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The article presents the conference paper "Leaders and Laggards? Comparing European and North American Approaches to Non-State Environmental Governance" presented at the "46th International Studies Association Conference" held from March 2 to 6, 2005 in Honolulu, Hawaii. The paper discloses the differences within Europe and North America regarding the emergence of non-state market driven in the forest sector known as forest certification. It also reviews the historical development of forest certification in Finland.

This paper makes three arguments about the changing nature of contingency planning and crisis management geared towards protecting critical infrastructure (water, utilities, telecommunications, etc) in western democracies. First, a shift from primarily within-state, and public responses to contingency planning and crisis management is taking place whereby planning and management are increasingly addressed in public/private cooperation, and increasingly at a regional level, in for example European and North America-spanning fora. Second, the threat of terrorism, addressed in prevailing all-hazards approaches to contingency planning and crisis management, has a dominant status respective other threats (such as major storms), achieving what can be seen as a paradigm-shaping role in these public/private and increasingly regional and even international milieu. Indeed the threat of terrorism is the argument currently forwarded for increasing critical infrastructure protection. Finally and consequently, the shift to public/private, to regional/supranational levels, and the paradigm-shaping status of the threat of terrorism have implications for accountability, openness and transparency, as well as for economy, safety and security - at the local to the supranational level. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Female sex trafficking flows display an intricate web of networks that connect most countries of the world as source, destination or transit points. Based on the three "P"s (Prevention, Protection of victims and Prosecuion of traffickers) identified by the United Nations Protocol on Trafficking of 2000, attempts have been made by several countries to adopt anti-sex trafficking policies. In this paper we focus on two high destination regions represented by North America and the EU (Europe) and two major source regions represented by SAARC (South Asia) and ASEAN (Southeast Asia) in order to critically review how gender, politics and forces of globalization influence not only the shaping of anti-sex trafficking policies, but also their succes/failures in implementing anti-sex trafficking measures. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims at unpacking the old/new Europe theme, one outlined by the US Secretary of Defense in January 2003 during a period of intense rhetorical battles. Rumsfeld's enunciation, indicative of a divide that emerged across the Atlantic over the issue of war in Iraq, is here used as an inroad into exploring what has recently gone wrong, why and what are the prospects of closing the gulf that has opened up in the sphere of transatlantic relations. His statement is depicted as offering a window into the US administration's conceptualizations pertaining to Europe in a security-related, post-9/11 context and perceptions on what the ties between Europe and North America are basically about. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper "Politics of CO2 capture and storage: An analysis of government funding of RD&D" that was prepared for the Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association in Honolulu, Hawaii. It aims to evaluate the depth of political commitment to CO2 capture and storage (CCS) by determining the amount of funding provided for research, development and demonstration by governments in North America and Europe.

Academic discourse about anti-globalisation movements has thus far focused on the more obvious aspects of organised resistance in North American and European contexts. But the category of ‘globalisation’ refers to a process that necessarily produces an ‘endlessly nuanced’ variation of concrete effects. This makes it essential to identify its impact, and to analyse corresponding instances of anti-globalisation resistance, in specific contexts. This chapter focuses on the vital struggle against the effects of globalisation, and for social justice and truth, currently being waged in Mozambique. It aims to bring to the attention of a broad audience the particularities of the Mozambican struggle for social justice and to show how it converges with, and disrupts, dominant understandings of the anti-globalisation movement. In addition, the chapter puts forward a defence of objectivity and truth in the study of anti-globalisation activism. While the chapter shares the rejection of positivism prevalent in much critical academic literature in this area, its offers a defence of objectivity that is rooted in a Marxist and critical realist epistemological framework and, more importantly, in a close study of the struggle for social justice in Mozambique. At the heart of these struggles is a passionate concern for truth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the shifting role of private security companies in security politics in national and global governmentalities. It traces the parallel evolution of state and non-state (paramilitary) forces through the dynamics of transnationalism and globalism. Within that field, it pays particular attention to how the expansion of the field of security fuels the proliferation of “private-securing” in everyday lives and how the practices of ‘private-securing’ in turn are deeply imbricated in political subjectivity of 
citizenry around the world but especially in North America and Europe. The paper argues that this mode of security politics increasingly demands and actively produces citizen subjects that are “transpolitical,” that is, intensely conditioned and regimented to interpret and internalize politics of security as apolitical. It is where security rises to the level of metapolitics as if beyond the reach of political conduct. There is an underlying political economy to this shift anchored in contemporary regimes of statecraft and governmentality. The transformations in the field of security, especially through the proliferation of private security practices in Europe and North America, serve as an instructive entry into the dynamics of this economy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper critically explores the shortcomings of the European model applied to the North American context, as well as the notion of a "Big Idea" as a basis for deeper integration. The next section assesses possible alternatives on the basis of their political feasibility. Finally, the paper examines the premise that deeper integration in North America is possible, but is unlikely to proceed through a big leap forward. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-1940s the academy has seen the rise and embedding of the field of international development studies especially in North America and Europe. While mediated by local historical, political and economic conditions, the ideas embodied in this field have greatly influenced academic and policy debates pertaining to processes of political, cultural and economic change in the diverse social formations commonly referred to as the global South. In the main, the hegemonic ideas underpinning the evolution of development studies have been ahistorical, reductionist and technocratic. This paper, then, interrogates the constitutive ideas underpinning development discourse in the current phase of globalization as they pertain to the role of institutions of global governance, specifically the World Bank and the World Trade Organization, in politico-economic processes in contemporary Africa. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Female sex trafficking flows display an intricate web of networks that connect most countries of the world as source, destination or transit points. Based on the Three “P”s (Prevention, Protection of victims and Prosecution of traffickers) identified by United Nations Protocol on Trafficking of 2000, attempts have been made by several countries to adopt anti- sex trafficking policies. In this paper we focus on two high destination regions as represented by North America and EU (Europe) and two major source regions as SAARC (South Asia) and ASEAN (South East Asia) in order to critically review how gender, politics and forces of globalization influence not only the shaping of anti-sex trafficking policies, but also their success/failure in implementing anti- sex trafficking measures. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Each year more than 500,000 women die from complications connected to childbirth, making this the leading cause of death globally for adult women of reproductive age. Prior to the 1980s the issue was neglected at the global level. In 1987 a network of transnational advocates emerged to promote the reduction of maternal mortality in developing countries following a health conference in Nairobi, Kenya. Since then international agencies, health and human rights advocates, and health researchers and professionals have succeeded in putting the issue on international policy agendas. However, the safe motherhood initiative has lacked strategic focus, experienced unstable alliances and been unable to institutionalize its cause in nation-states. Based on in-depth interviews with thirty of the movement?s leading activists in North America, Europe and Africa, as well as historical archival research on the movement and its influence at national levels, this paper seeks to understand the internal politics of the network to reveal enabling and limiting conditions for its influence. The research seeks to expand the literature on transnational advocacy networks (Keck and Sikkink) and epistemic communities (Haas) by drawing on sociological theory by Bourdieu, raising the question not only of forms of influence, but how the very field of safe motherhood, prior to the 1980s non-existent, was constructed by the activists involved. As such, the research has both theoretical relevance as well as implications for policy-making, particularly concerning how transnational networks of activists construct a new field, and the conditions under which they succeed or fail in moving nation-states to action. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past five years, biomonitoring (or the scientific measurement of chemicals in human bodies) has developed rapidly. Instead of measuring exposures to chemicals in the ambient environment, researchers can identify exposures within bodies. A variety of government and non-government biomonitoring activities are appearing in North America and Europe. Following the Centers for Disease Control?s national program, the European Union recently announced plans to create its own scheme. Many activists across the world are using the concept of ?body burden? to demand further regulation of toxics. Much controversy exists over whether ?body burden? may sensationalize toxic risks.In this paper, I examine biomonitoring and its intersection with the global governance of toxics and hazardous wastes. The Basel Convention, REACH, the POP treaty and new international chemical management policies all face issues of what biomonitoring may mean and what to do with the resulting information. For example, a key issue is identifying which chemicals and wastes require policy attention, at what levels, where, and when. Regulation based on traditional chemical testing programs may struggle to accommodate biomonitoring as a new input. In addition, biomonitoring may help shape the political agenda of regulation at the national and regional levels through mobilizing citizens and consumers around new ideas of exposure ? such as chemicals in consumer products. Biomonitoring also adds another layer to the increasingly information-based nature of regulation. This case provides useful theoretical insights into the new paradigm of global environmental governance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few issues are as central to the institution of state sovereignty as immigration and border controls. Retaining control over the flow of people across its borders not only is important to forward state interests, but also in defining the polity that it represents. Historically, states have been defensive of their autonomy to determine immigration policy and have generally refrained from multilateral institutions that could constrain this policy autonomy. However, since 1945, the pressures of globalization have created incentives for states to cooperate in managing migration. This is especially the case since 9/11 when border security is increasingly a function of coordinated responses between and among states. Increasingly, states are turning to other states to better manage international migration. This paper examines the process by which immigration and border management has shifted from the domestic policy sphere to the international, as interdependence has grown in scope and depth since 1945. Empirical evidence drawn from Europe and North America trace the evolution of multilateral efforts to both facilitate migration (Treaty of Rome, Schengen Agreement, Bracero Program, H1-B and L-1 Visas, Visa Waiver Program, etc.) and control migration (Schegen, Dublin Convention, "Smart Borders" agreements, etc.). ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the rules governing trade relations in North America underwent important changes as a result of the successful negotiation and ratification of two treaties. First came the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement (CUFTA) in 1987. This was followed by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) ratified by Canada, Mexico and the US in 1993. CUFTA was largely absorbed into NAFTA - alternatively one might say that CUFTA was "enlarged". More than 10 years have past since NAFTA came into effect in January 1994, and numerous observers have begun to reflect over what the agreement has accomplished and how North Americanism can be protected and further developed. These reflections are usually based on a favorable view of both the agreement itself and "North Americanism" and rooted in a conviction that they need to be further developed in order to avoid the risk of stagnation, irrelevance, or even backsliding. The negative consequences of September 11 also highlighted NAFTA weaknesses and vulnerabilities. Finally, and not least, the example of European integration, which has deepened and grown considerably in the past 15 years, has encouraged reflection about the future of North American regional integration. The purpose of this paper is to think about the possibility of increased North American integration in light of what the European experience reveals about regional integration. It is obvious that the European context and experience are quite different from North America, and this often leads observers to conclude that there is little about the former that will help us understand the latter. While I do not want to argue that North American developments will mirror Europe's, I do think we gain insights from studying European developments. A considerable body of theory has been developed to explain cooperation in Europe. I will summarize what it suggests about driving forces behind integration. I also look at the empirical record of European integration. I then compare similarities and differences between the European and North American experiences. I conclude by discussing proposals for pushing North American integration further and whether recent Canadian and US elections can be expected to make any difference in this regard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1945 immigration in the core industrial democracies has been increasing. The rise in immigration is a function of market forces (demand-pull and supply-push) and kinship networks, which reduce the transactions costs of moving from one society to another. These economic and sociological forces are the necessary conditions for migration to occur, but the sufficient conditions are legal and political. States must be willing to accept immigration and to grant rights to outsiders. How then do states regulate migration, in the face of economic forces that push them toward greater openness, while security concerns and powerful political forces push them toward closure? States are trapped in a "liberal" paradox -- in order to maintain a competitive advantage, governments must keep their economies and societies open to trade, investment, and migration. But unlike goods, capital, and services, the movement of people involves greater political risks. In both Europe and North America rights are the key to regulating migration, as states strive to fulfill three key functions: maintaining security, building trade and investment regimes, and regulating migration. The garrison state was linked with the trading state in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The twentieth and twenty-first centuries have seen the emergence of the migration state, where regulation of international migration is as important as providing for the security of the state and the economic well being of the citizenry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]