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The aims of this paper are to introduce and explain the core commitments and dimensions of the critical terrorism studies (CTS) approach, to defend the retention of the term 'terrorism', and to briefly outline a future research agenda. To this end, the paper is divided into three sections. In the first section, I contextualise the rise of CTS and outline its central ontological, epistemological, methodological, and praxiological commitments, arguing that it is more than simply a call for better research on terrorism; rather, CTS offers a new way of understanding and researching terrorism. The second section focuses on the particular problem posed by the term 'terrorism' and argues that there are reasons for, and ways of, retaining the term without compromising the broader intellectual and/or emancipatory project. In addition, it explores some of the common misperceptions about the definition of terrorism and proposes a solution to these issues. In the final section, I outline some of the key challenges and dangers facing CTS. I suggest some key ways of avoiding these dangers and briefly outline a future research agenda. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a context in which academics and policy-makers argue that the notion of 'state terrorism' is unnecessary and unhelpful, the aim of this paper is to provide a defence of the concept and an argument for widening and deepening its study. There are five main arguments typically employed against the concept of state terrorism: (1) states have a legitimate right to use violence; (2) state repression differs from terrorism because the victims are not chosen randomly; (3) state violence is not publicity-seeking; (4) what is described as state 'terrorism' is already adequately described and proscribed as 'repression', 'human rights abuses', 'war crimes', etc: and (5) even if states do engage in acts of 'terrorism', it has different aims, methods and outcomes to non-state terrorism. In the paper, I demonstrate in a step-by-step process how each of these arguments are flawed and based on a misreading of the nature of terrorist violence. I conclude that for both analytical and normative reasons, 'state terrorism' is a useful and important concept. The final section of the paper makes the case for widening and deepening the study of state terrorism and outlines a preliminary future research based on the current state of knowledge. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper departs from the working assumption that one way in which bilateral relations between states are organized in international politics today, is by way of special relationships founded on imperial remnants. In exploring the validity of this claim, the paper forms part of a greater research effort to theorise the concept of special relationships between states in contemporary international politics, and identify different underlying logics according to which such relationships might be structured. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on the creation of global spatiality by higher education systems and institutions. After a preliminary discussion of the worldwide higher education setting, it reviews strategies including national investment in innovation, research capacity concentrations, commercial marketing of international education, knowledge hubs and university/city synergies, region-building as in Europe, networks and alliances, e-delivery and off shore campuses. It then considers two meta-strategies with differing implications for global creation and forms of regulation: the WTO/GATS modelling of higher education as a world trading system, and global university rankings. The paper notes these moves can be variously observed as acts of the imagination, acts of production and acts of regulation; and begins to examine relations between these acts, noting the paradox of global openness/closure that often seems to attend particular global spacing making ventures in higher education. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will discuss the importance of UN Models in order to introduce International Relations to this audience and to create critical thinking in the field. The paper will argue that, despite its attempts to recreate the discipline's main debates, such models tend to reflect its organizers' beliefs, offering “loci” to subjects otherwise outshadowed. The paper also intends to analyze how such manner of representing international politics might influence former participants to design IR as a more pluralistic field than it is commonly seen by scholars not engaged on such dynamics when younger. The research made is based on the successful experience of the model focused on high school audience held at PUC-Rio, “Mirin”. The Mirin, which is in its fourth edition, is organized by undergraduate students with the orientation of the faculty of International Relations from the PUC-Rio’s Department of International Relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effect of third party interventions on the duration of civil conflict wars. Past research has presented puzzling findings showing that interventions generally lead to longer civil wars. In this paper, I argue that the expected effect of external interventions during a civil war are best understood in the context of the intervener’s pre-war signal. This is because the government and opposition develop expectations for future interventions before fighting begins, making expected interventions endogenous to the original decision to fight. Therefore, if interventions during a civil war are consistent with the pre-war signals, they should have little effect on the conflict’s duration. If the intervention is inconsistent with the pre-war signal, wars should be shorter as the unexpectedly weak side is either crushed or seeks to settle to avoid annihilation. This theory is tested using events data to capture pre-war signals, and COW data for interventions for all civil conflicts from 1949 to 1993. Results show that the effects of third party interventions during a war are indeed conditioned on the pre-war signal, shedding light on puzzling findings from past research. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a recent paper, Dimitrov et al. (2007) argue that nonregimes are a worthy object of research attention that can contribute to regime theory. Their challenge is taken up in this paper in a case study of Arctic haze. Arctic haze is an excellent case for studying the relationship between science and nonregimes because non-science factors play only a minor, background role in explaining the Arctic haze nonregime. The central question tackled in this paper is: What science-related factors explain why an international environmental regime was not formed on Arctic haze between 1972 and 2000? Arctic haze was scientific (re-)discovered in 1972 and by 2000 the window of opportunity to form a regime was closed. Analysis of the science and politics of Arctic haze between 1972 and 2000 reveals that the Arctic haze nonregime is best explained by the absence of scientifically documented and compelling transboundary consequences to ecosystems and humans. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A comprehensive review of the literature on intelligence analysis indicates that while much has been written, largely there has not been a progression of thinking relative to the core aspect and complexities of doing intelligence analysis. The paper focuses on the core aspect of analysis, the determination of meaning. After a brief review of Sherman Kent's comprehensive work, the role of mental models in determining meaning is discussed, followed by recurring alternative views of analysis processes. Key elements of the analysis processes are then discussed, including hypotheses, information research, and the marshalling of evidence, including how they influence the determination of meaning. The literature on rigor in intelligence analysis is reviewed, including the role of structured analytic techniques and automated tools. Literature and research gaps are highlighted throughout the paper and are the focus of the conference panel presentation. The paper concludes with observations on the state of the literature on intelligence analysis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we review the role gender 'as a variable' has played in international research. We review how the analytical category of gender has been operationalized in IR studies. Generally, operationalization of gender has been at multiple levels and has been measured as a characteristic of individuals and collectives. For example, studies that examine the hypothesis that 'women work for peace, and men wage war' have operationalized gender as both an analytical category at the individual level denoting biological sex as well as a characteristics of society indicating domestic gender equality. These categories have been used to predict foreign policy attitudes as well as state violence and militarism. How useful are these different categories and do they tell us anything about the phenomena we wish to explain (i.e the dependent variable) other than variation by gender categories? In this paper, we argue that past quantitative studies of gender have relied on essentialist arguments about sex differences. In order to take full advantage of gender as an analytical category in quantitative studies, we must consider the gendered nature of the dependent variable (e.g. the state and state action) as suggested by more interpretive methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that contemporary research on 'the impact of international norms' has a tendency to under-theorise latter processes, i.e. what happens after ratification of international agreements. As vividly illustrated by climate change policy, ratification of an agreement is not that easily followed by rule-guided behaviour. The paper argues that part of the 'failure' in existing research is that the role of domestic norm-takers is not properly acknowledged or included in the analysis. All the major theories on international relations--neorealism, neoliberalism, and constructivism--suffers from a narrow conception of 'state behaviour', thus not being able to sufficiently identify what actors that are important when states form their preferences, but particularly for the international norm to 'take root' domestically. Further, it is argued that a fruitful definition of 'the impact of international norms' is their institutionalisation in domestic policies. It is only in a domestic democratic policy process that international norms, in the long run, can be sufficiently legitimised and thus effective. Finally, a socio-evolutionary approach is introduced in order to better understand which norms in the international agreement that are 'selected' at various levels of domestic society. Key factors in the theory are (a) how the new norms 'fit' with social structure, i.e. predominating ideas and norms in a given society; (b) the perceived legitimacy of the source of new ideas; and (c) how well the new norms 'fit' with key actors' identities. Drawing on a constructivist framework, socio-evolutionary theory provides the tools to identify which norms that come to prevail, thus explaining domestic norm selection by factors within the theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Epidemiological evidence indicates that eating disorders are spreading around the world. In a likely related development, researchers in many different regions are adopting a core diagnostic model or code, even though the code's diagnostic criteria are culture-laden. This paper explores the connection between these two phenomena. It traces the history of the eating disorders diagnostic code and finds a common source for the code, namely, inter-state cooperation on diseases during the first half of the 20th Century. It finds that a transnational eating disorders research agenda has emerged that is based largely on this code, and specifically, on two mental-disorder diagnostic manuals. The paper then examines the application of this eating disorders research agenda in non-western cultural contexts. In these contexts, researchers and clinicians encounter cultural biases in the diagnostic code yet reinforce it and the overall agenda by suggesting reform rather than replacement of the code and agenda. They suggest, for example, "translational" research initiatives that translate research findings into clinically applicable treatments. Notably, most translational research programs include not only state officials and state and university scientists, but also transnational capital and their own scientists. The paper thus finds that the eating disorders research agenda is transnational at many levels -- from the codification of diagnostic criteria to treatment implementation. At the same time, the agenda is failing, because eating problems are not waning, and are in some cases getting more severe. Ultimately, analysis of the eating disorders research agenda suggests that we need a more self-reflective research agenda under which subjects acquire agency rather than lose it to researchers and especially to clinicians. Analyzing eating disorders as a deterritorialized scientific research agenda enables us to see the historical and global-cultural dynamics to the phenomenon of increasing rates of eating problems. The approach also incorporates both the diagnostic process and the person with eating problems within its analytical framework, unlike the behavioral psychiatric models on which most diagnosticians and clinicians rely. Thus, the paper ultimately suggests that the global study of eating disorders holds political and cultural implications for the persons who fall under its globalizing diagnostic purview. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Development research has undergone a profound change over the last two decades, witnessing a major shift in its focus, goals, and priorities. The emerging new realization that development cannot be equated with economic growth and that development is not a one-way traffic has prompted the need for donor countries and lending agencies to adopt a participatory approach to development. What is unique about such a new approach is that it creates a space, at least theoretically, for beneficiaries to influence the planning, implementing, and monitoring processes. Most plans are now done in consultation with stakeholders simply to ensure the effectiveness of development intervention. More important perhaps is that this changing development discourse is beginning to offer academic researchers and practitioners a wonderful opportunity to establish a much closer tie among themselves to achieve the goals of sustainable human development in the twenty-first century. Given such a dramatically changed context of international development, this paper examines the nature of relationship between the Canadian academia and practitioners, including the policy-makers. In particular, it explores the ways in which development scholars and practitioners work together to improve the performance of Canada’s development cooperation. The paper is comprised of three main sections. It first looks at the international context of development to explain how the focus of development research has shifted from transferring knowledge from the North to the South to the exploration of a mutually beneficial relationship between the industrialized and developing worlds. Section two examines two somewhat different models of development research that evolved over the last decade or so. The third section analyzes the current state of relationship between the Canadian academia and the policy world. The last section offers some concluding remarks based on the findings of this rather brief study. This paper finds that, while the new context of international development has created a space for development researchers and educators, both Northern and Southern, to work more closely with policy-makers and practitioners, Canadian academia and practitioners are still searching for a way of redefining their traditional territories. Given the lack of funding support, development research in Canada aims primarily at providing a critical analysis of development theories, approaches, and strategies. By contrast, the practitioners, including policy-makers, tend to work in relative isolation in the management of international development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how scientific research is conducted under shifting economic and political conditions. Two political trends ? the continuing spread of liberalized markets and the increasing perception of physical insecurity ? have led to changes in the how research is funded and directed, as well as in how the resulting knowledge is owned or controlled. The paper looks at conflicting and complementary interests of the public (the epistemic communities of scientists, the national publics, and a poorly defined global public), firms, and states by examining the case of national security, public, and proprietary interests in the global field of biomedical research. The paper will provide a theoretically informed discussion of power as the capacity to take advantage of research and its results (or to prevent others from taking those advantages). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this proposed paper, I aim to provide a primary â€" though neither comprehensive nor self-fulfilling/self-sufficient â€" comparative study of main modelling and simulation activities in the studies of international relations â€" notably Models United Nations ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global accountability is commonly understood as a contractual relation where standards of behavior are specific and objective, agents are autonomous and rational, and global organizations are homogeneous actors. I propose a different, if complementary, definition of global accountability as an embedded relation that is partly governed by legitimate global norms. This definition is anchored in sociological theories of institutions as applied in the field of organizational studies. The paper shows how a sociological approach adds value to our theoretical and practical understanding of global accountability. I argue that an embedded definition encompasses alternative assumptions about and perspectives on human behavior. The empirical value of this sociological definition is underlined by investigating accountability dynamics and dilemmas inside two World Bank country offices. Overall, distinguishing between embedded and contractual definitions opens up new vistas for global accountability research. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A methodological divide plagues terrorism research. Quantitative and qualitative researchers have drawn mutually exclusive conclusions regarding the root causes of the terrorism. In an attempt to help resolve this conflict, this paper assesses the reliability of the data used by statistical researchers of terrorism. The results demonstrate that issues of construct validity limit the reliability of regression analysis in the field of terrorism; unless quantitative researchers make significant changes in the way they operationalize dependent and independent variables, their work will remain misleading. Ultimately, statistical analysis of terrorism must be paired with other methodologies in order to provide the context necessary to understand raw quantitative data. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various scientific fields have contributed to the conflict research. This paper maps the structure of conflict research by employing bibliometrical methods. Bibliometric research uses information found from scientific texts including names of the authors, the titles and the abstracts of the scientific texts. Here the focus is on the citation patterns found from articles printed in high-quality journals. Citation information is restructured with cluster and network analyses for the purpose of identifying the different discourses and fields contributing to the conflict research. The data is derived from more than 1300 articles referring to conflict research published in high-impact publications. Selection of the 40 scientific journals was based on their impact factors provided by the ISI Journal Selection Report. The combined list of the references exceeds 46 400 titles. In our preliminary maps we have identified five discourses in the field. Some of these provide an intellectual bridge for other discourses. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports the most recent results of a research project that studies the growth/decline phases of settlements and polities since the Stone Age. The project uses quantitative estimates of population sizes of the largest settlements in regions and estimates of the territorial size of polities to study changes in the scale of human institutions. It is part of a larger effort to construct non-linear dynamical models of human socio-cultural evolution and future global state formation (See Chase-Dunn, Anderson and Turchin 2005). Here we report the results of an inventory of upward sweeps. Upward sweeps are defined as instances in which the largest settlements and/or polities significantly increase in size for the first time in a given region. Our comparative project is theoretically global in scope and would like to include both nomadic and sedentary world-systems, though in practice we are limited by the availability of estimates of largest polity and settlements sizes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a conceptual framework for the study of global migration and transnational politics as described in the panel abstract, and will serve to emphasize the links among different research strands in global studies. It will raise questions with regard to new conceptions of citizenship and accountability as the body politic becomes increasingly mobile, political affinities delinked from geographic proximity, and critical constituencies reside outside of the territory of the state. In addition, it will suggest that diasporas and other forms of transnational communities tend to bring a certain type of approach or identifiable set of issues into political debates. The proposed framework is briefly explored in relation to two cases: (1) the role of the U.S. Ethiopian diaspora in conflict processes in the Horn of Africa; and (2) the increasing salience of Muslim communities in Europe as regards the strategic evolution of the Muslim Brotherhood movement in the Arab world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses how and under what conditions ideas coming from International Relations (IR) scholarship are used in foreign policy. We argue that the focus on policy relevance, which dominates the IR literature on the research-policy interface, is limited. Focusing instead on political utilization highlights types and mechanisms of political impact, which are overlooked in studies on policy relevance. The fruitfulness of this change in focus is showed in an analysis of how Samuel Huntington's "clash of civilizations" and Joseph Nye's "soft power" concept have been used in US foreign policy. George W. Bush's explicit critique of "the clash" thesis should not be interpreted as absence of impact, but as a significant symbolic utilization, which has helped legitimate US foreign policy. The notion of "soft power" has very rarely been used explicitly in foreign policy statements, although the liberal optimism underlying this concept is expressed in other ways by the US government. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ironically, most qualitative research on the subject of human security tends not to account for issues of personal safety and security of researchers. Although there is a considerable literature examining 'risks' and 'dangerous conditions' in fieldwork, few methodological accounts reflect on the ways in which the personal experiences of researchers affect the framing of the research and the collection of data. How is the research process impacted when researchers feel unsafe, threatened or fearful? This paper explores this question in relation to questions of identity and positionality. Drawing on the divergent fieldwork experiences of three researchers investigating everyday experiences of security in peacekeeping missions, we consider the embodied impact of gender and 'racial' differences on the research process. Specifically, we examine how our differently gendered, racialised and embodied experiences resulted in both commonalities and differences in perceptions and experiences of security in the field. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Desktop publishing and email, while revolutionary technologies in terms of their impact on productivity, were simply digital forms of traditional research activities (typewriting and letter writing). One of the biggest challenges facing research centres today is managing the transition to a more ICT-enabled environment, for new technologies require new ways of thinking about research collaboration while opening up greater opportunities for locating and working with colleagues around the world. This paper presents the challenges and payoffs of such a transition encountered through the ARC Governance Research Network, based in Brisbane, Australia. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We find a shift in paradigm as far as the role of academic studies is concerned. With the emergence of knowledge-based economies, the focus has changed from 'knowledge for the sake of knowledge' to 'knowledge in application'. Instead of treasuring the old knowledge and culture, the universities and institutions of higher learning are required to play a proactive role in shaping the future in the wake of geo-politics, geo-economics, geo-strategic and proliferation of risks unleashed by the techno-scientific civilization. Instead of following the hegemonic agenda, they can serve as a corrective. The days of old government practices supported by bureaucratic advice as the best way of making and implementing politically acceptable public policies are over. The problems of modern hi-tech societies require more innovative and creative solutions. There is an urgency not only to understand a society on multi-disciplinary basis but also to reshape the same by the use of reason and evidence. Therefore, the intellectuals and technical experts can provide the much-needed alternatives, even if it amounts to adopting the trial and error method, to high-risk societies where public policy making has become quite a challenging enterprise. My paper seeks to explain this shift in paradigm and highlight the linkage between the academic studies and policy processes in the era of knowledge-based economies and technological revolution. The methodology adopted is analytical, conceptual and empirical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports on research addressing the question of what role, if any, the existence and location of victimhood in problem representations of Israelis and Palestinians plays in their ability to reach compromise in experimental situations. It builds on the work of Sylvan and Thorson (1992) and Sylvan and Voss (1998) in studying problem representation: how options get specified in foreign policy and other political decisions. It also builds on the work of such scholars as Rouhana and Bar Tal (1998), Doosje et al., (1998), and Nadler and Leviatan (in press) who examine the ways in which a collective sense of victimhood exerts its effects upon the group members' view of themselves, their perceptions and feelings towards their adversaries, and their willingness to move towards co-existence with them. The research reported begins from the assumption that victimhood is a socially constructed aspect of problem representation, in the sense that external events and situational forces can increase the salience of group members' sense of victimhood, or decrease it. Specifically, this research project uses both experimental analysis and textual and events data analysis to address the hypothesis that the combination of high in-group commitment with salient ingroup victimhood will produce the least empathy to the needs of the other side, and have adverse effects on inter group relations. For Israeli subjects, the results indicate that among high in-group commitment Israelis there were no differences on measures of willingness for reconciliation as a function of induction of victimhood. However, Israelis characterized as being low in their commitment to the in-group were affected by the induction of victimhood. Participants who had been exposed to victimization information showed lower levels of willingness for reconciliation with Palestinians than low-commitment Israelis in the control condition who had not been exposed to similar information. Similar patterns characterized subjects' ratings of empathy for Palestinian suffering. The "real world" textual/events data analysis find cross-community impacts for which we have not yet been able to test experimentally, since we have examined only Israeli subjects thus far. This venue of analysis also tells us that the psychological factors we have examined seem to have more impact on Palestinian actions than on those of Israelis. Expressed goals seem to be of roughly equal importance to identity and victimization in this part of our analysis. Identity has distinct impacts, mostly cross community. Victimization, on the other hand, only garners one significant relationship, but it is worth emphasizing: When Israeli leaders exude victimhood (of Israelis) in their speech, Palestinians tend to act more conflictually in the subsequent month. American subjects are also studied, and this is reported in the appendices. These findings suggest that priming of Collective Victimization focuses the attention of group members on their sufferings and denies them the empathy and openness for the sufferings of others. That effect occurs when the level of Identification with the Ingroup is low. It seems that for them, the initial feelings of empathy for the other side and their willingness to reconcile with it are blocked by the induction of victimhood. Put differently, in the context of inter-nation conflict people who are highly committed to the in-group are in a relatively constant state of victimhood. Therefore, making victimization salient has no effect of their conflict-related judgments and perceptions. Results of experiments involving American subjects included finding that the identity manipulation produced a dramatic impact on subjects' assessment of both Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs, but very little impact on their assessment of what the future would bring. This is consistent with our central proposition.… [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a conference paper titled "Who Cares about the Weather? Climate Change and U.S. National Security" prepared for the annual conference of the International Studies Association in Honolulu, Hawaii. It seeks to link the issue of climate change with energy security, nuclear proliferation, disasters and reputational concerns. It also aims to introduce a line of new climate change political science research that speaks to the ambitions of the original proponents of environmental security.

The article provides a conference paper titled "UNEP in the formation, co-ordination and implementation of Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs): Success or fiasco?," to be delivered at the 46th ISA Conference in Hawaii. It focuses on UNEP as the United Nations (UN) program in the area of environment. It presents an overview of the growth and organization of the global environmental governance regime. Meanwhile, it concludes that UNEP has been active and strong in the formation phase, specially in the cases of biodiversity and chemicals.

The article presents a conference paper titled "The State of the State in North American Migration and Research Possibilities." It mentions that states now regulate migration since they can no longer maintain security and promote economic growth. It says that the movement of Mexicans to Crawfordsville is not part of a trend but rather a global phenomenon. According to scholar Daniel Tichenor, the capacity of the U.S. to introduce change into its political system is due to immigration.

This paper reports on research addressing the question of what role, if any, the existence and location of victimhood and commitment/identity in problem representations of Israelis and Palestinians plays in their ability to reach compromise in experimental situations. It builds on the work of Sylvan and Thorson (1992) and Sylvan and Voss (1998) in studying problem representation: how options get specified in foreign policy and other political decisions. It also builds on the work of such scholars as Rouhana and Bar Tal (1998) and Doosje et al., (1998) who examine the ways in which a collective sense of victimhood exerts its effects upon the group members’ view of themselves, their perceptions and feelings towards their adversaries, and their willingness to move towards co-existence with them. The research reported begins from the assumption that victimhood is a socially constructed aspect of problem representation, in the sense that external events and situational forces can increase the salience of group members’ sense of victimhood, or decrease it. Specifically, this research project studies the effects of experimental induction of victimhood in the context of Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Israeli and American, and hopefully Palestinian, subjects are studied. The experiments are administered in a simple 2X2 design (hi-lo ingroup commitment Israelis) X (priming victimization vs. control). The dependent measures related to willingness to reconcile with the other (e.g., Palestinians in the case of the Israeli subjects). Results thus far indicate that the interaction is significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The academic study of international relations in South Asia is, for the most part, derivative and stultified. Most university departments rely on outdated and archaic syllabi. It is derivative in that much of what is imparted is drawn from early Amercian international relations scholarship or obtained from the canons of British diplomatic history. Scholarship for the most part remains descriptive, hortatory and atheoretic. The reasons for this aritdity in the study of international relations across the region cries out for an explanation. The answers are complex and are rooted, in part, in the British colonial history of the subcontinent. Most university faculty were trained in the British diplomatic history tradition and were only partially exposed to key currents in American social science scholarship in the sub-field of international politics. At another level, until recently, few individualsof any intellectual calibre, entered the study of international relations as opportunities in the fields of teaching, research and practice were exceedingly limited. Consequently, most individuals simply replicated the work that their mentors imparted and frequently in less sophisticated ways. Finally, policy makers, again until very recently, rarely, if ever, sought the advice of academic specialists. Instead, following the British civil service traditions, preferred their own counsel and relied on diplomatic precdents and practices. All these features are currntly changing as the principal power in the region, India, is now becoming more prosperous. More talented individuals are entering the sub-field, American social science methods are now percolating into university syllabi and increasing numbres of academics have American university degrees. Policymakers are also now more attuned to rely on academics for policy-relevant advice. This paper will explore the changing epistemological bases of international relations scholarship in India and to some degree in the other states of South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both U.S. foreign policy and the study of environmental security have been influenced by much older narratives of neo-Malthusian population growth and ethnic conflict outside the western world. The popularity of both has been heavily directed by the larger context of scientific research, or more specifically, the belief of logical positivism that attempted to apply scientific research results to political decisions. The result has been an overly simplified and technical view of the world, justified in the name of science and often by scientists, themselves. The ironic feature of such developments has been the relative lack of science in anything but name, even by those who are scientists by profession. This paper examines the role that scientism has played in shaping U.S. foreign policy, justifying Malthusian predictions and political beliefs, and the confluence of foreign policy and environmental security after the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes a new field of research in international relations: The studies on the role and potential of the corporate sector in global violent conflicts. It offers a literature review on the topic and a discussion of current research in Switzerland on the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The three hegemonies of the modern world-system have been the Dutch in the seventeenth century, the British in the nineteenth century and the hegemony of the United States in the twentieth century. Sociologists and political scientists have carefully studied the process of hegemonic rise and decline. Recent research by Rennstich (2001) retools Arrighi’s (1994) formulation of the organizational evolutions that have accompanied the emergence of larger and larger hegemons over the last six centuries. Modelski and Thompson (1996) argued that the British successfully managed to enjoy two power cycles, one in the eighteenth and another in the nineteenth centuries. With this precedent in mind Rennstich considers the possibility that the US might succeed itself in the twenty-first century. Rennstich’s analysis of the organizational, cultural and political requisites of the contemporary new lead industries ? information technology and biotechnology ? imply that the United States has a large comparative advantage that will most probably lead to another round of U.S. pre-eminence in the world-system. But important resistance to genetically engineered products has arisen as consumers and environmentalists worry about the unintended consequences of introducing radically new organisms into the biosphere. This paper will examine the agricultural biotechnology industry as a new lead industry and will consider its possible future impact on the distribution of power in the world-system. This will entail an examination of the loci and timing of private and publicly funded research and development, biotechnology firms that are developing and selling products, and the emergence of national and global policies that are intended to regulate and test genetically engineered products. The recent history of environmental impacts of genetically engineered products will be reviewed, as well as the contentious literature about the supposed risks of agricultural biotechnology. Several scenarios regarding the timing of the onset of biotech profitability and their potential impact on US economic centrality will be developed, and data on both the business history and the emergence of resistance will be employed to examine the likelihood of these possible scenarios. Draft (v. 5-51-03) 4026 words Proposed for presentation at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, March 17-20, Montreal. An earlier version was presented at the Division of Social Science Seminar, Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

March 2003 Security is Now the Sturdy Child of Terror: Research After September 11 Part of the fall-out after 9/11 has been a challenge to U.S. science, and to scholarship in general. As the nation sees itself under attack, the temptation is great, in research, as in other parts of society, to foreground security without adequate reflection about its cost. A set of questions rarely examined seriously in the past, now become central: Who ought to decide which research topics will be taken up, and with which voice scholarly communities will speak in public? Who ought to decide? And how ought that decision be made? In this paper, I address that question in relation to the security studies scholarly community.. In light of the fact that its work is often used as public justification for, if not the real basis of public policy, this is a research community where the implications of research are writ large. Who ought to decide how to set, conduct, and make public this pivotal community’s research? And how ought those decisions be made? Philip Kitcher, in his recent Science, Truth and Democracy, develops a vision of moral scientific decision-making based on his concept of well-ordered science. Whatever institutions a society uses, Kitcher claims, these ought to approximate the decisions this vision supports. I argue that, especially in relation to the security studies research community, this model needs to be modified if viable institutions that can withstand post-9/11 debates are to evolve in the United States. Rhona Leibel Department of Practical Philosophy and Ethics Metropolitan State University St. Paul, MN 55106 651-793-1452 rhona.leibel@metrostate.edu [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of a broader conceptual analysis of the semantics of world opinion in the context of the founding of the United Nations, this paper examines the role of public opinion research for an emerging governmentalization of security at this juncture. Drawing on elements of Luhmann’s historical sociology and Foucault’s approach to the study of government, it argues that the new science of public opinion research contributed to the conceptualization of a new mode of international governance in response to the perceived problems of the failure of the League of Nations, total war, and a looming apocalypse of civilization. The governmentalization of security emerging in the medium of world opinion with the help of public opinion research was characterized by an emphasis of international policing over collective security; social over military security; welfare, development, and human rights over mere wardship for the weak; and scientific over moral education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To date, a robust literature has emerged empirically evaluating inequality in Latin America, analyzing the causes of it, and suggesting methods to assuage it. However, extant research has done considerably less in exploring its distinct effects. Besides the deplorable economic, social, and moral consequences of this condition, I argue that it also has pernicious ramifications for the democratic consolidation of a nation. In this paper I maintain that if one of the perceptions of democracy to Latin Americans is that its purpose is to lessen inequalities (a claim that is substantiated by a nascent body of quantitative and qualitative research), then progress towards democratic consolidation will be impeded if inequalities persevere. This conclusion runs counter to mainstream theories of democracy, which I find to be biased, if not irrelevant, when placed within this context. I conclude with a case study of Brazil, in which I illustrate my two primary findings: first, that lessening inequality is a necessary precondition for democratic consolidation, and second, that dominant theories of democratic consolidation in this region are of limited theoretical and practical significance without explicit reference to Latin Americans’ perception of this concept, which is inextricably tied to issues of inequality and political, economic, and racial hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has long been recognized that information technology (IT) can facilitate (or even permit) forms of empirical analysis unimagined just a generation ago. However, political scientists have generally experimented with only a narrow range of the possibilities the new technologies offer ? easier writing, editing and communications processes, and more sophisticated statistical analyses. While these have undoubtedly increased productivity and rigor within the discipline, other IT applications have largely gone unnoticed. The growing pool of CAQDAS (Computer-Aided Qualitative Data Analysis Software) technologies presents researchers with new ways to conceptualize, perceive, and communicate their research, with the potential of revolutionizing social science research. This paper offers an overview of those IT and CAQDAS solutions with the most potential to facilitate political inquiry, and offers a series of practical steps by which technological novices might begin to apply the new technologies in their research. In closing, we discuss the benefits and perils of using such technology, and suggest the ways by which IT might strengthen current research techniques. The appendix catalogues several dozen applications for data acquisition, organization, processing, analysis and presentation, with contact and pricing information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will draw on research conducted under an IBM Center for the Business of Government grant to study collaboration in US national security organizations. The proposed paper will review case studies, present collaboration myths and realities, and ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes three linked arguments adding up to a vision of how the field of IR might evolve towards greater agreement on the need for and the nature of moral responsibility in scholarship. First, I claim that the discussion of responsibility in scholarship is made difficult by basic ontological and epistemological disagreements between "mainstream" and "critical" approaches in IR. I sketch these disagreements in the first part of the paper and show that they are also potentially linked to contradictory ethics. Second, I argue that "practicing" scholarly responsibility is aided by an affective component - a capacity for moral outrage in relation to one's field and objects of inquiry. This affective component is more easily embraced by critical scholars, as it stands in tension with positivist conceptions of science. Third, I claim that beyond recognition of the value of moral judgment guided by emotion the construction of standards for responsible scholarship in IR also requires some common ground in deontological ethics. In the third part of the paper I offer some starting points for the development of such moral common ground. Ultimately, the recommendation presented here for how to construct agreement about scholarly responsibility in IR combines a belief in the value of communal standards of inquiry, an element of consequentialist ethics supported by moral sentiment, and the conviction that morality requires a reasoned foundation in deontological ethics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The publication of Thomas Homer-Dixon's paper "On the Threshold:Environmental Changes As Causes of Acute Conflict" in International Security in 1991 initiated a vigorous international research program on therelationship between environmental stress in poor countries -- especially shortages of cropland, fresh water, and forest resources -- and civil violence. The current paper will review the progress of research since then, synthesize across the competing intellectual and methodological perspectives in the field, suggest where the original hypotheses were correct and incorrect, identify areas of major agreement and disagreement, and identify key lacuna in our current understanding that should be targets for future research. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From Deleuze?s engagement with cinema to his work with Felix Guattari on power and the state, repressive mechanisms of the state and critiques of modernity, his body of work is only now being recognised when considering contemporary interventions in critical and post-structural IR theory. Still further, although his work challenges some of the hitherto unquestioned assumptions about war and the practice of global politics, a consideration of his theoretical oeuvre does not exist for scholars and researchers in IR. In this paper the work of Deleuze will be firmly set in philosophical context, while the responses of other French and European intellectuals whose work had a bearing on Deleuze?s intellectual development will also be explored here. By dealing with Deleuze, the paper shows how the varied treatment of French intellectuals helped to open up new and legitimate areas of research. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective of this research paper is to examine the ability of Huntington?s Clash of Civilizations to explain contemporary international relations. The Caspian region provides a unique geographic area in which to study the concept of clashing civilizations. Since the era of the Great Game, global powers have met in this region and clashed . Similar patterns of conflict were exhibited in the Cold War era . Today it can be argued that this historical pattern persist, as China, Russia, and the United States project their power in this region. Is the Caspian region, then, an arena for clashing civilizations? At the global level, the international system may exhibit similarities to Huntington?s theory. When one conducts a regional level of analysis, however, state interaction in this region appears to contradict Huntington?s assumptions. Particularly, the Islamic civilization ceases to exist as a cohesive unit. From this, it follows that Huntington?s analysis is limited in its ability to explain contemporary international relations. Such limitation holds implications for future foreign policy analysis in the Caspian region and beyond. Confirmation of this paper?s assertions will have significant theoretical and practical ramifications. Theoretically, Huntington?s Clash of Civilizations would be shown to be a narrow analytical tool. Practically, the narrowness of this theory would reduce its influence in policy analysis. Limiting the relevance of civilization differences could reduce ethnic/cultural tensions felt between governments ? allowing policymakers to develop policies of cooperation. Policy application of Huntington?s theory at the regional or state level could result in unnecessary ethnic/cultural tensions. Arguably, such abuse could result in a self-fulfilling prophecy . Methodologically, this paper presents an overview of historical and contemporary global conflict in the Caspian region. The regional and state levels are then examined with relation to Huntington?s assumptions. Secondary sources provide the primary means for this investigation. Deductive logic and a desire to provide empirically verifiable solutions to this paper?s questions characterize the nature of this research. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we analyze the influence of international bureaucracies in world politics. Our research is motivated by a puzzling contradiction between two observations about these bureaucracies: On the one hand, many international bureaucracies are similar in their institutional and legal setting. A large number of bureaucracies resemble each other in their mandate, the number and type of countries they are reporting to, and the general functions they are expected to perform in specific policy domains. On the other hand, there is a notable variation in the role and influence of these international bureaucracies that is difficult to explain through their mandate, resources, membership patterns, and function-factors that dominate in the debates in international relations theory. We explain this variation in this paper through the macro-level of politics-the problem structure-as well as the micro-level, that is, the people in the bureaucracies and the particular organizational procedures, organizational cultures, and leadership styles that they develop. The paper reports on the research design, methods, and core findings of a 4-year comparative research program that covered nine international bureaucracies in the field of global environmental policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The IMF has often been highlighted as a key disseminator of international economic norms and ideas. It has been further argued that the IMF can create and mold state behavior because of its noted authority and highly regarded expertise. This suggests that Fund shareholders are not always capable of controlling the inside ideas of the Fund staff. The IMF staff have a depoliticized space, or a ?zone of discretion? in principal-agent terms, from which to develop ideas, policies, and programs. This paper seeks to locate and map these ideas emanating from the IMF- particularly those ideas coming from the Research Department and Policy Development Review Department- by classifying, and then quantifying, the number of research topics found in recent Fund publications. After cataloguing the Fund?s ideas, this paper seeks to measure their possible impact on other parts of the IMF, particularly on area departments which must propose policy prescriptions to borrowing members, and on the economics academia. Locating internally generated Fund ideas and measuring their possible impact on both Fund policies and the wider ?like-minded? community will help lend empirical teeth to norm-dissemination theories. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper represents one of the first attempts to quantitatively analyze both the decision of a third-party state to intervene in a civil war and the decision of an intervener to alter the level of its support to a civil war combatant. While the literature on the decision to intervene is theoretically rich, there have been few quantitative empirical studies on the topic. What is more, most of the quantitative studies that do exist suffer from flawed research designs. The research design I offer in this paper makes several contributions to the study of intervention initiation. First, and unlike previous studies, I simultaneously address the three questions of when, at what level, and on which side a third-party state is more likely to intervene in a civil war. In so doing, I construct a dependent variable that better captures the decision calculus of a potential intervener and that allows for richer theoretical analysis. Second, I do not model a civil war as an instantaneous event. By opening the black box of civil war, I recognize that a third-party state decides whether to intervene at various points throughout the civil war. From this recognition, I develop new hypotheses that reflect intra-war dynamics. As it concerns the escalatory decisions of those third-party states that do intervene in civil wars, there is very little theoretical work and no quantitative studies. With data drawn from an original dataset of civil wars 1946-2002, an ordered probit analysis identifies military and ethnic ties, the outcome of recent fighting, the balance of external support, and the political stability of the third-party state as the main determinants of intervention and escalation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this paper is to assess how networks have been conceptualized and studied within a select cross-section of the social science literature on transnational networks (TNs). The study of TNs has only recently become a field in its own right. What sparked the scholarly interest in TNs? Researchers (Kriesberg 1997; Smith 1997: 2; Rucht 1999) mark the rise of the field from the mid 1970?s, when there began a series of UN-sponsored conferences on the environment, women?s rights and human rights that was matched by a noticeable surge in the number of NGOs world-wide, particularly those operating within international arenas. The 1990?s brought even more attention to TNs, sparked by the 1992 Earth Summit Conference in Rio, the 1995 World Women Conference in Beijing and the 1999 WTO protests in Seattle. More generally, a number of major trends provide the context for both the emergence of TNs and their study: 1) increasing global integration; 2) an increase in "transnational" problems; 3) converging and diffusing values (such as human rights and consumerism); 4) proliferating transnational institutions; and 5) the rise of information communication technology (Kriesberg 1997; Rucht 1999). The result is a large and rather amorphous body of social science literature that explores various aspects of TNs from a diverse range of analytical perspectives. The conceptual and methodological ?diversity? of TN research simultaneously enriches, complicates and divides the field. Efforts to take stock of what has been said and learned up to now about social networks are warranted and can provide insight into future research on TNs. As such, this paper realizes an interdisciplinary exploration of current thinking on TNs. First, we identify a specific sub-set of recent sociological and political science scholarship from transnationalism studies, migration studies, global civil society (GCS) and transnational social movements (TSM) studies. Then, rather than simply pointing out lines of agreement and debate, we highlight the range of conceptual, theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of TNs. To that end, a version of the ?grounded theory? approach was employed to identify how the idea of networks is invoked in the selected literature. We combed through each article to locate the author?s main conceptual frame for researching and analyzing TNs; the conceptual frames were then grouped into analytical categories. In sum, we found that networks are referred to in the following ways: 1) something that has effects on or connects to a node, 2) a set of linkages and disconnections, 3) a pattern or quantity of flows, 4) a structure, 5) a type of space, and 6) a challenge to existing concepts and methodological approaches. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization seems to be omnipresent. Volumes have been written about it over the past few years, as scholars from many disciplines have attempted to define and account for the phenomena and processes the term describes. Most research on globalization, however, is largely a-theoretical; and even when there is an attempt to part with pure empiricism, the result is a theory on globalization, not a theory of globalization. In this paper, I argue for an evolutionary theoretical framework, which would allow for much needed theory-driven empirical analysis of global transformations. Aspects of the European Union ?project? are used to illustrate how evolutionary theory captures change in the making. The paper concludes with a critique of this approach and outlines a research agenda that would lead to further development and resolution of current limitations. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-1990s a great deal of research has been done on the relationship between natural resources and civil war. More recently some scholars have looked at whether particularly lootable resources are linked to conflict instead of using the ratio of primary commodity exports to GDP as a measure of resource abundance. So far, there has been done no statistical work relating timber to conflict, although case studies suggest that timber exports play a substantial role in sustaining some armed conflicts. The paper identifies the specific qualities of timber and relates them to the use of timber in conflict. Timber is fairly lootable, making it easier for corrupt governments and rebel movements to exploit it. Forests can also serve as hideouts for rebel groups. Finally, timber is an important resource for the livelihood of indigenous people or small communities that strive to keep up a traditional lifestyle. Resources which are important for people?s livelihood and at the same time an attractive economic resource for the state or commercial interests, can generate conflict. The paper makes use of a three-factor conflict model based on motive, opportunity and identity. Motive, in turn, is divided into direct grievance, indirect grievance and greed. Direct grievance refers to immediate and direct damage from exploitation of timber, indirect grievance refers to long-term damage and greed is the desire for wealth or power. The paper establishes relevance of timber resources for identity formation and opportunity as well as the three forms of motive. The model is tested using the Uppsala/PRIO conflict data together with a specially collected timber dataset that includes data on forest size, forest type, deforestation, and timber exports, ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Members of the U.S. intelligence community and other experts increasingly admit the possibility that a ?Revolution in Intelligence Affairs? (RIA) might be imminent or already occurring. So far most of the discourse on this subject has been deductive in nature. The proposed paper will adopt an inductive approach to investigate the thesis that an RIA is occurring. It will explore two different methods capable of distinguishing a true RIA from evolutionary change. It will use these methods to gather evidence to test the RIA hypothesis. The paper will assess whether the evidence supports the existence of an RIA, and will make appropriate recommendations for intelligence policy. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces a theory and research design that attempts to explain and predict levels of regional integration worldwide. The central argument is that the likelihood of institutionalized regional integration increases under a power preponderance structural condition with higher levels of trade which promote homogenization of domestic institutions. The paper reviews prior work on regional integration and then contributes to the scholarship by synthesizing the findings of the power transition and institutional schools. Testing utilize generalized least squares autocorrelation corrected regressions with non-directed regional dyads (1960-2000). The preliminary results largely confirm the arguments; however robust testing and data supplementation is still required. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a comparative study of the importance and effects of international human rights discourse in Chile and Colombia. While both countries have a history of a strong domestic civil society, Chile has managed to take steps away from its past of human rights abuses, while Colombia has not been able to make such progress. The paper is part of a larger research program on the effects of exposure to and participation in the international human rights regime on countries' domestic human rights performance over time. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]