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This paper recognizes that emerging military technologies in the 21st century are being innovated, adapted and used at an unprecedented rate in a culture of technological uncertainty which provides very little time for introspection and minimal governance. Even a cursory review of the contemporary governance architecture regarding these technologies reveals a disturbing lack of consensus regarding the necessity for governance and the methodologies to be utilized to achieve it. There is, however, considerable professional, national and international infrastructure upon which to hang a regime of articulated goals and proscriptions, if the political will could be energized to engage in such a project. This paper reviews that infrastructure and suggests that it provides an appropriate starting point for technology governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European cities are important, if under-researched, sites of cosmopolitan European governance. While much work focuses on the EU and European states, this paper explores how European cities exhibit an important element of ethical cosmopolitanism: a desire to act as host, welcoming others into a metropolitan home. This impulse has become intensely competitive and expressed in directly cosmopolitan terms, whether in the hosting of mega-events such as the Olympics (involving four European cities - London, Paris, Madrid and Moscow - in direct competition), wooing Richard Florida's 'creative class', or attracting tourists. This paper uses Foucault's thought on 'governmentality' to investigate how cities, in these moments of competitive cosmopolitanism, work to produce and govern various subjects: the open, welcoming 'European city' itself, separate from the state; the 'cosmopolitan tourist'; the 'creative no-collar worker'; and the 'deviant immigrant' or 'unproductive outsider'. The ethical tensions and paradoxes involved in such acts of cosmopolitan governmentality are revealed by reading them through Derrida's critique of Kant's cosmopolitan right to universal hospitality. European cities and their competitive cosmopolitan hospitality/hostility are thus spaces which reproduce EU discourses of neo-liberal political economy but also sites of potential ethical openness requiring further exploration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to John Rawls- 'Law of Peoples', one of the most important ethical obligations calls for the respectful treatment of other peoples. Rawls' contention that peoples' fundamental interest in self-respect makes them insist on "receiving from other peoples a proper respect and recognition" is clearly confirmed by ongoing events, notably by current American efforts to meet the respect demands of Iran and other Islamic countries. What is unclear, however, is how far such moral claims actually extend, especially as far as peoples' "trials during their history and of their culture with its accomplishments" are concerned. Even within relative homogeneous cultures people regularly argue over the legitimacy of specific claims for "due respect". The paper explores possible principles for an international order which satisfies mutual claims for 'due' respect. While everybody seems to agree on the abstract notion that peoples deserve 'due' respect, national representatives routinely quarrel over the adequacy of the respect their nations are shown. Once we move beyond the sphere of fundamental legal principles, such as sovereignty and territorial integrity, disputes over the legitimacy of particular claims abound. In fact, such arguments seem inevitable in a society as culturally diverse as the international system. The paper investigates the universal criteria which are required for adjucating and reconciling competing views concerning entitlements for respect. In this context, special emphasis will be given to the potential of rules for international dialogue and mutual toleration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Documents such as 'The Responsibility to Protect' represent our attempts to anticipate future threats to human well-being and codify our international moral life. They are recognisable as the continuation of a centuries-old struggle to define on the one hand a definitive account of human suffering and injustice, and on the other, a definitive view as to where responsibility for alleviating that suffering and for providing justice should lie. This paper argues that such accounts often miss out the lived experience of solidarity that has actually informed the act of rescue or the manifestation of concern. An account of solidarity in response to past humanitarian problems is vital in attempting to prevent and alleviate future suffering. The paper argues first that the contingent mechanisms of human solidarity and empathy have been almost entirely neglected within international ethics, partly because they do not fit dominant modes of thought. It then explores the idea that the provision of solidarity through humanitarian rescue is necessarily an unreliable act of presumption, before setting this account of humanitarian solidarity against the key challenges of 21st century humanitarianism, notably the threat of climate change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change presents a challenge to many debates within international ethics, such as global redistributive justice. This paper explores the humanitarian dimension of climate change. Recent decades have witnessed much soul-searching among humanitarians about the ethical nature of their calling, with debates on vital matters such as whether humanitarianism should ever be political, the relationship between humanitarian and development commitments, the status of the state and of controversial practices such as humanitarian intervention. Climate change promises to change the terms of all these debates. It threatens to increase the frequency of natural disasters, to rapidly change the distribution of cultivable land, to increase the conflicts over resources such as fresh water and to provoke massive refugee flows. This paper will set out this humanitarian dimension of climate change, drawing on the recent proliferation of practitioner literature on the topic, before demonstrating that while humanitarians need to defend a stance of neutrality with regard to human suffering, the need to engage with the inter-state system on the prevention and mitigation of the effects of climate change makes a strict division between humanitarianism and development unsustainable, and a dogmatic detachment from the state as a potential actor within humanitarianism undesirable. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore the ethical implications of the practice of 'extraordinary rendition' in the current War on Terror from a critical-theoretical perspective. The practice of transferring terror suspects from Western states to states where they have faced indefinite incarceration and torture has recently come to the fore in the Western media, in part as a result of the case of Maher Arar, a Canadian citizen of Syrian origin who was rendered to Syria where he faced ten months of appalling detention conditions and torture. Three central issues will be addressed in this paper. Firstly, the implications of multiple citizenship will be explored. The precarious space within which Arar found himself in regard to consular access and legal redress is directly related to his dual citizenship status. Far from a citizen of both Canada and Syria, Arar became recognisable as a citizen of neither. Secondly, issues surrounding the ways in which Arar became recognisable and visible to the Western media will be explored. Drawing on the work of Judith Butler and Jacques Derrida, the paper suggests ways in which identity construction occurs in relation to the degree to which an individual is recognisable as familiarly human. It will argue that Arar was constructed as 'other' in ways which contributed to making his rendering conceivable. Finally, the paper will turn to the ethical implications of Arar's case. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provocatively offers a defence of ethical universalism. It begins by offering a critique of foundational forms of universalism using a grammatical reading. Using the work of the later Wittgenstein, the grammatical reading seeks to render conspicuous the ways in which universalist ontopolitical foundations are an avoidance of ethical responsibility though their violent exclusions. The plea for the reintroduction of responsibility comes via a grammatical examination and problematisation of the conditions of possibility and impossibility that foundational forms of universality postulate. This paper, therefore, seeks to offer a defence of a different kind of universalism - (Im)possible universalism - which does not succumb to the dangers critiqued above. It argues that all forms of universalism are, in the final analysis, (im)possible. (Im)possible universalism highlights that universality is not an ontological condition, nor a foundation but a relation between possible and impossible conditions of ethical inclusion and exclusion. It is within this relationality that responsibility lies. In the end, the paper argues that universality is to be defended not because it succeeds, but because it must always fail. It is the failure of universalism to ever be able to fully include all forms of subjectivity and ways of living that makes it ethically desirable. What is defended is a full embrace of universality as non-realisable. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the claim that ethical tourism is the best solution to the political, economic, cultural and environmental problems caused by modern mass tourism. Such a solution rests on the principle that encounters with others and with nature are to be encouraged so long as they do not cause harm - so long as they are respectful and ethical. Drawing on, and contributing to, wider critiques of cosmopolitan ethics, this paper challenges the normative claims that underscore our consensus over ethical tourism. By separating 'the ethical' from the political, the economic, the cultural and the environmental, such claims make it possible to position 'ethical tourism' as the magic solution. In refusing such a separation, this paper offers an ethico-political critique of the consensus over ethical tourism, focusing specifically on its normative drive to overcome cultural difference. The paper goes on to demonstrate that ethical tourism is not simply an innocent form of 'doing good', but rather operates through a complex moral economy in which virtue and pleasure are always interlinked. With this in mind, the paper shows how ethical tourists have become 'New Puritans': construct a pleasurable form of asceticism by pursuing virtuous, worthy, and morally improving forms of travel. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been much scholarly interest in the emergence of a humanitarian norm in the wake of the Cold War. However, the problem with many of these approaches is that they essentialise humanitarianism. Rather than showing the origin of humanitarianism norms, it becomes a matter of explaining how humanitarian ideas are merely transmitted from one actor to another. This also has the effect of implying that states did not experience moral obligation before the emergence of modern humanitarianism. Examining humanitarianism with wider historical scope allows me to conceive of modern humanitarianism more broadly as one form of moral obligation. Rather than asking, "What is humanitarianism?" this paper poses the question, "How has humanitarianism been constructed as a legitimate form of moral obligation?" Asking the latter question opens the door to exploring the nexus between humanitarianism, identity and questions of power. This paper proposes that a genealogical method will widen the historical scope of studies of humanitarianism, while providing insight into the relationships between identity, sovereignty, and moral obligation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most contentious and critical questions of contemporary times relate to the nature, scope and impact of globalisation. Even though the notion of globalisation emerged from the domain of sociology, the intensified impact of globalisation and the acceptance that it is a contemporary social reality has manifested itself noticeably in a variety of disciplines. Since traditionally, International Relations deals with international political and economic organisation, global issues of conflict, governance, development, the environment, etc, it would appear to be the logical disciplinary lens to understand globalisation. However, the inherently multidimensional processes of globalisation demands new insights. The resultant rise of Global Studies approach is expected to be unencumbered by dominant perspectives and existing academic loyalties by placing global theorising and issues first. Therefore, in addition to the social science disciplines, GS is relevant for scholars in communication studies, ethics, art history, media studies, geography, and environmental studies, among others - subjects which were never designed to deal with global or even international realities. In light of this context the paper will have two main objectives: Firstly, to try to find an answer to what should constitute a well rounded programme of global studies. Secondly, despite the large number of centres for area-studies and academic units dealing with thematic issues of international affairs and globalisation there are very few centres of -Global Studies’ outside North America. Hence, the paper will also examine why this is as an overwhelmingly North American development and what are some possible means to bridge the wide regional divide. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on international norms often depicts norms as having a “life cycle.” However, this literature curiously overlooks processes of normative “decay” or “death.” This paper begins, then, with a conceptual analysis of norm decay. I argue that norm decay is one part of a process of norm change whereby a previously governing norm diminishes relative to the emergence of a replacement norm. Next, I focus on the nuclear non-proliferation norm. If we classify the nuclear non-proliferation norm as a proscriptive norm, and if this norm is decaying (as some scholars have intimated), then by definition there must be an emergence of a prescriptive or a permissive proliferation norm. I argue that an empirical analysis of the period 1994-2007 suggests that the nuclear non-proliferation norm is currently a borderline case of norm decay, but that current trends might (relatively) quickly transform it into a paradigm case of norm decay. The paper concludes with remarks concerning the role of ethical theory in reversing the decay of the non-proliferation norm. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My paper for presentation is a second draft (first draft was presented at BISA 2007) of the theoretical framework chapter for a longer project with the working title 'Consequentialist evaluation of security for cooperative International Society'. This project builds on my existing work where I have argued that security studies must be concerned with the consequences or effects of securitisation and desecuritisation, making a case for the existence of positive and negative securitisation and desecuritisation. Positive and negative hereby are derived from what in moral philosophy is known as a consequentialist ethic whereby an action's moral rightness is to be judged by its consequences, for security thus, the hitherto largely ignored question of securitisation for whom takes centre stage. So far, I have completed this, what I call 'consequentialist evaluation of security' for the environmental sector of security only [Floyd, Rita (2007) 'Towards a consequentialist evaluation of security: Bringing together the Copenhagen School and the Welsh School of Security Studies, Review of International Studies 33(2) & Floyd, Rita (2007) Typologies of Securitisation and Desecuritisation: The case of US environmental security 1993-2006 unpublished doctoral thesis University of Warwick]. My paper for presentation at this conference is the theoretical framework for the consequentialist evaluation of security for the remaining sectors of security, identified by the Copenhagen school of security studies as military, societal, economic and political security [Buzan, Barry et al (1998) Buzan, Barry; Waever, Ole; de Wilde, Jaap (1998) Security: A New Framework for Analysis (London: Lynne Rienner)]. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I identify the cultural authority underlying global civil society. Within the stateless world polity, authority to organize forcollective goals has a dual aspect of rationality and morality. I analyze the relationship between this rational-moral authority and the rational-legal authority of nation-states: they are in tension but they alsoare mutually legitimating. Specifically, I analyze national laws and accounting of international nongovernmental organizations. This paper combines a cultural analysis of discursive fields and moral claims with apolitical sociology of contention. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hospitality is rarely discussed as a concept in international politics though it can be seen as an obvious practice of ethics in this context. Yet hospitality is full of contradictions and aporias. This paper argues that such aproias require what Derrida calls 'negotiation', the non-rule governed, context-specific practice of oscillating between equally imperative injunctions before deciding in a way that tries to close least toward difference. The paper examines the EU's discourse of an ethical foreign policy of hospitality through enlargement between 1999-2004. It suggests that an illustration of what might have been possible through negotiation, perhaps, is a reconceptualisation of Turkish accession to the EU. While the current debate on Turkish accession differs over whether Turkey is European enough for entry, this paper argues that a negotiation of hospitality could mean Turkey is allowed entry precisely as different, as other, as not European.While the debate on Turkish accession is rarely made in ethical terms, reconceiving it as a matter of ethics, hospitality and negotiation could lead to an accelerated accession for the EU's Turkish other. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cosmopolitan ethics underpin the governance of all of our major global institutions, and dictate the way in which multiple communities justify their interactions with each other; humanitarian, interventionist or otherwise. However, cosmopolitanism remains a highly contested term. This paper identifies a new cosmopolitan ethic - the ‘equal exchange’ - which may serve to promote a cosmopolitanism that can overcome the contestations of the term's ideologically diverse advocates and critics. Derived from Rami Nashashibi’s highly embedded Ghetto Cosmopolitanism, this paper argues that a simultaneously partial and impartial set of ethical justifications must be developed in order to universalise the concept of the ‘equal exchange’. The paper argues that no theories of cosmopolitanism have so far managed this and that it is in Anarchist theory, an often overlooked set of socially analytical principles, that one can find a rationale that can universalise a seemingly highly embedded concept. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Roma have troubled the modern political imagination for a long time. They have especially troubled accounts of ethical life predicated on claims about human rights and associated notion of political responsibility. They pose questions about how difference and otherness must arise whenever ethical claims are made on the basis of assumptions about the kind of identity that has come to inform our prevailing claims about rights and responsibilities. They provoke speculation about how claims about ethical and political possibilities might be reshaped by thinking about the Roma, the Gypsy or the Traveller in some different way. In this paper I will draw upon the work of Michael Shapiro, and especially his notion of an 'ethics of encounter' in order to examine two specific instances in which the Roma have collided with the expectations of the modern ethical and political imagination. One is the moment in 1999 when Roma refugees were fleeing Kosovo. One is the more recent influx of Roma into various EU countries. In both cases, hospitality of the kind we might expect in the kind of post-Kantian world envisaged by advocates of human rights has been distinctly lacking. Symptomatically, Jack Straw went so far as to claim that 'there has been too much tolerance for Travellers', and the response of many states has been much closer to Straw than to Kant in this respect. In reading these two moments of encounter between the Roma and the modern political and ethical imagination, the paper will also draw on Gayatri Spivak's analysis of the politics of naming and Engin Isin's analysis of the relationship between citizenship and political identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence and increased participation of private military companies (PMCs) in the provision of security on international level is one of the most notable developments of the recent decades. Voluntary decision of a state to outsource militaryand security-related tasks to private sector raises considerable ethical concerns: What do we talk about when we talk about PMCs? Is it just a new corporate form of mercenary practices, traditionally banned under the international law, or do we witness the emergence of qualitatively new non-state actor with a potential to fill the gaps where the provision of security by traditional mechanisms is insufficient? Can PMCs be ethical and therefore conferred legitimacy, or are they morally unacceptable per se under all circumstances? This paper analyzes the ethical issues connected with the use of PMCs. It attempts to move from the simple and somewhat arbitrary distinction between abolitionist and regulative approach to the use of PMCs and to sketch a broader picture of ethical problems and questions raised by their existence. I shall argue that PMCs are ethically capable of being used in specific types of operations under condition that two essential requirements are met: that they at the same time dispose of legitimacy of action and legitimacy of motive. At the systemic level, however, I argue that the currently prevalent use of PMCs contradicts and has the potential to undermine the so-called universal values underpinning the functioning of the international system by creating mechanisms allowing for the selective application of purportedly universal norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite growing evidence suggesting that interethnic trust relations are central to understanding inter-ethnic relations, the phenomenon has been understudied and the political factors that contribute to the generation of inter-ethnic trust and distrust have been underdeveloped. In this paper, I attempt to address this gap in the literature by utilizing unique data from a household survey in predominantly ethnic Uzbek communities in the Kyrgyz Republic and Tajikistan. Through focusing on ethnic Uzbek trust attitudes towards the titular nationalities of these two states (ethnic Kyrgyz and Tajiks respectively), several alternative explanations are controlled. My analysis finds that two political variables, trust in excluded ethnic politicians and trust in legal institutions, have a significant and dramatic effect on Uzbek trust in the titular group. These findings strongly suggest that institutional rules and norms can greatly facilitate or impede the generation of cross-ethnic trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-war recovery efforts in Africa have largely been predicated on the establishment of a secure and stable environment conducive for development. Underscoring this strategy is the introduction of reform process cross-cutting traditional security institutions (notably the military and police). In a long term partnership for development agreement signed in February 2003, the UK agreed to support the Government of Sierra Leone's efforts to bring about a well trained, appropriately sized and affordable military. Translating this commitment into concrete terms has resulted in the establishment of a British led International Military Advisory & Training Team (IMATT) in Sierra Leone- a small contingent of military experts with a mandate extending to 2010. Although British military aid to Sierra Leone has been timely and well-intentioned, the manner in which it has been carried out warrants very serious questions regarding local ownership, control and sustainability of the process. This paper argues that there is an urgent need to create adequate space for local input and to thoroughly domesticate external interventions within local values, expectations, and priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will review the main debates surrounding organ transfer and its potential to become either market or state controlled, and use Giorgio Agamben's distinction between the sacred and profane and the movement of things between these two spheres in hopes of widening IR's theoretical reach and its ability to respond to emerging issues in global politics. It will pair profanation with the debates about organ transplantation and organ procurement in order to speak to the challenges facing IR theory in light of global realities and ask this question: Does Giorgio Agamben's theory help in reflecting on these changes in the world in a meaningful manner? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will offer a Derridean critique of the forms of memorialisation prevalent in post-conflict Northern Ireland. I will offer a close examination of one particular memorial, located in East Belfast, which has been vandalised on numerous occasions. This example will act as a point of departure, in order to explore the manners in which memorials in Northern Ireland work to constitute in the present the very past they seek to commemorate, and in ways which replicate patterns of mistrust. Attacking the memorials, meanwhile, works within this same logic of division. I argue that we must deconstruct the assumptions regarding the relationship between memory and the past that inform such memorials, and the binary oppositions that they assert in the present. Doing so may allow us to realise a more ethical orientation to the past in societies such as Northern Ireland. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the way in English school work interacts with what is labelled here as ‘international ethics’. This aims to explore a distinction between the kind of ethical and normative theorising that is characteristic of the English school and the ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the process of globalization to underline the reason why structural interdependences nowadays make Benign Neglect no longer possible or sustainable. It points out the paradox that it is not a matter of feeling, emotion, or ethics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers HIV/AIDS as a human security issue using the lens of feminist ethics. It argues that the moral and human security discourses related to HIV/AIDS have served to obfuscate a series of crucial issues related to carework and responsibili ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prompted by the recent revival of Carl Schmitt’s writings, the paper asks whether Schmitt and contemporary authors such as Danilo Zolo are right to say that ‘whoever invokes humanity wants to cheat’. Schmitt criticises the concept of humanity for its atte ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postcolonialism is usually associated with a critique of neo-colonial features of global politics where external actors violate internal norms and traditions in the name of peace and development. The mission of building a liberal peace in post-conflict societies through transitional governance is perhaps the clearest example of such a feature in post-colonial times. Nevertheless, while pointing in the right direction, this critique of external interference is insufficient as a basis for more legitimate forms of global governance. The damage of imperialistic colonialism is made, and a postcolonial ethic of non-hegemonic engagement rather than a reactionary politics of disengagement must follow in its wake. Actually, this is more in line with postcolonial theory than a reliance on the internal-external nexus. It is exactly the non-reversible hybridity of the colonial and the indigenous, the modern and the traditional, that postcolonialism is concerned with. On this background, this paper challenges standard conceptualizations of liberal peacebuilding in a search for a better theoretical basis for non-colonial peacebuilding practices. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In much warfare - certainly warfare involving the military forces of the wealthy societies - most of the damage may be done by aerial bombing. The two fundamental principles that govern the conduct of war, including bombing, are discrimination, which forbids the intentional targeting of civilians, and proportionality, which limits unintentional civilian losses. This paper argues that the conception of proportionality being developed in contemporary analytic moral philosophy is unacceptable and that the conception in international law would be preferable if a satisfactory account of "military advantage" could be worked out. Some suggestions are made about how to understand "military advantage". ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public/private divide runs through issues of international ethics. Nowhere are the implications of this divide more important than in the use of force. A focus on the public state institutions alone obscures an important realm of activity in the private sphere. The activities in this private sphere have a real and significant effect on the application of ethical norms in the public sphere. In this paper, I will focus on the activities of private military companies, the ways in which these actors can skew the application of principles like proportionality, and the implications for the public/private divide. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the interrelationship between civil society, conflicts and human rights. In the literature, civil society has been normally discussed and analysed in Western, peaceful, democratic and developed contexts. Yet civil society conflict cases is arguably an even more crucial actor. As such in a first section, we begin by analysing the implications of context on civil society, and more precisely on the implications of statehood, democracy, nationalism, development and international presence on the nature of civil society. In section two we introduce more specifically the role of civil society in ethno-political conflicts, or as we rename it ‘conflict society’. We then turn to different factors determining impact of civil society on conflicts. In particular we analyse the impact of their political identities, frameworks of action and political opportunity structures in which they operate. In a final section we apply this analytical framework to the impact on human rights in conflicts, concluding with three broad hypotheses on the relationship between civil society, conflicts and human rights. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the opposing traditions of the novel and International Relations and suggests how the novel offers insights for critically analysing international gender approaches and the idealised representations of women as 'the Angel in the International Relations House'. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) report fails to fully engage the ethical and political dilemmas of alternative concepts of 'responsibility'. The R2P report focuses on strategic benefits of intervention: suffering at the margins of power is implied to be worth addressing only because, if left unchecked, it can produce a threat to the 'civilized' world. Moreover, the R2P report thinly veils a narrative of metaphysical duty reminiscent of colonialism by asserting that there are circumstances in which states have a duty to protect those who have no right to expect that protection. A closer examination of the report's intellectual links to the just war tradition shows that its arguments rely on an obscured set of meta-ethical premises. The way the report's authors seem to conceptualize concepts like 'responsibility', 'obligation', and 'justification' restricts and cheapens the vision they offer for a 'responsible' form of global politics. This paper draws from feminist and postcolonial theorizations of 'global ethics' to critique the R2P concept's privileging of knowing, benevolent, Western decision-makers as those whose task it is to decide which duties must be acted upon and when. By emphasizing the elements of accountability and answerability that are essential parts of the concept of responsibility, it is possible to imagine a new and transformative mode of engagement where global actors would commit to the engaged justification of their actions and truly take responsibility for their failings. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pharmaceutical product development and distribution is a costly and protracted process. The problem of drug access is particularly acute in developing countries where prohibitive costs delay or prevent universal access to essential medicines. The effect has been a disproportionate disease burden in countries that can ill-afford to treat entirely preventable diseases. As pharmaceutical companies increasingly export their clinical research trials to developing countries questions arise concerning the level of access such practices provide companies to subject populations. This is a particularly important issue given that evidence suggests that the ethical standards of such research are not as high as that conducted in Western countries, and that participants are more willing to participate in clinical trials than their western counterparts, due largely to illness and poverty and inferior access to treatment. Employing case studies and qualitative interview data, this paper will explore these issues, arguing that important national and global health governance and corporate regulatory issues must be addressed in order to thwart the development of a neo/post-colonial model of pharmaceutical product development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper titled "An Ethical Audit of Precision Warfare: In Bello Issues." It examines the casualties among Americans and Iraqis and the use of precision weapons by the U.S. forces during the Iraq war. It mentions several reasons behind the creation of a Revolution of Ethical Affairs to match and accompany the Revolution in Military Affairs should not be hailed.

The article presents the conference paper titled "Constructivist Ethics as Oxymoron" prepared for the annual meeting of the International Studies Association held in Honolulu, Hawaii in March 2005. It examines the role of ethics in social constructivism within the realm of international relations theory. It discusses the three ethical prescriptions of how constructivist analysts must behave in world politics.

The article presents a conference paper titled "Dilemmas and Overlaps in the Ethics of Humanitarian Intervention: The Case of Kosovo" prepared for the "International Studies Association Annual Convention" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It offers a review of the NATO engagement in a 1999 bombing campaign in Yugoslavia, the advantages and disadvantages of its justifiability, and its ethical aspect.

The article presents a conference paper titled "The responsibility to protect militarily and moral escape hatches: alternative intervention modes" prepared for presentation at the "46th Annual Convention of the International Studies Association" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It offers a review of the perspectives in international ethics on the responsibility to protect and assesses the moral escape hatches within the perspectives.

The article presents a conference paper titled "Power and Morality, or Power as Morality?," prepared for presentation at the International Studies Association Conference in Honolulu, Hawaii. It reflects on E. H. Carr's discussion of power and description of opinion over power as being constrained by the inherent utopianism of human nature.

The article presents the conference paper "Global Civil Society in a World of Difference: Inclusion, Justice and International Ethics" delivered at the "46th Annual Convention of International Studies Association" in Hawaii. According to the author, global civil society is seen as a liberal-cosmopolitan idea and due to its limits of inclusion, it does not admit most people in the Global South. He argues that the voices of marginalized and excluded people must be heard in order to establish a real global civil society.

The article presents the conference paper "Reparations in World Politics: Of Debt and Disgrace After War" delivered at the "Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association" in Hawaii. It discusses the use of monetary or material reparations as a strategy of moral regeneration. It examines the implications of such reparations for identifying the moral appropriateness of various reparative schemes.

The article presents the conference paper "Repairing Historical Injustice: German and Japanese Military Sexual Slavery" delivered at the "Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association" in Hawaii. It examines the various factors supporting the views held by states about reparatory justice. According to the author, a new progressive of ethic of care and justice is needed to redress such injustices whereby the moral worth of victims is recognized and the injustice of the harm they suffered is acknowledged.

The article presents the conference paper titled "Virtually in Charge: Moral Exemplars and Charisma in International Leadership and Conflict" prepared for the "2005 International Studies Association (ISA) Annual Conference." It examines the role of ethical systems in the field of international relations. It provides a background on the tradition of political philosophy in ancient Greece.

Since the end of the Cold War, the world has been reorganizing itself, moving away from the global issues to other forms of international politics such as regionalism. The European Union (EU) is an example of successful regionalism. Asia, on the other hand, is often cited as a failure for regionalism: the strongest regional organization, ASEAN, is still weak. Yet this argument only makes sense in terms of formal institutions: European integration theory generally discusses the role of institutions in the broadening and deepening of regional structures. To understand regionalism in East Asia, it is necessary to look in a different place: informal socio-economic and socio-cultural regional networks. While many stress that informal regionalism in East Asia grows out of ethnic ties of Chinese communities in Greater China, this paper will stress the ethics of Asian regionalism. Rather than being regulated by rules (EU), or motivated by exclusionary ethnic ties (Greater China), regionalism in East Asia is best described in terms of the ethics of people-to-people relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper brings out the important connections between ethics and the most basic prerequisites to international communication needed in order to effect and maintain a peaceful and more secure world. The moral perspective, in contrast to the aesthetic and the economic perspectives, commences from the idea of moral worth and the entities that possess it. The basis for the moral perspective is that moral persons have a special sort of value, some would say dignity, that non-persons do not. To adopt a moral perspective toward other people requires that one be willing (indeed, obliged) to consider them as having a moral worth equal to one’s own, and with an equally valuable subjective point of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on cosmopolitan ethics concerning humanitarian intervention and treating such intervention as international policing, this paper will ask what difference the global institutional architecture for such policing makes to cosmopolitan recommendations concerning actions of this kind. This question will be explored with reference to the civil war in Sudan, which has been protracted, has caused huge numbers of deaths and has displaced even more. (Usual estimates are two million deaths and four million displaced.) The issue is not whether a policing action is warranted now that a peace process is underway, but rather whether such an action would have been warranted in the past. If the answer is that the institutional architecture is indeed decisive, then the question will be opened as to what cosmopolitan prescriptions apply to the institutional architecture, attending to the issue of hegemony in the process. Finally, the question will be posed whether it is justifiable to hold to cosmopolitan ethics without advocating strongly cosmopolitan institutions, as some academics do. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much attention has been dedicated to the economic and political dimensions of hegemony, there has been little interest in its moral character. Yet hegemony has often been draped in the trappings of universal morality: we need only look to the recent debates over the morality of the recent American-backed intervention in Iraq to find an intimate connection between the claim of moral hegemony and the practice of political hegemony. This paper explores the role of moral hegemony in a different aspect of contemporary international politics?that of economic globalization. Two very potent phrases have begun to appear in the statements of financial leaders in recent years: universal standards and civilizing globalization. Both have occurred in the context of recent debates around the future of international financial governance. What makes these two phrases particularly interesting, however, is the fact they are both very new and very old. On the one hand, they represent a significant departure from the neutral and technical language that we have come to associate with international financial governance, appealing instead to more explicitly moral conceptions of international order. On the other hand, they echo a much older concept?that of the standards of civilization?which was employed by European states in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century to justify the imposition of European standards and laws around the world, supporting an earlier phase of globalization. By examining the parallels and discontinuities between nineteenth and twenty-first century conceptions of standards of civilization, I hope to make further sense of an empirical puzzle: the current move by IMF representatives, among others, to frame economic globalization in the explicitly universalist ethical terms of civility, responsibility and ownership. At the same time, I will seek to tackle a broader theoretical question: whether we are witnessing an attempt to build a new moral hegemony to both support and obscure the politics of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ideas of ecological modernization have been used to explain, interpret and prescribe environmental reforms in conjunction with continued economic growth, industrial development and globalization. This paper will critically discuss the limits to ecological modernization ideas, including the specific notions of environmental quality, progress and value that these entail. The first critique questions the claim of ecological modernization that progress on environmental matters is determined by a novel historical disjuncture between economic processes on the one hand, and environmental degradation and resource depletion on the other. The second critique argues that the transformations heralded by ecological modernization are limited by their dependence on market dynamics such as consumer and investor choice to form the basis of judgements of environmental quality. A final question concerns the ethical implications of a new standard of ecological development for international relations. Questions are therefore raised concerning the suitability of this approach for generating ecologically meaningful ethical deliberation on environmental issues. Conclusions speculate about the potential for alternative approaches that take full account of ethical imperatives in the context of biosphere change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, protests against economic globalization have acquired greater scope and visibility so that they are no longer the object of indifference. This paper seeks to explain the scope of this movement by examining the motivations of some of its members. Using recent demonstrations and people’s summits as an illustration, I argue that the closeness of global social relations promotes greater awareness of the perspectives of those negatively affected by global market relations. I argue that some actors’ mode of relating to others’ experiences of suffering is empathetic in nature, and that it leads to a redefinition of the locus and meaning of ethical life that emphasizes responsibility for the effect of one’s actions on others in a global context. The attempt to develop an alternative to market-led globalization is interpreted as a disposition of some social actors to experience others’ suffering as emotionally unsettling, and to inquire into its structural causes, including the contribution of one’s group’s practices to it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a conference paper titled "Mandates, Instruments, Results: Outlining a Consequence-Based Ethic of Intervention" presented at the "46th Annual Convention of the International Studies Association" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It aims to propose criteria for a consequence-based ethic of intervention that does not separate military operation from larger efforts at peace building and post-conflict reconstruction.

In this paper I explore the ethical and methodological implications of representing the undocumented, who, in order to survive, must remain invisible. More specifically, the paper examines ethical and methodological concerns with interviewing and document ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to vet and reconceptualize critical international theory’s approach to the study and practice of ethics. While we agree with critical international theorists who find fault with conventional International Relations theories for their neglect of questions of ethics and their ahistoricism, we also question key assumptions made by critical international theorists who privilege ethical processes over ethical practices. In this paper we offer a fragmentary sketch of an alternative proposal â€" diaethics. Inspired as it is by a host of critical contributions to social and political theory, and by a universal and ethical commitment to reflective understanding, diaethics refers to a dialogical and dialectical approach to both the study and practice of ethics in international society. It does not argue, as some critical theorists do, for a universal moral community of human beings, nor does it call for a particular set of ethical codes of conduct; rather, by reflexively interrogating the ethical implications of social and political theory for the study and practice of international politics it seeks to deconstruct and unsettle cultural processes of identity and belief formation, and thus insists on difference and contestation as a basis for meaningful dialogue. Diaethics avoids analytically and ethically privileging either state or non-state actors. Instead we draw attention to the overall productive enterprise of culture and identity formation in which agents, structures and narratives become heavily invested, and which consequently give rise to the politics of ethics and morality in international society. As such, diaethics is representative of a normative mood and an ethical reality which exist in a dialogical and dialectical relationship with each other. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]