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Japanese have long been simultaneously fascinated and threatened by the international. Since the 1980s, the discourse of kokusaika (internationalisation) has promoted both a more open approach to the international but, at the same time, a defensive, nationalistic stance. These contradictions can be felt in the classroom. On the one hand, ‘education for international understanding’ classes have been part of the primary school curriculum since 2002. In terms of English, the government’s goal is that every high school student will be able to communicate in everyday English in normal communicative situations by the time they graduate. Also, more and more universities are switching from language classes (classes on English) to content based courses (classes in English). On the other hand, students themselves, steeped in nationalistic discourses of a ‘uniquely’ unique Japan, often find the leap from ‘English class’ to ‘class in English’ too difficult to bridge, with many dropping out of the course or even university itself. In this way, internationally minded citizens and perhaps future scholars and members of the international relations community are lost. As ‘international’ educators in a non-English speaking environment, a key part of our job is to provide students with the tools to bridge the linguistic, cultural, and pedagogical divides they inevitably encounter when studying about the world outside Japan in a foreign language. Drawing on years of experience teaching Australia and Japanese studies in Japan, this paper looks at (a) some of the barriers in the ‘internationalisation’ of the Japanese university classroom and (b) practical techniques to help overcome these problems, specifically drawing on the wide range of activities and strategies known as active learning that involve students in doing things and thinking about the things they are doing. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores one approach to examining the role of the Japanese state under globalization. Recently, researchers have begun focusing on increasing diversity rather than homogeneity within globalization. They are reexamining the role of the state in the context of divergence toward diversity rather than convergence toward homogeneity. Whereas previous studies emphasized the uniqueness of Japan, this study analyzes Japan as one of the states contributing to divergence in globalization. This analysis comprises three parts: first, the dichotomy between divergence and convergence as results of globalization; second, the differing roles of states within globalization; and finally, how the Japanese state can continue to enhance its role under globalization. Since the Japanese state has been pursuing every policy option under globalization, it is essential to explore Japan's intricate relationships between state policy and society in a historical context and also in a comparative perspective in order to qualify the concept of Japanese uniqueness in wider analytical dialogues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The April 2007 visit by Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao to Japan highlights new opportunities for cooperation between China and Japan to address challenges of globalization, such as pollution and rising demand for energy, yet progress in their relations has been uneven. Until recently China’s approach to globalization largely focused on its economic benefits and assumed that the Chinese state would be able to manage the process. Increasingly Chinese leaders and scholars are calling attention to the numerous non-traditional security challenges facing their country. The problems of economic globalization and non-traditional security are linked, however, as China’s dramatic growth creates unintended non-traditional security consequences for its neighbors, as well as its own citizens.This paper argues that, even if its rise is peaceful, China’s development creates unintended environmental consequences such as trans-boundary air pollution and rising demand for energy, which create risk for its neighbors. The paper examines China’s environmental risk management and its impact on Sino-Japanese relations, using a conceptual framework based on the work of European theorists of risk, particularly German sociologist Ulrich Beck’s World Risk Society. This research reveals a pattern of cooperation in addressing air pollution, but greater competition over energy. Why is there cooperation in the environmental area? Why has competition been more prevalent over energy? The paper argues that several factors shape the impact of environmental risk in China’s relations with Japan, including the urgency of the risk involved, the nature of risk management, state-society relations, and the securitization of risk. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does globalization bring forth fundamental institutional changes in national political economy? In this paper, I claim that domestic political institutions take a critical role in mediating the forces for change in markets. With a comparative case study of labor market reforms in Japan and Korea since the late 1980s, this paper argues that political and economic coordination mechanisms account for variations in the scope of reform agendas and policy outcomes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labor everywhere is assumed to be under pressure as a result of shifts under way in the global economy. This pressure is manifested in the political marginalization of trade unions, the decline of union density, the significant reduction in job and income security, and changes in labor legislation intended to facilitate greater ?flexibility? in labor markets and social pacts. This paper is predicated on the assumption that the extent of, and responses to, these challenges vary significantly for organized labor in the North and South, with the more accelerated shrinking of the manufacturing base creating special problems for union recruitment in the North and the more accelerated growth of informal labor markets creating special difficulties for collective action in the South. The paper offers a paired comparison of the evolution of labor politics in two Asian economies, one of which, Japan, represents the North, and one of which, India, represents the South. Both societies have established formally democratic political institutions with some legal protection for trade union rights and labor standards. Both have made efforts to employ job security and generous enterprise-centered welfare benefits to reward the more privileged components of the workforce and thus maintain some semblance of labor peace in critical sectors (public sector employees in India and regular male workers in large corporations in Japan). Since the mid-1980s, unions in both countries have been facing mounting difficulties in rallying their members and applying meaningful political pressure, as laws and practices have steadily evolved in a direction that favors greater flexibility for business in terms of employment practices. Given the position of their constituencies within the national polity and the global economy, however, unions in the two countries have been responding to the challenges in quite different ways. In Japan, unions have sought to unite under a single umbrella organization (Rengo) with more militant unions left on the margins. Although internal splits have appeared, unification has permitted Rengo a chance to devise new strategies by reaching out to part-timers and temporary workers in order to regain the interest of the working classes. In India, unions remain deeply divided, with the two largest unions being more cooperative with a government committed to liberalization and the leftist unions steadfastly resisting further liberalization. With privatization occurring relatively slowly, there has been little incentive for unions to branch out into new sectors and recruit new categories of workers. However, while Japanese unions seem to be taking a more proactive approach to transforming their organizational structure and grassroots strategies, these changes also point to a fundamental difference in the overall perception of the legitimacy and power of organized labor in the two countries. Although representing a smaller segment of the workforce, India?s unions are better organized, retain ties to political parties that can make or break governing coalitions, remain capable of paralyzing the economy by virtue of their influence in crucial sectors such as the railroads, and still adhere to a discourse of labor relations that evinces clear consciousness of separate working class interests. In Japan, while leftist elements among the unions remain vocal about class interests, the steady shrinking of the manufacturing sector has had the effect of turning Rengo into more of a consultative body that orchestrates largely symbolic acts on the ground while accomodating demands for wage restraint. Thus, the relatively less fundamental transformation of Indian trade unionism reveals not resistance to change but somewhat greater political clout sustained by a still robust conception of class interest in an economy where the public sector and manufacturing still matter significantly. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan-EU economic relations have shifted from trade conflicts in the 1980s to mutual cooperation in the 1990s, and both sides have deepened their bilateral institutionalization in the 2000s. This paper assesses the contours and analytics of the deepening institutionalization of the Japan-EU economic relations. Measures of the institutionalization refer to the bilateral governmental frameworks (such as the EU-Japan Annual Summit, and the Regulatory Reform Dialogue), mutually-agreed documents to be implemented by the two sides (such as the EU-Japan Action Plan), as well as the business-side framework (such as the EU-Japan Business Dialogue Round Table and its recommendations.) This paper seeks to survey these ongoing Japan-EU institutional developments, following official documents and economic data on the Japan-EU relations. After tracking the institutional shifts of the Japan-EU economic relations, the paper examines factors that have promoted and hindered their developments. Specifically, it will extract and analyze economic, political and cultural factors that have all been contributory factors. These include, for example, the ups and downs of the Japanese economy (?the Lost Decade?), and advances in globalization (rise of China, deepening of EU). ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the evolution of domestic Taiwanese politics came a corresponding internationalization of the Taiwanese independence movement. The importance of Taiwanese independence not only impinges on the lives of 21 million or so Taiwanese living on the island, but also affects the strategic environment of the Asia Pacific region as China has declared that it would not hesitate to resort to force should circumstances dictate that it becomes necessary to do so. Taiwan is often cited to be one of the two potential flashpoints in the Asia Pacific, and a conflict between the PRC and Taiwan may more worrying for many countries evolve into one between PRC and the United States. While Taiwan’s role in Sino-US relations have been widely studied, the importance of Taiwan in affecting Chinese bilateral relations beyond its relations with US is a relatively unexplored field. This paper attempts an exploratory study of the evolving role Taiwan plays in Sino-Japanese relations. It attempts to under how the historical role of Taiwan in Sino-Japanese relations affect the island’s contemporary diplomatic dynamics with China and Japan. The role of Taiwan in Chinese and Japanese national security strategy will also be scrutinized to understand the possible divergence or convergence of China and Japan over the Taiwan issue. This is crucial as Japan’s stance is important as Japan is considered one of US allies within region but may not necessarily deem it in its best interests to go along with the US against China. This difficulty presents it with an extremely tricky choice. A slip either way will affect the regional stability and prosperity of the Asia Pacific as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why, despite external pressures due to globalization and shrinking workforces domestically due to aging populations, have Japanese and Korean immigration policies remained resistant to change? This paper attempts to identify the mechanisms for openness or ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Competition State in the late 20th century went through two developmental stages. The first was the “strategic state” or “developmental state,” combining elements of the Japanese and French models with some aspects of European neocorporatism. The seco ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan has emerged in recent years as a leading donor country with African countries. At one level, Japan’s renewed assertiveness in providing foreign aid to Africa is on par with the more active approach by other donor countries. It might appear to some that Japan’s motivations to lend capital and technical assistance to African countries are shared by all lending countries. However, I argue that Japan’s Official Development Policy seeks to break away from the Washington Consensus and to demonstrate its particular leadership position in the donor community. Rather than to focus on domestic bureaucratic politics to explain Japanese ODA or on the specific targets of foreign aid, this chapter seeks to identify the basic features of Japanese national identity that explain its aid policy to Africa. Three themes of Japan’s national economic identity will be highlighted. First, an underlying theme in Japanese foreign aid is its history towards economic development both within Japan and towards Asia. Second, one of the more important aspects underlining Japan’s ODA policy is its relationship to the “Asian economic model.” The main characteristics of Japan’s ODA facilitate self-help and partnership through industrialization, production, and trade. Third, Japan has promoted its own ODA model as distinct from other donors. Japan is the only non-Western country with a history of successful industrialization and Japanese officials have at times distanced themselves from the dominant policy prescriptions embedded in the Washington Consensus. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the decline of Japanese subcontractor system. According to the Japan Research Institute, about 300,000 jobs in the country would be lost in addition to the two million already displaced by foreign production throughout the 1990s, if the current growth rate in imports from Asia were to continue. It notes that the main reasons for the trend are related to globalization. An overview of the origins and logic of the system is also offered.

In the last decade, multinational companies from outside the triad (EU, Japan, USA) have rapidly appeared in the global economy and begun to increasingly pursue takeover strategies in triad markets. This increased non-triad takeover activity has been inte ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Imagining the rise of the Japanese economic superpower generated a melancholic longing for a single commanding officer, asking of that nation, ?who governs?? (Johnson), and decrying the enigma of the ?stateless nation? whose center is unseen (van Wolferen). Imagining neoliberal economic globalization yields a similar consternation and fixation to give identity to undemocratic networks of power as a fuzzy singulars: ergo, enigmatic networks of state and capital in the manner of Japan, Inc. writ large, become Empire. Singularizing works above and below: in both Japan, Inc. and Empire, the authority is sutured from corporate state to society to individual not in constitutional blueprints of the king?s body but the inversion and individuation of power into human-centrism. One of the key discourses for this thinking was Japan?s 1965 policy document titled, The Image of the Desired Human [kitai sareru ningen zo]. During the Second World War and 1980s Japan bashing, critics identified such pedagogical links between individual, society and state as totalitarianism. In America?s ?learn from Japan? discourse aimed toward economic nationalism, the same fusion of human capital with the corporate state was extolled as rational and patriotic; human resource capitalism became the wave of the future and the foundation for a new economic nationalism, or economic liberalism by the 1990s. Human capital and similar discourses of human-centrism are easy to enunciate, evoke common sense yearnings for health, prosperity and stability, and lend themselves to quantification and universalization. But they also reduce and patronize humans in a sterile discourse of bodies deprived of rights, agency and social moorings. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This presentation examines nature of the Japanese state in the context of globalization. Analytical attention is shifting from convergence (more similarity) towards divergence (more difference) among political economies under globalization, and this shift renews our focus on the role of state policies vis à vis the changing international political economy. Although Japan was once seen as a model of economic development for other political economies in the region, there has been serious doubt about validity of the model because of Japan’s slow recovery after the recession that began in the late 1980s and since the Asian Economic Crisis of 1997. However, under deregulation, the state has not given up its roles. The state has instead been energized by elaborating policy without reference to whether or not they were successful. This study explores how and why the Japanese state revitalized regulating economic affairs and implications for other political economies in East Asia. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]