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This paper aims to answer the basic question of whether or not a civil society has ever come into existence in Macau with a time focus on the 1990s and after. The question is a justified one if the idea of civil society is taken seriously. Civil society is commonly defined as the arena outside of the family, the government and the market where people associate to advance common interests. In terms of composition, it comprises a network of voluntary associations, and informal groups and activities. Recent literature has further distinguished between civil society and political society (where political society is organized to gain political power), and investigated the importance of discursive activities and the internet to the strengthening of civil society. In terms of functions and potentials, civil society represents an autonomous realm, independent of state control, and provides the basis for social movements and political opposition. Macau, although not deprived of associational life, is famous for its patron-client politics and consensual politics until very recently. So, if there is a civil society in Macau, then in what forms has it been articulated? How vibrant and powerful is it? What importance has it had to the democratization in Macau? What dominant political values have been upheld by it, and in what ways are these values conducive to democratization? Overall, the paper sheds light on the developments, potentials and constraints of Macau’s civil society in relation to democratization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a conference paper titled "Idea and Authority: The Roles of Intellectuals in Environmental Justice Campaigns in China and Taiwan" prepared for the "2005 International Studies Association (ISA) Convention" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It discusses the evolution of environmental justice campaigns in Taiwan and China and the factors that affect the destiny of these campaigns. It offers a review of literature on social movements and highlights the importance of epistemic communities in both countries.

This paper reviews social activism for a better environment in China is the past 15 years. It is not merely a historical review, but also a discussion of competing interpretations of the political revelance of this movement and the new social-political forces it has generated. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tibetan positions and strategies have gone through many changes since 1959 when the Dalai Lama escaped to India. From 1959 until the mid-1970s, the Tibetan exile leadership consistently cast its chief objective as regaining Tibet’s independence. In 2007, the same Tibetan leadership is calling for a sincere, letter-and-spirit implementation of the provisions of the Chinese constitution and national regional autonomy laws, albeit, in a re-unified Tibetan administrative entity within the People’s Republic of Chinaâ€"a far-cry from the independence agenda of only three decades ago. Tibetan strategy has also evolved from the CIA-backed guerrilla movement to a completely non-violent form of activism. Inside Tibet itself, the Tibetans have deployed various strategies ranging from collaboration with the communist regime to open rebellion for national survival. Beijing’s policies inside Tibet have also oscillated from the violent, oppressive and assimilationist strategies of the Maoist years to the ethnically-sensitive policies of the Hu Yaobang era in the 1980s and back to the hard-line integrationist policies prevalent today. Chinese efforts to engage the Dalai Lama and exile Tibetans have also had an on-again, off-again quality. What drives these fluctuations? This paper attempts to answer this question by examining if, and how, the international campaigns and diplomacy of the Tibetan Diaspora effect these fluctuations. How do the activities, successes and failures of the Tibetan exiles shape the activities of the Tibetans inside Tibet? How do the fortunes and misfortunes of the Tibetan Diaspora shape Chinese policies towards Tibet? Equally importantly, how does Tibet’s place in some of China’s most important foreign relations, such as the US-China relations and Sino-Indian relations influence Sino-Tibetan relations? This paper will provide a dispassionate analysis of these important linkages that have direct bearings on a people struggling to survive and a state rising in power but struggling with its international image and domestic legitimacy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational social movement organizations (TSMOs) are often hailed as the embodiments and carriers of global civil society, yet few studies have actually examined the internal dynamics of TSMOs. This paper conceptualizes TSMOs as ?multicultural environments? and asks how this environment both shapes and constrains TSMO action. Using data from multi-sited interviews with staff working at Christian development organizations in China, I analyze how actors within these organizations manage multiple cultures?national cultures, the local Chinese culture, religious culture, and a world organizational culture. While this amalgamation of cultures appears to be highly vulnerable to cultural conflict, this study reveals that multiculturalism can be a valuable asset for TSMOs with the aid of cultural brokers. I find that the cause-based collective identities of actors within these organizations are advantageous for creating internal solidarity and civility, while their additional identities, including national and religious, are advantageous for connecting them with donors and beneficiaries. This skillful management of multiple cultural fields within these organizations demonstrates a transnational give-and-take promising for the formation of global civil society. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pace at which greenhouse emissions are rising together with the strengthening scientific consensus that emissions must be dramatically reduced mean that the recently implemented Kyoto Protocol is already obsolete; the fulfillment of all Kyoto obligations will reduce global emissions only minimally. The U.S.--the world's biggest emitter--and future emissions giants including China and India must be brought into a substantial emissions-limitation regime within a very short time. Unless their legitimate needs for development are addressed, developing countries have little incentive to participate in such a regime. Climate-equity NGOs argue that global emissions trading on the basis of per capita (or per capita plus) allowances, which would give large numbers of saleable permits to the world's low-emission majority, could supply the incentive for developing-country participation and counter the U.S. argument about 'unfair favorable treatment' for developing countries under the Kyoto regime. Such a strategy would represent a dramatic departure from the 'grandfathered' Kyoto emissions allowances, which base reductions requirements on 1990 emissions and thus help to 'lock in' the position of developed countries. In this paper, I evaluate the potential of "climate equity" per capita and per capita plus regime proposals to attract developed and developing countries, and to achieve their stated goals of climate adequacy and equity in the present growth-oriented global political economy. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A Chronicle of Chinese Cyber Nationalism (1994-2005)Chinese cyber nationalism is a non-government sponsored ideology or movement that has originated, existed, and developed on China?s online sphere in the past decade (1994-2005). It is a natural extension from China?s century-long nationalism movement, but it is different from the CCP?s official version of patriotism. Taking advantages of the online technology, Chinese cyber nationalism has been utilizing the Internet as a communication center, organizational platform, and execution vehicle to promote the nationalism causes among Chinese nationalists around the world. Politically, it aims primarily at those international issues involving China and strives to retain China?s historical position as a respectable power in Asia and in the world. The combination of China?s distinctive culture and tradition, online technology?s reach and power, and nationalism?s broad appeal and ideological approach made it a powerful and unpredictable factor in China?s overall policy decision-making process. Within the time span of about ten years (1994-2005), the researcher classified five different historical phases. They are (1), period of ?enlightenment in the ivory tower? (1994.4?1996.12); (2), period of ?say no to Indonesia?s Anti-Chinese riot? (1997.1?1999.3); (3), period of ?Sino-U.S. online wars? (1999.4?2001.9); (4), period of ?post-9/11 transition of priority? (2001.9?2003.8); and (5), period of ?direct confrontation with Japan? (2003.9?2005.4). Each of the five periods was examined in terms of its distinctive characteristics, major online events, overall political background, and representative figures or arguments. A special event occurred in each historical period was case-studied on its origin, development, and respective influence. Each case study serves as a supplemental example to the general themes. To establish an accurate, comprehensive, and valid historical account of Chinese cyber nationalism, several research steps were taken to guarantee the accuracy of the historical details as well as the representativeness of the timeline structure. First of all, the developmental history of dozens of major Chinese web sites operated by people both inside and outside China were reviewed and synchronized. Second, the literature on China?s online sphere and analyses on China?s foreign policy decision making process in the past decade were compared in order to put the chronicle into a larger perspective. Third, relevant reports by foreign media on China?s online communities and online activities were searched and reviewed. Period I: ?enlightenment in the ivory tower? (1994.4?1996.12)In summary, Chinese online sphere was still in its infancy during this period of time. Correspondingly, the Chinese cyber nationalism was mainly restricted on the ivory towers both at home and abroad. The online discussions of political issues, especially for those mainland-based online BBS, were sporadic, superficial, and mostly reflective of what had been promoted by the government. The online activities, including those that were unsuccessfully tried by the domestic BBS and those that were successfully organized by overseas Chinese online journals, were nonetheless experimental and mostly symbolic. Moreover, the government had much control over the content as well as the channel of those domestic online BBS, and could either suspend the operation of those unruly offenders or cut off the linkage between the campus Intranet and the global Internet. (Case Study I: ?China Cay Say No? -- A small book published in May 1996 capped the overall sentiment in China?s online and offline spheres at that time... ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The policy puzzle for this project focuses on the rhetorical basis for the engagement policy toward China and the strategies employed by recent administrations to maintain their policy against political opposition. Since Tiananmen Square and the end of the Cold War, the engagement policy debate has become more polarized and the dominant engagement frame has been challenged by more negative interpretations of Chinese intentions. This policy situation raises three important conceptual questions. Why do particular policy frames (like engagement) become dominant and how are they maintained over time? Under what conditions do dominant policy frames become vulnerable to new arguments that require a reframing of the policy issue? What effect does the either-or dichotomy that dominates discussion over Sino-American relations have on an administration’s ability to pursue a pragmatic foreign policy? This paper draws on literature in issue framing from studies in social psychology, public opinion, the media, social movements, and foreign policy to address these questions. The premise underlying this study is that policy framing entails a three-level game, rather than just a two-level game. First there is a game among advisors who work to influence the president’s policy agenda and policy decisions. Second, administrations work to balance international policymaking to domestic political realities. This paper is part of a larger project focusing on the impact strategic framing has on foreign policymaking context in the Nixon/Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush I, Clinton, and Bush II administrations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]