal or protectionist perspectives by emphasizing the way in which a policy reflects and advances a country’s national identity. However, empirical work in this area has difficulty distinguishing policies based on material self-interest from those based on nationalist ideas and norms. That is, nationalist rhetoric is frequently used instrumentally, while virtually any foreign economic policy can be said to benefit the “nation.” One way to address this problem is to use the nationalism literature to highlight different kinds of nationalism, and relate this variation to the way that states formulate foreign economic policy. By examining policy toward foreign takeovers in a number of both developed and developing countries, the paper will explore the extent to which conceptions of national identity affect the process and outcome of foreign economic policy making. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Now that its global hegemony over the national and transnational economic policy-making is consolidated after two decades of policy reforms carried out by neo-conservative, “third-way” social democratic, and developing country governments, we have a considerable knowledge about the intellectual and conceptual roots of the ideology called neoliberalism today. Nonetheless, in regard to its “practical” aspect, which we can refer to as “neoliberalization”, there still is a lot of empirical and comparative work to be done. Thanks to a number of scholars who can broadly, and perhaps bluntly, be classified as “institutionalist,” we have a few exemplary studies on different national paths to the global convergence of policy regimes into a set of political economic measures roughly characterized by the liberalization of trade, reduction in state expenditure, and tax-cuts. These studies fruitfully demonstrate the influence of differing institutional configurations, social-class relationships, and path-dependencies on the neoliberalization process of certain noticeable cases such as Thatcher’s Britain or Reagan’s U.S. An interesting puzzle, which can only be solved through the comparative approach presented by these studies, is that in some cases the same radical and harsh transitions took place without much reference to economic policy-making, let alone neoliberalization. This is more so especially for the countries where neoliberalization took place as part of a larger regional integration project. By examining the cases of Mexico vs. NAFTA and Turkey vs. the European Union, this paper argues that the interaction of regionalization and national political economic configuration presents another complex route to neoliberalization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My paper seeks to present the prospects for economic reform in Iran. The purpose is twofold: to inquire about the process by which economic reform can be achieved in an authoritarian state; and to assess the exportability of a successful model of economic reform to this country. Since the last twenty years, China’s economy has made remarkable progress. Its success is largely attributed to its combination of political repression and economic liberalization that leads to rapid economic growth under a stable nondemocratic regime. In brief: economic liberalisation without political liberalisation. This model has been considered by Iranian government yet the feasibility of the adoption of such model has been hotly debated. I suggest that the interest of China as a model lies less in the emulation of its economic reforms per se, but of the process by which these reforms were chosen and enacted. I suggest that the rentier characteristic of Iran is the main obstacle to results similar to the ones responsible for China’s economic success. To understand this phenomenon, I propose a look at Egypt, a case broadly studied for its implementation of significant economic reforms throughout the past two decades. The second biggest economy in the Middle East, Egypt matches Iran’s population size, underemployment problem, authoritarian regime and rentier characteristic. Using the Egyptian example, I argue for the high probability for economic reforms in a rentier state to lead to the reinforcement of the informal sector and of the rent-seeking behavior of its actors. I explain how Chinese like gradualism and Egyptian like capacity to accommodate to changes (positive as negative) might result in the unique success of economic reforms in Iran. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do sanctions contribute to nuclear weapons rollback? In this paper, I examine the possible link between sanctions and the ending of nuclear weapons programs in South Africa and Libya by testing the naïve theory of sanctions. The case studies offer some evidence for the validity of the naïve theory, which holds that sanctions lead to economic difficulties, which in turn cause a weakening of the domestic regime in the target, thus resulting in policy change by the target country. This preliminary study suggests that sanctions can be a powerful foreign policy tool to bring about nuclear rollback, but the causal mechanism is both indirect and tentative. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade the global trends of privatization have reached national security arena, which has been considered as the monopolized relam of state. After reviewing the trend and controversies surrounding the military outsourcing around the world, especially that of the U. S., I will assess the trend of military privatization in South Korea, the place marked by intense Cold War tension for more than a half-Century. I will particularly focus on concerns of military privatization over cost-effectiveness, reliability, monitoring and oversight, and military's future. I will conclude the paper by providing some perspectives of South Korea's military privatization and its policy implications. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mainstream approaches in the political economy literature hold that power, interests, and international economic structures are the variables that constrain and determine state behavior. Studies of developing countries? economic policymaking have likewise emphasized the influence of structural constraints in determining these countries? specific policy choices, viewing developing countries largely as passive actors responding to structural international constraints. Consequently, when analysts working under well-established approaches in the field of political economy seek to explain the wave of neoliberal economic reform in Latin America, they emphasize the influence of material variables such as economic crisis and the leverage of international financial institutions (IFIs). Very little (if any) attention is paid to the role of ideas as sources of economic policy change.The literature that gives explanatory primacy to the material variables above mentioned explores interesting issues that undoubtedly have accompanied the process of economic reform in developing countries. Nonetheless, by disregarding or diminishing the importance of the influence that ideational variables might have on actors as they evaluate and select their economic policy options, those studies disregard the complex process of change under way that in some countries has made possible the implementation of neoliberal reforms. Particularly, they overlook the impact that specific policy ideas have on the policy makers' understanding of international and domestic constraints and opportunities, and thus on their particular policy preferences and in economic policy change. Furthermore, studies based on mainstream approaches tend to disregard the important role that non-state actors and state actors other than policy makers and their ideas may play in introducing and advancing the reform agenda. The present paper assesses the role of policy ideas and that of their advocates, state and non-state actors as well, in the Peruvian case of neoliberal economic reform. It attempts to explore why and how market oriented policy ideas became more persuasive and could resonate against widely held domestic understandings and beliefs that previously had define the role of the state and social actors in the economy, and the state?s policy towards core states, foreign capital, and international financial institutions. In this regard, a qualitative comparative analysis of the economic policy pursued by the various administrations that governed Perú during 1975-1992 is applied here. Particular attention is paid to the social-political context, with special focus on the prevailing economic policy ideas surrounding each of these administrations. Examining variation in the dependent variable (economic policy) with one of the independent variables (policy ideas) while holding other potential causal variables (economic crisis and IFIs leverage) constant across time permits seeing that although relevant, material variables appear to not have consequential effect on economic policy change. In contrast, the analysis shows a causal relationship between change in policy ideas and change in economic policy expressed in Perú in the application and consolidation of neoliberal reforms during the 1990s. More importantly, the findings suggest looking not only at the role played by policymakers in the state sector, but also at non-state actors: at the ?soft power? exercised by technocrats, think-tanks, and the press, among others, who during the late 1980s in Perú were a crucial conduit for the diffusion of market-oriented policy ideas throughout society.Although referred to a specific country, this study may offer important contributions. The choice of the Peruvian case of economic reform is a very useful one for studying the influence of ideas in economic policy change. The ideas-based research has focused primarily on developed countries... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following World War II the concept of dual use technology, with its demarcation between civil and military technology, provided the structure for export control policy and industrial policy in the USA. The end of the Cold War and rapid technological change in new areas of military interest, such as biotechnology and nanotechnology, have eroded the boundaries that underpinned those policies. Based on analysis of the changing security and technological environment, my paper will discuss alternatives to our current export control policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) has been a pillar of the tripolar world of global capitalist economy since 1960s. It has already become the biggest economic bloc in the world. It has been actively participating in making international agreements on international trade. It has distributed significant amounts of development aid to third world countries. In short, the EU seeks to create a world economy ?on its own image? with its foreign economic policy. Given the vital impact of the EU?s foreign economic policy upon the daily lives of millions outside Europe, a firm understanding of making of the EU?s foreign economic policy is much necessary. But who makes the EU?s foreign economic policy? And what is the role of European scholars in comparison to the Brussels-based and national policy-makers in the making of the EU?s foreign economic policy? How critical or how supportive are they of/to the EU?s foreign economic policy? This paper attempts to answer these questions through an extensive survey of European policy-makers and scholars since late 1960s. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there appears to be a discernable international taboo concerning the use of nuclear weapons by states since Nagasaki, a similar taboo does not seem to have developed with respect to the acquisition of nuclear weapons. I first identify the conditions that point to the absence of a taboo in this area. I then develop three ethical normative frameworks that may be construed to explain acquisition versus non-acquisition (rational-actor, contractarian, deontological). Next I explore the corollaries of these three ethical standpoints for the construction of international responses to nuclear weapons? acquisition by new states. The final section will evaluate practical positive and negative inducements (sanctions) according to their compatibility with the ethical traditions outlined in the paper. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The majority of writing on economic zones approaches the topic pragmatically as a question of economic outcomes or as a critique of governments and companies who use the zone to hide bad labor practices and discipline populations for global capital. These all focus, reasonably, on the economic logic of the zone. The story of the zone, however, cannot be explained through the logic of economics alone, especially since zones are sometimes pursued even when their economic impact may be measurably deleterious. In this paper I want to try and tell the story of the zone in a slightly different way, as a spatial form that has achieved global prominence not only because of its ability to attract and shape investment, but also because it attracts and shapes fantasies and aspirations of modernity. In the developing countries where the majority of zones are located, modernity has long become a heavily contested concept, burdened by its pathologies and emboldened by its eternal promises, inextricably intertwined with the contradictory legacies of colonialism and development. The zone, I argue, has come to occupy a significant location in the contemporary narrative of modernity, not only as a locus for economic development but as a form of urban space that embodies and channels classically modern dreams into a new locale. What I hope to trace, then, is the way in which the zone changes from a pragmatic space for the production of exports to a place, imagined and lived, which becomes a socio-spatial formation of late modernity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nearly thirty years ago Peter Gourevitch began a debate that many hoped would lead to a synthesis of comparative and IR work and open new theoretical and empirical terrain. While IR theorists have begun to assess the possibilities of integration for IR, most work has remained within comparative politics. IR scholars seem content to ride the rising wave of neo-classical realism to incorporate domestic variables into foreign policy but have yet to provide an alternative theoretical synthesis between the system and the domestic. Constructivism is arguably the most fruitful place to begin such a synthesis and yet it has been oddly quiet. This is troubling given that, from a practical point view, some constructivists have implicitly begun crossing the divide. The reluctance of constructivists to assess the benefits and potential of synthesis is not surprising given Wendt?s assertion that constructivism is a systemic theory, and with theorists? predilection for debating realism. If, however, one begins to disengage from the realist/rationalist debate, and attend to constructivist notions of power in a renewed discussion of agency and structure, the possibility of constructivist second image reversed theorising becomes possible. Though there are a number of possible theoretical and empirical paths to take, this paper proposes an analysis of how communicative interaction and theories of discourse can contribute to a synthesis of the international and the domestic in the area of international political economy and domestic economic policy. Beginning the theory building process from within international political economy is important for several practical and theoretical reasons: much of the literature on second image reverse theorising is within IPE and if constructivists are to advance their theorising they must address the relevant and dominant literature; the day to day workings of the international economy provide fertile ground for an analysis of power and inequality in the international system; economic relations provides unique opportunities to study the interaction of material and ideational factors that result in economic policy; since the end of the Cold War there has been an increasing, global acceptance of a single economic discourse- neoliberalism- that is impacting not only interstate but intrastate politics; and, lastly, existing theories cannot adequately explain why or how such a broad ideational, behavioural, and discursive shift has occurred. Briefly, what I argue for is an analytical distinction between agent and agency and a re-conceptualisation of agency as discursive and relational capability. A discursive approach to agency would, in accordance with a view of agency as discourse (or discourses), view discourse as both an enabling and constraining element of social interaction. Discourse as communicative structure, then, provides the inter-subjective rules for describing the world ?out there? such that objects, identity, and object relations exist in a mutually comprehensible manner. Relational capability merely points out that the agent?s position in a given structure in a given context affects its ability to shape an outcome. There is a ready space for power here in that a dominant discourse and social structures favouring one perspective, or group of states (e.g. the developed world) over another can extend one?s life-world into another?s. Discourse enables interaction but simultaneously constrains us by limiting us to those sets of relations and object definitions. Thus, we may begin to look at political processes as battles over varying interpretations of the life-world produced by such constructed relations and associated meanings. There is no dismissal of the material, though. Material factors such as institutional and economic structures (international and domestic), capital flows, and resource endowment remain important constraining and enabling factors... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Maghreb countries of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia have similarities and differences in their economic and political arrangements, social structures, and gender relations that allow for interesting comparisons. One commonality is that all three have been liberalizing their economies in anticipation of a free trade agreement with the European Union. Another is that feminist associations have been vocal and visible in demanding participation and rights in the face of both globalization and Islamization. Using a feminist political economy approach, the paper will show how state strategies for integration into the global economy have been affecting women?s economic participation, and how women?s collective action for legal equality and socio-economic rights has affected state strategies and legal frameworks. A discussion of recent reforms of family codes and labor laws will elucidate the contradictory effects of globalization and the complicated relations between states and feminists in the region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the economic and trade policies adopted by the string of newly elected left-leaning governments after nearly two decades of strong neoliberal hegemony in Latin America. We assume that the discussion of what this form of post-neoliberalism has to offer is in great part due to the content of its economic policies. By dissecting these economic and trade policies, we discuss the extent of the shift and point to the inherent contradictions and limitations of these post-neoliberal governments. We analyze how their policies straddle with the tensions and limitations inherited from neoliberalism while at the same time; make an effort to revive some leftist aspirations and goals. Beyond the manifold differences, the picture drawn shows the emergence of a fresh ideational disposition characterized by the emergence of a pragmatic belief in a role for state management and a search for a new social contract anchored in prudent macroeconomics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While similar descriptive terminology has been used in recent years for the EU and the US, scholars tend to assume that in terms of institutional shape the US is generally more hierarchical and centralized than the EU and in terms of market integration the former is more of a single free market than the latter in the sense of fewer allowable trade restraints. This is most obviously reflected in the fact that the United States is always explicitly or implicitly compared to other unitary states, such as France and the United Kingdom, while the European Union's usual comparators are other international organizations. More importantly, while scholars won't quite call the EU a "state", no one is arguing that we should question the label of "state" for the US.This paper will show, however, that in terms of regulations for public procurement and services, the European Union has gone further than the United States in centralizing authority and eliminating interstate barriers to the movement of services and goods. This raises a number of long-term questions about how homogenized and centralized the US market and polity are relative to Europe, why the attribution of policy sectors to different levels of governance vary across multi-level governance entities and why multi-level governance entities pursue different trajectories with regard to the adjudication of authority to the sub-level versus the central or federal level of authority. These questions become especially significant when considering that while we have coherent explanations for market integration and centralization/institutional outcomes, they tend to focus exclusively on one or the other of the two federal polities. Yet, when the respective logics of these explanations are employed to the two polities, they appear to be insufficient at best, leaving us to wonder why the EU went beyond the US in integrating and centralizing these policy arenas. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the economic relationship between the United States and China impacts the potential for dyadic conflict. I employ Interdependence Theory to explain this relationship. My purpose is to examine the strengths and weaknesses of Interdependence Theory as a framework for weighing the potential for conflict between the US and China. I investigate the reforms Deng started in 1978 and examine how China has economically opened to the world, becoming one of the world?s rising economic powers. Using the methods developed by John Oneal and Bruce Russett, the key proponents of Interdependence Theory, I found that the two states have a very high level of economic integration, based upon merchandise trade levels. According to Oneal and Russett, this should result in a reduction in the potential for conflict. Contrary to that prediction, the incidents of conflict increased during the period of increased interdependence. On the other hand, the examination of actual dyadic conflicts suggests but that the level (if not the number) of conflict has been reduced as a result of Interdependence. While Interdependence Theory in this case was not useful for predicting future behavior in the short rune, in general the theory is a necessary, if not sufficient, tool for explaining the relationship between conflict and economic integration. I recommend policy makers maintain economic engagement as a core element of US strategy, create additional mechanisms to reduce trade friction, and promote democracy in China in order to further reduce the potential for conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I explain the economic development of countries caught up between two poles: regional integration and specific national politico-institutional features. The two main questions of interest are: (i) How does economic policy diffusion in regional integration agreements affect the economic development of member countries? (ii) How can cross-national differences regarding the adaptation of policies and with it the economic effects of policy diffusion in regional integration agreements be explained? Drawing on the latest literature on institutional economics, the provision of public goods, the political economy of regional integration, and economic growth, I develop an integrated politico-economic model to answer these two questions. This model is based on testable hypotheses about the non-linear relation between the provision of public goods and long-term economic growth as well as the (the interaction of) domestic and regional causes and consequences of economic policy diffusion, I test its empirical implications. For this, I employ advanced panel econometrics to generate unbiased, consistent, and efficient estimates of the parameters of interest. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Millennium Development Goals, MDGs, have been stated to be ?the most broadly supported, comprehensive, and specific poverty reduction targets the world has ever established?. As part of the goal to secure environmental sustainability, is the target to halve, by the year 2015, the proportion of the population who lack access to clean water. Despite improvements in some regions, six years after the declaration, progress is slow towards reaching the water target, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. Based on my research of the implementation of the water target in Niger I intend, in this paper, to conduct a theoretical discussion of the potential of post-colonial theory to contribute to the understanding of the actual implementation of the MDGs. Whereas the water target can be seen as part of a larger hegemonic discourse its actual implementation will depend on a process of incorporation as well as contestation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After World War II, the six original members of the European Union claimed economic convergence to be one of their main goals in the Treaty of Rome. Since then, the organization has had to deal with global economics trends, membership enlargements, and other issues which have created divergence. In response to this, the EU created a regional policy in 1973, which is supported by the European Regional Development Fund. The ERDF served as the instrument where the EU was able to give grants to the underdeveloped regions of member states. However, until 1989, the ERDF was distributed via a quota based formula, supposedly going to states with economic need. After the 1989 reforms of the ERDF, when it became a part of the new Structural Funds, it was distributed via the Community Support Frameworks, which served as an organization tool where the European Commission would be able to identify those regions which need the most economic assistance as well as how these regions would spend this money. In this paper, I pose the question: in the different distributional phases of the ERDF and Structural Funds, can we witness different trends in economic growth as a result of distributional functions? I propose a theory related to multilevel governance to discuss how the distribution of the ERDF and Structural Funds in these different periods may result in various outcomes due to the distributional schemes. I expect to find that in the post revision period, the Structural Funds are better equipped via their distributional processes to achieve the goals set forth by the Treaty of Rome. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows, by examining cross-country bilateral aid allocation at the sector level, that meeting the needs of the poor and promoting development are important objectives for aid donors. Aid meant to foster growth and development in the near-term is disproportionately given to countries that have the capacity, as measured by government policy, to use this money effectively. Aid for social sector services is more widely disbursed, while aid for emergency relief is given to meet immediate needs in the wake of a disaster, influx of refugees, or internal strife. These findings are robust across different measures of policy and different model specifications. Bilateral aid allocation is also responsive to policy changes within recipients. Similar patterns are observed for the largest bilateral donor, the United States, even when taking into account bilateral military assistance, trade, and similarity in UN voting records. These findings show that donor countries condition aid designed to promote growth on the policy environments of recipients, refuting previous studies that failed to appreciate that much aid is given for reasons other than economic growth. They also suggest that it is misleading to use growth as a dependent variable when examining the importance of policy for aggregate aid effectiveness because the likelihood of receiving aid aimed at fostering growth is itself partially determined by a country's policy environment. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic sanctions have become a favored tool of foreign policy in recent years. The increased use of sanctions, not surprisingly, has fostered a number of debates, most of which center on one of two questions: 1) Are sanctions an effective means of achieving foreign policy objectives? 2) Should sanctions be used to supplement other policy instruments or should sanctions be used in the place of other policy instruments, and what conditions make a state likely to use them at all? These issues have stimulated a great deal of academic research, but almost all focuses on the first question. Our purpose in this paper is to address the second. We do so by using a general formal model of foreign policy analysis to develop an explanation for when sanctions are used, and for the relationship between the use of sanctions and the use of other foreign policy tools, specifically the use of military force. We then subject a number of hypotheses derived from this model to empirical tests based on a large sample of cases. Our results suggest that a state's power has a substantial effect on the frequency with which sanctions are threatened or imposed, and that systematic analysis of their use cannot take place in isolation from consideration of states' other foreign policy options. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has argued for the importance of a variety of different causal factors in the continued relationship between religion and nationalism in certain states (i.e. Ireland, Poland, Greece). These arguments vary widely, but the most significant and influential argument looks at the role of economic development in the secularization process. This assertion has largely held true in practice ? those states that are the most developed economically also tend to be the most secular. However, this paper argues that religious threats are central to the formation of religious nationalism, and as states develop economically, the threats to their national well-being are greatly diminished. Therefore, economic development plays only a secondary role ? becoming significant only in that it helps to diminish religious threats to the nation. This relationship is examined in depth and applied to a variety of cases. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper constructs a model with which to understand the private sector policies that emerged among oil-producing late developers during post-war economic development programs. Using the experiences of Iran from 1963-1979 as a heuristic case study, I argue for a more nuanced understanding of private sector policy-making in place of what has typically been offered in the literatures on late development and rentier states. Instead of private sector policies emerging from either the state?s ideological stance, corporatist ties between the state and capital elites, or sheer unpredictability, I draw from the experiences of Iran to emphasize the role of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in influencing a state?s policy-making calculus. I posit that in order to best understand the kinds of private sector policies that emerge among these types of states, one must first undertake an analysis of the distribution of capital present on the eve of development programs. This leads researchers to, when appropriate, integrate a study of the role of SMEs into the explanation of private sector policy-making. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last 25 years the Colombian economy grew at an annual rate of 3% and it almost doubled its size. On the other hand, the Venezuelan economy registered an annual growth of only 1% during the same period. The purpose of this paper is to explore the possible causes of this apparently paradoxical result in the light of the abundant literature on economic development published in recent years. I found that sound economic policies and stronger institutions explain Colombia's better performance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, India?s state directed development model has been replaced by privatized, liberalized and deregulated economic policies. This paper locates the unprecedented rise of private satellite television in India at a historical conjuncture of political and economic change, to investigate the emerging significance of the new television industry as a social force and its impact on cultural and national identity. By drawing correspondences between the entertainment television experience ? in particular, cultural adaptations of global formats for ?reality shows? ? and the political economic transformations taking place in society, I argue that questions of power spill over from regulatory policies and debates to primetime television menu. Television programming, as a technological-social space, mediates the ideational and material changes. In examining how cultural expressions refer to political and economic organization of power I argue that culture is where political contestations are and will increasingly take place. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the main tools available to Britain and the United States for deterring Japanese aggression and expansionism in the period from 1933 to 1941 was the power derived from the use of economic and trade levers. In particular, the ability to influence China, both as a military power and as a market, was one way in which Anglo-American economic cooperation worked to A. keep a major power in place who opposed Japanese expansion and B. allowed Britain and America to concentrate military power in other areas while economic power was used to deter Japan. Large loans, economic advise and aid, banking reforms, market manipulation, trade preference and technology transfers were all part of the combined and coordinated Anglo-American efforts to keep China fighting Japan. This paper looks at the mental maps present in American and British economic and trade elites who were responsible for keeping China economically viable, as well as militarily capable, with regard to their views of China as an investment in this deterrence strategy. As well, it will show the commonalities and differences between the two western powers in their elites' appreciation of Chinese economic and military power. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the most significant international policy responses that seek to address the resource trap and spur development in resource-rich, but fragile states. It applies a regime theoretical framework to assess recent multistakeholder initiatives within the extractive sector by focusing on the processes through which they seek to alter the behavior of public and private organizations. Based on a review of the Nigerian and Azeri cases, the article finds that civil society does often not have the capacity to live up to the high expectations placed on it by these initiatives. The effectiveness and eventual success of multistakeholder initiatives in the extractive sector require exploring alternative pathways to affect behavior of key actors. Stronger market incentives and regulation can provide the conditions required for extractive activities to result in positive development outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Individual human rights, states' sovereign rights, and legally recognized property rights interact in complex and changing ways in new debates over development, social and economic policy. This paper argues that these three forms of rights, and the actors who advocate, assert and adjudicate them, are at the center of an emerging set of debates in economic, financial, trade and social policy, and for North-South economic relations. The politics of each of the three sets of rights, and the shifting relationships among them, are examined and illustrated by three cases from the period 1995-2004: the assertion by governments of several low-income countries of their sovereign rights to set social policy and meet urgent social needs, in the case of trade law and domestic production of generic HIV/AIDS antiretroviral medications; the NGO-led movement to assert a human rights-based argument against the privatization of drinking water provision across dozens of countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America; and the growing debate over public access to information regarding corporate investment in poor countries.All three forms of rights human rights, sovereign rights, and property rights are advanced as arguments in all three of these cases, and the patterns of interaction and conflict among them are central to current North-South conflicts over a range of social and economic policy issues. But as the three cases reviewed here demonstrate, the current round of debates is also shifting the relationships among them and creating dramatically new patterns of international politics, as human rights claims, embracing social and economic human rights, align with states' assertion of some sovereign rights, and human rights and property rights claims create sometimes conflicting and sometimes complementary demands on states and international governmental agencies. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1970s and 1980s, the U.S. Congress passed legislation that required the U.S. to consider a state?s human rights practices when allocating foreign assistance. This requirement can be waived in times of national security or when the president indicates that extraordinary circumstances warrant assistance. US foreign assistance to Turkey has long been tied to stabilizing the region with respect to Greece and the island of Cyprus. However, after 9/11, the United States dangled $6 billion in aid grants in exchange for their cooperation in the pending invasion of Iraq. Given Turkey?s relatively poor human rights records, the stabilization of the region and the war on terrorism must qualify as extraordinary circumstances. This paper examines the U.S.-Turkey relationship in light of our foreign assistance program. Specifically, we seek to understand how all of this aid impacts human rights and whether any foreign assistance to Turkey improves the quality of life of its citizens. Or, is foreign assistance simply another blunt instrument aimed at shoring up U.S. national security? ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the evolution of U.S. Export-Import Bank financing from 1980 through 2004 within the competing paradigms of foreign aid and strategic trade policies. A longitudinal analysis will be conducted using financing data from the Annual Reports of the Export-Import Bank, with a particular emphasis on identifying changing trends regarding the domestic economic sectors and firms that have received Bank financing and the foreign markets that have been targeted. It is the contention of this research that despite U.S. government foreign aid rhetoric, the U.S. Export-Import Bank?s primary function has been one of strategic trade as opposed to foreign aid, in support of gaining access to the markets of middle-income countries in the Global South. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some notable observers of the world economy such as Nobel Prize winner Robert Mundell and ex-IMF Chief Economist Kenneth Rogoff predict that there will be only one or few currencies in the world in the foreseeable future. Unfortunately, these predictions do not rest on a clearly-defined general theory of international monetary integration (IMI). These gurus may tell us where the future lies but they do not say anything about the necessary and sufficient conditions to get there. This makes it hard to argue with them. This paper remedies this void and helps set the foundations for a fruitful debate about the future of the international monetary system. It does so by combining economic factors with political ones. Some of these factors are well established but many others are not. For example, no one seems to have discussed in the context of IMI the strategic nature of a national currency for a government (as a means of financing) when it comes to ensuring its survival when threatened by war and/or domestic conflict. Furthermore, IMI discussions have not taken into account the fact that the influence of many economic variables on the IMI decision is mediated by a state's regime type. The upshot is that we should expect democracies to be more likely to be part of an IMI. This general theoretical framework is tested econometrically using a large binary time-series cross-section dataset covering the years 1960-2000. This is the first such test of the formation of IMIs to be done to date. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I seek to extend the Denzau and North Shared Mental Models framework to consider elements from social network, social psychology, leadership psychology, Foucauldian, and cultural theories. I focus on exploring the links between leadership, paradigms (SMMs), economic policy results, and political legitimacy. I then apply these elements to Latin American economic history, finding that there are cultural patterns of value prioritization. The incompatibility between certain values and outcomes in Latin American economic history helps to uncover patterns of economic policy activity and change. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the enduring influence of the dirigiste traditions on contemporary French macroeconomic policymaking, arguing that French policy both within and towards the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) is consistent with long-standing French dirigiste preferences and policy traditions. Specifically it explores how, within the SGP, French governments have created and defended significant fiscal policy space, and how the scope for discretionary policy-making has in fact been enhanced by the credibility accrued through European rule-based governance. Furthermore, it analyses how, in their policies towards the SGP, French governments have successfully influenced the reshaping of the fiscal policy architecture, introducing a more dirigiste interventionism in the interpretation and implementation of the SGP, loosening constraints in accordance with dirigiste preferences. French policymakers have thus played a ?long-run game? with European economic governance ? initially accepting ordo-liberal orthodoxy, only to subsequently ?move the goalposts? in a more dirigiste direction. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the evolution of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) from the vantage point of the Franco-German partnership. Within a broader debate on the relationship between agential and structural forces shaping foreign policy, I will stress the increased relevance cognitive factors can have under specific circumstances. I will advocate an approach based on the relationship between French and German foreign policy epistemic communities, composed by experts as well as policy-makers. The case in point that will be analyzed is the elaboration of the European Security Strategy in 2003, which was discussed and formulated at least on three venues, namely, in Paris at the EU Institute for Security Studies, in Rome at the Aspen Institute and at the Swedish Institute of International Affairs in Stockholm, where these epistemic communities for the first time officially gathered together in order to produce a single EU document. Once acknowledged the empirical relevance of these communities, I will introduce an analytical framework sketching out how the different roles ideas can play in EU foreign policy-making correspond to different functions epistemic communities can perform, going from a very limited to a strong autonomy. By assessing which role these transnational networks played in 2003, we will go one step further in our understanding of the conditions under which certain ideas are selected and then translated into policy, a central issue in any cognitivist research agenda, which despite its relevance has found few empirical as well as theoretical studies responding to it. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The World Bank, the IMF, and other multilateral and bilateral development agencies dispense a great deal of policy advice to developing countries. Many of the loans and grants dispersed by these agencies are conditioned on following this advice. And yet in many cases the advice, when applied, does not produce the desired results or has unanticipated consequences that cause injury to some aspect of the country?s development program or society. In other cases, the government is incapable of carrying out the advice. What are the ethical obligations of policy advisors to test the efficacy of policy advice? Policy advice is based on an understanding of a set of facts underlying the particular problem and an assumed causal relationship that can be manipulated in some way, normally based on a theory of economics or politics. What are the obligations of policy advisors to fully understand the facts about the problem they are dealing with in the country they are advising as well as the ability and willingness of the government to carry out advice? What are the obligations of policy advisors to test their theories before offering them as advice for application by governments? In this paper I will look at the literature on the ethical obligations of professionals in fields such as medicine, public planning, and law to see what lessons we can draw for experts in development in offering policy advice to developing countries. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) endorsed by international financial institutions (IFIs) have often failed politically- failed in the sense that the policies lost domestic support before they had time to achieve their economic goals. In this paper, we contend that SAPs failed to achieve their expected effects because they drew on macroeconomic models, ignoring both microeconomic processes and politics. Despite the importance of politics for their economic success, SAPs are not crafted with politics in mind, nor do they link their macroeconomic targets (low inflation, growth) with microeconomic processes (structural unemployment, joblessness). Using a new economic model designed to bridge trade performance with the adjustment process itself, we offer a new perspective on the obstacles confronting economic liberalization in developing countries. We find that this model offers valuable insights into how SAPs can be modified to improve the target?s balance of payments, use trade to spur economic growth, and create a political coalition that would support liberalization and promote democratic rule. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]