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This paper explores the issue of making the EU a gender-aware or gender-sensitive organization, i.e. genderizing it in the gender consultants’ parlance. Such a transformation would have a significant impact in making the EU not only post-hegemonic, but also post-patriarchal. Considerable steps have been taken to genderize the EU, but so far these have suffered from being largely based on a limited and top-down perspective. Nevertheless, the paper argues, there has been a significant developing country input into the EU’s gender agenda. In terms of development policy, gender made its first appearance in the l984 Lome III Convention, often taking a traditional ‘welfare approach’. The Cotonou Agreement of 2000 showed huge strides forward in gender awareness, including the ‘gender and development approach’ and efforts at mainstreaming gender. However, ngos and others have been extremely critical of the EU’s lack of commitment on the ground to implementing a gender-aware approach to development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the problem of EU energy governance under its commitment of climate leadership since 1990. With the problem of climate change and gradual depletion of fossil fuels, energy governance is getting more challenging. The reluctance of EU member states to transfer their authority of policymaking to the EU forces them to secure energy supply externally, which undermines their pursuit of reducing energy dependence. This paper applies the insights from international relations (IR) theories to explain the predicament of EU energy governance by investigating the case of EU renewable energy policy. This paper proceeds in four parts. After brief introduction, definition, and coding, the second section introduces the main arguments of three mainstream IR theories that focus on the power, interest and idea variables respectively. The third section examines the explanatory validity of the three IR theories by analyzing the policymaking process of the two EU renewable energy directives. This paper concludes that the reducing energy dependence is necessary. However, it is difficult to achieve that goal if EU member states are still unwilling to transfer their authority of promoting renewable energy to the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European Union policy to counter terrorism is marked by uncertainty about causes and consequences. It is driven by high demand for policy, influenced by major attacks as well as US policies and domestic interests in EU member states. The paper addresses the role of the assessment of the effectiveness and efficiency of policies in such policy environment using the case of measures against terrorism financing. It is found that assessments of effectiveness have shaped such policies, but in a biased way. Assessments of the comprehensiveness of a regulatory framework and its implementation have been frequent while evaluations of the impact of activities on terrorist activities are largely lacking. As a result, there is much pressure to expand activities in the field without much knowledge about their impact. Furthermore, because impacts are hardly known, but assumed to be great, also cost considerations have had no major role in policy decision-making. The paper's results confirm the proposition that policies in high risk fields tend to be expansive. Assessment of effectiveness and efficiency play an important role in shaping such expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its lack of strong competences in this field, the European Commission has sought for several years to develop a common energy policy. This paper argues that the Commission has skillfully used a strategic repertoire of ideas which links the construction of the internal energy market (Competition) to climate change (Sustainability) and secure and stable supplies of energy (Security), in order to legitimize its intervention in a policy field that was traditionally considered as a prerogative of the Member States. The CSS frame, as I call it, is effective and resonates with Member States to some extent. This paper relies on preliminary fieldwork to compare the resonance of the CSS frame and its implementation in two large Member States with very different energy situation, Germany and Poland. On the basis of these two cases, I argue that the effectiveness of the CSS frame follows from its polysemous nature or its �constructive ambiguity�. However, I also find that the Commission's discursive strategy has reached institutional and material limits, which prevent the Commission from fully implementing a common energy policy within the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central question of this paper is whether and how the new EU chemicals Regulation REACH could play a role in international chemicals governance. The REACH Regulation is one of the largest and most controversial pieces of legislation that the EU has ever adopted. It introduces a comprehensive and ambitious system for chemicals management, which moves away from a hazard-based approach to a risk-based approach. The introduction of an element of increased responsibility for private actors to provide information about specific properties of chemicals, to ensure that this information is used to assess possible risks and to ensure that the risks are appropriately managed are expected to lead to more anticipatory approach to chemicals management. Moreover, the application of the same registration, evaluation and authorisation requirements for all, existing and new, chemicals and the substitution obligation where possible, are expected to provide incentives for increased innovation activities.This paper first introduces the main features of the REACH Regulation. Then it describes the international system of chemicals governance before discussing the contribution that REACH could make to this system. In the subsequent section, the different ways in which REACH requirements could diffuse to other jurisdictions and benefit international governance are analysed. These conceptual considerations are then applied to the US and California in a brief discussion of first signs of the potential influence of REACH. Since the REACH Regulation only entered into force on 1 June 2007 and will only be fully implemented by 2016, the full international impact of REACH will only become clear at a future point in time. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU's ability to affect change in the area of human rights protection in the new EU member states and in the candidate countries is a topic that is often addressed from a tangible perspective: what laws have altered?; what policies have changed?; what are the results of such changes on human lives in the states in question? These are all important questions in assessing what the EU's role is and should be in relation to its newer Members. This paper, however, seeks to examine the EU's role in fostering human rights protection and democratization from a slightly different perspective. Specifically, this paper investigates the extent to which European citizenship, in trying to create a cohesive European identity, helps or hinders the long-term process of democratization and human rights protection in general, particularly in the states newest to the European Union experiment. In order to shed light on the link between EU citizenship and human rights protection and democratization in the new and candidate states, this paper first examines EU citizenship policy and the extent to which EU identity creation is central to it. Next, the paper discusses the weaknesses of current EU citizenship policy and the implications of this relative weakness for European identity. Finally, the paper addresses the range of ways that European citizenship and identity are relevant to understanding the EU's role in fostering human rights in the new and candidate states. Indeed, because citizenship is one of the most important ways that states outline basic human rights for their citizens, this paper will present the ways in which the European Union is missing opportunities to foster and develop a range of multicultural human rights protections from the supranational level. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the advancement of the eastern enlargement of the EU in the early 2000s, some experts and advocates of the European social model began labeling enlargement as the “Trojan horse” against Europeanization, for the Americanization of Europe. According to them the idea of the European social model would be seriously challenged after enlargement because the candidate countries from the formerly communist region had developed more liberal regimes in the course of their post-communist transformation, and were practicing a rather different brand of social partnership. Based on such concerns, the EU decided to include special requirements and recommendations for the strengthening of the forms of negotiations among the social partners in candidate countries. This paper reveals four major venues for change of the existing tripartite institutions in accession countries: (1) emphasis on a new philosophy of social dialogue as social governance rather than a more narrow “social peace” and interest intermediation mechanism; (2) broadening the scope of participants in social dialogue, development of social dialogue beyond the existing tripartite structures, as a broader civic engagement; (3) development of autonomous and multi-level social dialogue among the organizations of employees and employers, without the participation of the state, and especially in regard to the lower sectoral and regional levels; and (4) development of the capacity of the social partners to participate in social dialogue at the European level. The concluding section of the paper critically evaluates the development of social dialogue in the new EU member states, and addresses the issue about the extent to which their “revised” structures of social dialogue are able to contribute towards the sustainability of the European social model in an era of increased neo-liberal pressures. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) has always been faced with the 'inclusion vs. exclusion' dilemma: how far should the EU's borders be stretched? According to the Treaty of Rome, any country in Europe can be considered as a potential candidate for membership in the EU. Although this criterion looks quite neat on paper, in reality the concept of 'Europe' and 'Europeanness' has become quite vague over time. Consequently, the task of translating such fuzzy concepts into meaningful foreign policy is also a difficult one. In order to sustain its status as the most successful and efficient project of regional integration the EU cannot offer membership to every country that wishes it without proper assessment of enlargement impacts. But it cannot afford to set explicit limits to EU membership either. A clear 'exclusion' policy will isolate countries that can pose a variety of economic, political and security threats to the EU.The aim of this paper is to explore recent developments of the European foreign and security policy (EFSP) in relation to third countries and to focus on the EU's European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) as an end-product of the EFSP's evolution. The ENP is, essentially, the EU's response to the 'inclusion-exclusion' dilemma: its main goal is to develop closer relations and cooperation ties with the EU neighbours but without offering them explicitly the prospect of membership. Some scholars and practitioners regard ENP's 'all but institutions' approach as the EU's newest foreign policy instrument (See Dannreuther 2006, Ferrero-Waldner 2006, Aliboni 2005). This paper attempts to explore whether this is actually so. By comparing developments in the EU's policies towards European Free Trade member countries ('EFTAs') via European Economic Area (EEA) instrument in the early 1990s, and initial EU's policies towards East European candidates for EU membership in the mid-1990s with ENP towards Ukraine, Moldova and Belarus (from 2004 and onwards), the paper suggests that the dynamics of ENP development and adaptation to external and internal structural factors is quite similar to previous EU's efforts to deal with third countries. This paper proposes that all three policies should be viewed as a combination of learning and adaptation on the part of the EU, which, in turn, was and is shaped by various path-dependency processes. Therefore, this paper aims to contribute to the section 'Post-Modern Foreign and Security Policy in the Enlarged European Union' by focusing on one of the specified dimensions of the EFSP development: the evolving nature of the EU as an international actor in view of the profound changes that currently characterise EU external relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europeanization, the study of the impact of the European Union (EU) on the political systems of nation-states, has been a significant area of research in the recent years. This literature focuses on the mechanisms behind the Member States’ or candidate countries’ adoption of EU rules. However, it does not bring together the two sets of countries in a single comparative framework. This paper seeks to achieve this by investigating the pattern of rule adoption in the Member States versus candidate countries in a given issue area. Focusing on the institutionalization of rules concerning minority rights, it argues that the existence of political criteria for admission into the Union coupled with non-harmonisation of language policy leads to a dual pattern of minority governance in Europe. First in the candidate countries the EU triggers a top-down change in their policies on minority languages through conditionality. Alternatively, in the Member States it provides the space for a bottom-up change in such policies through boomerang pattern, as the European institutions fund nonstate actors and serve as a ‘coral reef’ by promoting the formation of such groups and bringing them into proximity with others to form coalitions resulting in exertion of pressure on Member States. Therefore, the paper demonstrates that Europeanization is not a uniform process across these countries and that it can take different forms depending on the political/legal character of the issue area. This paper employs case studies; Latvia and Turkey for the first pattern, Northern Ireland and Sweden for the second pattern. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the process of Eastern enlargement rather than its outcome: how and why did the Eastern EU Enlargement happen? The outcome of the integration process is known to everybody - the EU has expanded from 15 members to 25, but the dynamics and the nature of the process itself is less clear. It is suggested in this paper that the concepts of capacities and preferences can provide useful insights when trying to answer the question posed above. In order for any enlargement round to take place it is necessary to reconcile all the existing preferences regarding enlargement. The main argument of this paper is that the preferences of the candidate countries and member states, and their conformity with the institutional and organisational capacities of the EU itself, were among the major determinants of the pace and nature of the Eastern enlargement round. I draw on two basic approaches to the analysis of international organisation - rationalist and sociological institutionalism - to explain the formation of multiple preferences and how these preferences determine the outcomes of the enlargement negotiations. In this regard, I find that rationalist approaches based on cost-benefit assumptions and bargaining theory can provide a better account of diverging member states preferences regarding "terms and conditions" of enlargement, on the one hand, and susceptibility of applicant states' preferences to the influences from the EU, on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why have some of the newest members of the European Union consolidated their democratic transitions while others have lagged behind? This paper tests the hypothesis that the difference in democratic consolidation between Central and Eastern European countries could be attributable to factors associated with membership in international governmental organizations. Three countries in Central and Eastern Europe, Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic, have consolidated their democratic political systems while three others, Slovakia, Bulgaria and Romania, have not. This paper utilizes aggregate data to compare the differences in political outcomes in Central and Eastern Europe and measure the effect of the assistance provided by the European Union upon these political outcomes. This process of norm diffusion suggests ideational factors should be taken into account for democratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The next EU enlargement will take place in May 2004. Cyprus is joining the EU along with nine other new memder states. The Mediterranean island, however, is still de facto divided and the Cyprus problem unresolved. This paper argues that the EU is now in unique position to play a role in solving the problem and bringing about permanent peace and stability on the island, and improving Greek-Turkish relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I want to consider two related problems in conceptualizing IPSs: In what way are international public spheres distinct from national public spheres? Can computer assisted communication constitute its own form of publicity different from other public spheres? I argue that in both cases the emerging public sphere is best thought of as distributive rather than unified and thus different in kind from those national public spheres shaped by mass literacy and the print medium. In particular, computer assisted communication is a network-based extension of dialogue with new forms of non-hierarchical interaction. This type of interaction suggests the possibility of re-embedding the public sphere in a new and potentially larger set of institutions. Here the role that the distributive publics play in specific transnational institutions is examined through the experiences of governance in the European Union, such as the ways in which the Open Method of Comparison permits indirect influences among publics. Finally, I consider whether the novel public sphere that is created in transnational politics might itself feedback upon democratic institutions and help to promote new institutional forms that address problems of space and time that are inherent in considering global democracy, including issues of collective identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The examination of the mean and standard deviation of levels of EU member state commitments to development assistance from 1990 to 2001 indicates that there was little change in the level of cross-national variation in aid outlays during this period. Yet this overall image of EU member state foreign aid performance obscures important differences in the direction state development commitments have taken. This paper focuses on the changes in levels of aid allocations in just two countries: Ireland and France. Ireland reliably increased its development assistance throughout the decade, doubling the percentage of its GNP allocated to overseas aid between 1990 and 2001, whereas France nearly halved its aid outlays in the same period. Explanations of donor generosity focusing on material self-interest, humanitarian values, and the efforts of domestic political actors largely fail to account for the timing and nature of changes to the Irish and French aid programs during the 1990s. Instead, this analysis draws attention to state identity as a determinant of aid outcomes. In both states, changes in development commitments reflected an adaptation of how state identity could be expressed within a changed international context. For Ireland, increasing political integration in Europe exposed the declining relevance of the neutrality doctrine that had served as the primary symbol of an independent and moral Irish foreign policy, and the pursuit of a progressive development cooperation policy offered an alternative means of expressing a unique Irish contribution to world politics. Events in Central Africa in the mid-1990s undermined the ability of France to claim an international leadership role on the basis of its involvement on that continent. As a consequence, French development assistance declined and France turned increasingly to reassert its leadership role within the European Union as a means of safeguarding its international diplomatic preeminence. Although this study suggests that the EU has had little influence on the development cooperation policies of its member states through the promotion of common standards, the EU has shaped member state foreign policy choices by defining the range of available opportunities for state identity expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to clarify the understanding of the interplay between science and policy in fisheries management. It focuses on the European Common Fisheries Policy (CFP), set up in 1983 to manage fish stocks for sustainable fishing within the Communities' waters. This system is currently undergoing rigorous changes of the science-advice structure towards a more open, participatory fisheries governance process, where other stakeholders like fisherman and NGOs should also be involved. However, this process exposes severe challenges with regard to the integration of science versus other knowledge cultures. Taking the political renovations as a point of departure, three social science concepts of the relationship between science and policy are examined in this article, originating from International Relations, Sociology of Science and Science and Technology Studies. Thereafter these different conceptualisations of science-policy interfaces are evaluated with respect to the processes and problems of international fisheries management under the CFP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two EU tools were adopted to enhance cooperation among EU Member States in the case of crises and emergencies (natural, industrial or man-made) occurring both inside and outside the EU borders: First, the EU has developed a new tool in the field of civil protection which has been managed by the Directorate General Environment of the European Commission under the label of the Community Civil Protection Mechanism (CCPM) since 2001. Second, the Emergency and Crisis Coordination Arrangements (CCA) under the responsibility of the European Council level have been developed since 2005. It is puzzling first to observe the co-existence of two EU structures, with theoretically similar functions, namely protecting the population. Second, it is even counterintuitive, as the first organizational structure created is commission-based, whereas in the field of security at the EU level, it is the responsibility of the Council. Using a sociological neo-institutionalist approach based on the concept of "divergent isomorphism", the paper explains who and which sources of EU integration process have led to this puzzling situation. Two case studies are presented using process-tracing to demonstrate that two different pre-existing organizational models were copied to create the EU structures of emergency management: that of the Community Marine pollution framework for the CCPM and that of NATO for the CCA. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that islands are part of an enforcement archipelago, a tactic of migration control practiced by the United States, Australia, and member states of the European Union. From off-shore border enforcement to detention centers on remote isla ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union is not yet "good enough at multilateralism" and plays only a limited role thus far in international organisations. The latest attempts for constitutional change (Constitutional Treaty and Treaty of Lisbon) reflect the consensus among EU member states that a modified setup is necessary to live up to the Union's ambitions. The authors argue that the EU's capability to act effectively within multilateral frameworks is to a great extent dependent on the efficiency of its institutional architecture. The paper analyses relevant provisions of the Treaties of Nice and Lisbon (with a focus on CFPS) in order to identify existing problems and to assess the new setup in view of the EU's capability for internal coordination and external representation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union has for a long time attempted to be a major player in the Middle East. It was one of the first regions where the (then EC) Member States developed a common foreign policy and made common statements in the 1970s. This paper analyses what ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2004 Enlargement has caused many tensions on the EU-Russia level as has brought new entrants with its Eastern preferences and fears connected with the re-birth of the former soviet partner. Entering the Russian 'sphere of influence' by the engagement in the democracy promotion in the Eastern Europe by some of the EU members has caused even greater impasse in the relationship. The dispute over the energy security issues and frozen conflicts in the EU neighbourhood only highlighted the main problems between two big partners. This paper examines the impact of the latest Enlargement on the EU relations with Russia and it specifically focuses on the European Neighbourhood Policy as a tool of influence in the EU and Russia's shared neighbourhood. The project investigates the question how the Wider Europe idea is compatible with the Wider Russia idea and challenges the EU soft power concept in the Eastern Europe and Caucasus looking at the Georgian war and Ukraine-Russia gas crisis cases. The study also examines the political and security relationship between the EU-Russia and the ENP Eastern partners in light of the last 2004 Enlargement. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, democratic transition tools have increasingly shaped the development discourse. This paper focuses on structural, organizational and political aspects of European aid in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It analyzes different variables that affect the European Union's (EU) foreign assistance decisions, including regional economic growth, EU enlargement factors, and EU capacity. Contrary to conventional reasoning, it argues that the EU does not pursue altruistic goals by promoting economic development in the Balkans, but seeks regional development that is beneficial to new EU members such as Slovenia, Bulgaria and Romania. Also, by using conditionality, the EU pursues a double strategy. On the one hand, it puts pressure on the recipient countries to adhere to liberal trade policies, diffusing its free market ideology. On the other hand, the EU is "buying time" in order to reform its institutions and implement structural adjustments, a sine qua non not only for future enlargements, but also for its ontological survival. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Money is the textbook case of social construction. Why would anyone actually exchange real goods and services for a piece of paper, a token coin or an electronic blip? Clearly, money is a social construction that human beings create through their mutual t ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a summary of preliminary empirical findings from a research project on the political economy of military spending in the European Union. It begins with an analysis of the post-Cold War history of military restructuring in France, Germany and the UK. Empirical data collected on these states indicates steady declines in military spending as a percentage of GDP since the end of the Cold War. This data is then plotted alongside data on the annual percentage change in GDP in the UK and France, in order to discern the relationship economic growth and military spending. In the absence of a positive correlation between these two variables, and in light of the lack of compensation for national military spending through substantial increases in foreign arms sales or EU-level military spending, the thesis of military Keynesianism is undermined. The second section then goes on to situate this discussion of military restructuring within the concomitant consolidation of the EU arms industry, reflected in the rise of the 'big three' arms firms, BAe Systems, European Aerospace and Defence Systems (EADS) and Thales. An analysis of the differential and transnational facets of the capital accumulation process further challenge the notion of an EU military-industrial complex, revealing a relative subordination the arms firms to other dominant capital groups in the UK and France, and a decreasing reliance for sales and profits on 'domestic' military spending. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this study is a quantitative analysis of the voting behaviour of the EU member states in the UN General Assembly. Data on voting in the General Assembly of the UN is readily available, although not always in machine-readable format. It has been utilized in empirical-quantitative research in a number of ways. Here it will be used first to give a broad picture of the agreement among the EU member states â€" to what extent and in which issue areas does the EU “speak with one voice”.Second, the quantitative analysis will be used to see which countries belong to the EU “mainstream” and which states cast their votes more “individually”. Third, distances from the EU consensus position will be calculated to find out where third countries stand vis-à-vis the EU. In the final section, particular emphasis will be given to the analysis of the distance between the EU and the United States. The paper will be an update of the widely used publication “EU cohesion in the UN General Assembly” from 2003. It will include data on the EU members which joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Counter-Terrorism Committee comprises all 15 members of the Security Council and is divided into three Sub-Committees. The Committee reports to the Security Council. The three Sub-Committees analyze the States’ reports on implementation of the UN resolutions on terrorism. The paper looks how the EU states in the CTC represent the EU positions on terrorism. This task is complicated by the fact that the two EU’s permanent members of the Security Council, France and the United Kingdom, do not coordinate their positions with the other EU member states. In addition, the interaction of the EU states in the CTC with the US will be examined. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europeanisation approaches claim to study European impact on institutional change. To that end, adaptation, implementation and innovation are studied on various levels in the multi-level Europolity. In addition, domestic changes in member states, candidate countries and, more recently, neighbouring states who are either trying to achieve membership status or to keep good neighbourly relations are being investigated. Generally, these studies use the term 'European' when actually addressing the European Union (EU). Accordingly albeit awkwardly, the proper term to be applied should be the concept of EU-isation rather than that of "Europeanisation." The paper scrutinises the Europeanisation research agenda and contends that research on interpretations of meanings of Western core constitutional norms such as the rule of law, democracy, fundamental and human rights, and limited government, which the EU is eager to export to various categories of target countries, sheds light on Europeanisation as both a concept and a process. We argue that Europeanisation, if looking on norms rather than policies or formal institutions, entails processes of transfer in various directions where various meanings attached to the respective norms may both converge and diverge. Two possibilities to integrate the notion of cultural validity of norms are presented based on an understanding of Europeanisation as a process. To illustrate the argument we briefly discuss how Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries are targeted by the EU's project to export democracy. We then focus more at length on the Russian case as an example to demonstrate how divergence may even outweigh convergence, regarding the interpretation of principles and practices of democratic governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Have small states become more influential in a complex multi-actor governance system, and are there special ways of exerting influence for small states in the EU? According to some scholars small states can become more influential in an international system where sovereignty is under challenge and large multilateral institutions - the EU being the most obvious example - are assuming greater importance. Based on literature about small states in international relations, literature about asymmetric negotiations, and more EU specific literature, I elaborate a theoretical framework and argue that a combination of, firstly, framing; secondly, supplying information within specific issue-areas (with the help of experts); thirdly, striving for norm-compliance and acting as mediators (which is supposedly easier for smaller member states); and fourthly, using institutional opportunities within EU decision-making procedures, contribute to the influence capacity of smaller states. Hence, it is not size per se but the strategic actions of small states trying to promote national interests within an international organization that are interesting. Small states are not necessarily smarter but they have to act strategically - smart - in order to be influential. In addition, small states' experiences as mediators and of negotiating from a weaker position create advantages that large states don't have despite relative voting strength and more material resources. Swedish experiences as Presidency of the EU Council of Ministers and in the transparency area, illustrate the theoretical argument in this paper. These experiences are compared with the French Presidency and French interests, opening up for a wider discussion about size, influence, framing, and political reputation in international cooperative arrangements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the impact of OECD and EU on national active labor market policies in 22 established democracies of the OECD-country group. Both OECD and EU are strong proponents of activation measures. However, OECD has no systematic impact on active labor market spending whilst EU does. A common European Employment Strategy does not mean better employment policies, though. The EU has contributed to an expansion of national spending on active labor market policies, but their effects are not very much different from those of non-EU countries and EU countries before the inauguration of the European Employment strategy. This corresponds to an argument that international expert organizations such as OECD are able to develop coherent and potentially effective policies but are not very successful in implementing these policies. In contrast, supranational political organizations such as the EU may influence national policy makers. These national politicians have to take into account requirements of the national political process in addition to the ideas and goals disseminated by the EU. Hence policy development at the level of policy formation and policy implementation reflects both domestic and supranational political interests. This makes national strategies in labor market policies to a mix of goals, often far away from the goals which originally and officially have been set on the supranational level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite ongoing 'deepening' of joint policies, 'widening' in membership and convergence in institutions, over the last decade there is a remarkable dichotomy visible between the acceleration of European integrative measures and a contradictory resurgence of nationalistic attitudes. Based on the realization of the single market and the signing of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, further integrative policies agreed upon in the 1990s include the Euro as common currency, the common foreign and security policy and the creation of the political Union, which led to the development of a draft constitution While some scholars explain populist and nationalist reactions as resulting from the perceived loss of regional and national sovereignty, others contest this view, pointing to globalization and specifically, Europeanization, of the EU member states and its citizens. Has this at times conflicting process advanced identification with the EU, in addition to existing national, regional and local identities? Can this trans-national political identity be located in the realms of public opinion and mass media of EU member states? Even though there is abundant literature about the existence of a European cultural identity, little research has been done about the impact of deliberate integrative EU policies on national sentiments and simultaneously, the competing formation of a transnational political identification within the EU. In addition, most research about European integration concentrates on elitist-institutional analyses of the decision-making processes in Brussels. In contrast, this paper emphasizes the repercussions of those policies on the general public. My inquiry employs a mixed-methodology model with a balanced application of quantitative as well as qualitative methods. In 3 EU member states -- Germany, the UK and Ireland, I utilized ethnographic interviews and statistical analysis of secondary attitudinal public opinion data (Eurobarometer) for the period 1992-2002. A continued trend toward trans-nationalism and intra-European tolerance can be found which validates generally held assumptions about an evolving identity -- spillover as a result of neofunctionalist strategies within a constructivist paradigm. However, there is also a particularist notion apparent, which clashes with the universalist-cosmopolitan values that are often invoked by leaders and social scientists. Finally, key indicators of support are presented and a valid approximation of current identity-positions of EU citizens delivered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Seeking to better understand how international factors affect EU policies and structures, this paper analyzes the contention between EU member states and the European Commission about the implementation of the provision of Kyoto Protocol regarding CO2 emission trading. The argument of this paper is that this challenge had offered the European Commission an opportunity to push its preferences for a EU-wide and mandatory mechanism against the preferences of the member states. This had also been a way for the Commission to overcome the resistance of member states on the issue of carbon taxation. From this case, this paper invites to reconsider the relevance of the "second image reversed" in order to capture the dynamics between supranational and international policy. Such an approach offers an alternative explanation to the process of Europeanization in integrating international factors. It also contributes to the development of an emerging scholarship on the role of supranational and international bureaucracy in world politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I will start with a discussion of the ?ET pregnancy?. Why is it meaningful to characterise it as ?ultra-quick?? Based on a summary of the main milestones and development of the process, a central tool will be to compare this process with some other relevant EU processes and also with central developments within the global Kyoto Protocol context. In section three I will then turn to some important possible explanations for this speediness. First, the experienced physician would take a closer look at the real starting point of the pregnancy. Had the EU actually been pregnant for some time when talks about ET picked up speed in 1998; could it be that the pregnancy in reality started when the EU started to develop climate policy back in 1991/1992? In other words, we need to look at central problem characteristics and the very ?ripeness? of the ET issue within the EU context around 1998. Second, could it be that a strong and heavy-handed midwife contributed to a shortening of the pregnancy period? This of course refers to the seemingly dominant role of the Commission indicated above. Could it be that a unified and strong Commission provided the entrepreneurial services needed to ?install? this complex system in record time; hence providing the sort of problem-solving capacity sorely lacking in other international contexts? Moreover, was this strong role of the Commision combined with positive and ?abiding? other EU institutions? Third, it is common knowledge that external impulses and shocks may shorten a pregnancy. This refers to interaction, linkages and learning in relation to bodies, actors and processes outside of the EU. Among other things, it is here natural to consider the US withdrawal from the Kyoto Protocol process in March 2001. This may have opened a window of opportunity for EU global climate leadership and may have spurred the development of internal EU climate policy. Finally, section four will sum up central findings and reflect a little on implications for future effectiveness. Does the ?ultra-quick pregnancy? mean ?a premature baby?? For instance, could it be that central stakeholders and target groups have not been adequately consulted and important policy externalities have not been taken into consideration? Moreover, do recent developments in terms of Member States? follow-up of the 2003 Directive further substantiate that the EU ET policy-making speed is a quite break-neck one? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Twelve EU member states currently use the euro currency, which on one side of the bank notes features images of a series of bridges. This paper asks why were bridges chosen? The paper sets out three frames of reference for considering the question. The first considers the significance of currency as a symbol of national identity and the association at the EU level with a federal project. The second considers bridges as an emblem of supranational integration, while the third considers bridges as a metaphor of the post-Westphalian state system. The paper is divided into three substantive sections. The first considers the established argument in the literature that currency is a symbol of national identity and state sovereignty. In the recent debate on the Euro this perspective has informed those that regard the currency as a step towards federal union. Seen through this prism bridges are a curious choice, insofar as Europe’s founding fathers (Monnet and Schumann et al) would seem more likely icons. The second section begins by noting how bridges are a vital part of the infrastructure that underpins the objectives of the EU â€" the free movement of labour, goods and capital around the member states. The most impressive example of this is the 16km Oresund bridge linking southern Sweden and Denmark, emphasising the mutual undertaking to construct permanent ties between European states, and peacefully bind together each ‘end’ of the bridge. Bridges therefore symbolise the supranational integration project that has been at the heart of the EU for over 50 years.The third section focuses on the space between EU states, by building on Robert Cooper’s definition of a ‘postmodern’ state system, in which the Westphalian distinction between domestic and international has eroded. The bridge is no longer regarded as the linking devise between separate sovereign states that ‘bridges’ the international void. Instead, the bridge is the ‘new international’; it is the unique space between European states that is no longer external or ‘outside’. The paper concludes that the third interpretation of the bridges of the euro currency is the most appropriate, since it symbolises the aspiration for a new sort of political order in Europe, one that challenges the traditional Westphalian notion of state sovereignty. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates variation in voter support for radical right parties in Eastern Europe, especially among the new EU members. In general, radical right parties are nationalistic, socially illiberal and anti-communist. Radical right parties in Eastern Europe are viewed as potential channels for voter grievances. In particular, the paper finds that RR parties channel grievances relating to corruption, governance and the lack of political accountability. The domestic story interacts with an international one. In particular, two international factors contribute to the RR's success among the new EU members: (1) the EU has lost leverage after the enlargement and (2) the technocratic process of the accession has reduced the policy oriented issue space for domestic party competition. Finally, the paper also finds support for the welfare chauvinism thesis among the radical right voters. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Commission and the Council of European Union have recently started to work on a common concept of "Security Sector Reform" (SSR) so as to be able to cooperate more closely when engaging in 'fragile states'. By mid 2007, we have two separate concept papers and an increasing record of EU missions in the Balkans, sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and in Afghanistan, which have the objectives of either reforming the police or the justice systems, key aspects of SSR. This paper has three aims: first, it discusses the similarities and differences in the two concept papers and then it outlines a framework for understanding the competing interests, ideas and institutions that are shaping the evolution of this policy-area by taking into account divergent hypotheses present in competing paradigms. The third aim is to examine the manner and extent to which the EU is applying the principle of "ownership" to some of the most recent and ongoing missions that it is undertaking in the Balkans and in sub-Saharan Africa. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How relevant was the role that non-state actors played during the consultation phase regarding the Services of General Interest in the European Union, and how effective was that role in preventing the creation of a EU-level Framework Directive for Services of General Interest? Borrowing from neo-functionalist thought, I argue that the Commission's decision to postpone acting on its proposal to create a Framework Directive (marked by the publication of the White Paper in 2004) was essentially blocked by the product of political dynamics in which non-state actors (namely large lobby groups) played a crucial role. Although making a full neo-functionalist argument would necessitate arguing for: 1) the continuing piecemeal transfer of state sovereignty upwards towards civil society at the EU level, 2) the transformation of both the actors involved and the environment in which they exist, and 3) the existence of spill-over effects, the main focus of my paper will be the first condition, as the purpose of this paper is only to make a brief argument: namely, that of the relevance of non-state actors in political outcomes. However brief, nevertheless, the argument cannot, and will not, neglect the presence and effects of the other two conditions, and will refer to them periodically to substantiate discussion of the first, but will not go into lengthy or detailed discussions on them. This paper is then meant to serve as the beginning of a more comprehensive study which will include more developed discussions and arguments for the existence of the second and third conditions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to compare approaches and policies of the European Union (EU) and of the United States (US) to the security and integration of the new European neighbourhood.In the broad and diverse neighbourhood including Russia, Ukraine, Moldova, Caucasus and all the way down to Turkey, the Middle East and North-Africa, the EU and US share the goal of enhancing the Continent?s own stability and security by means of an ever deeper degree of integration of the neighbours in Europe?s constellation of power, institutions and ideas. However, the meaning and usage of this security/integration nexus in the neighbourhood is increasingly divergent on the two sides of the Atlantic. In order to unravel this divergence, the paper first sets to propose a reading of the concepts and discoursive practices by the EU and the US on the neighbourhood. A particular emphasis in this context will be on the way in which the security/integration nexus is correlated by the EU and the US to the mechanisms of ?conditionality? (the contractual relation where aid and institutional ties to the EU are contingent to specific reforms) and ?socialisation? (the multileveled process inducing behavioural changes in neighbouring countries through social learning). Secondly, it will observe the institutional dimension of this debate, highlighting the role of the EU and US as actors, and illustrate the consequences of the 2004 twin enlargement of the EU and NATO for the institutional functioning and ambitions of these two institutions in the neighbourhood.Third, and in the light of this comparative analysis, the paper will discuss how the wider European constellation of power, institutions and ideas is unfolding as a result of these two different perspectives on European security and integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, the European Union has attempted to develop capabilities that would enable it to become a credible political actor on the world stage. As early as 1992 the Maastricht Treaty on European Union introduced the current three-pillar structure of the European Union and thereby brought the notion of a Common Foreign and Security Policy into the formal institutional structures of the European Union. The remainder of the 1990s, however, was characterised by a failure to translate these earlier institutional changes into effective policies. Only over the past five years has the Union taken major steps to match its economic prowess with political and military muscle. Nowhere is this more obvious than when comparing the feeble and eventually disastrous efforts to prevent and subsequently manage the violent disintegration of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s to the EU?s significantly more widespread and successful efforts in the Western Balkans since 2001, in the Democratic Republic of Congo since 2003, and more recently in Aceh, Indonesia, and Sudan. At the same time, however, the Union has made little if any progress in relation to conflicts in the post-Soviet region, such as in Georgia and Moldova, and its contribution to lasting peace in the Middle East remains negligible.The parameters of the comparative analysis provided in this paper are defined temporally (the period since the end of the Cold War) and geographically (country/conflict-based case studies). Within this framework, the paper seeks to identify causal patterns and trends in both the ?internal? development of EU conflict management policy and its ?external? effectiveness. Such a focus will be developed through a two-pronged approach: (1)In order to assess the internal development of EU policy in relation to its external effectiveness, we propose to focus on examining the ?state-of-art? in scholarship in the understanding of the EU?s:a.Capabilities to act: personnel and hardware as well as institutions and instrumentsb.Capabilities to fund: long-term and short-termc.Capabilities to cooperate and coordinate: among EU member states and institutions, as well as with third parties (individual states and international/regional governmental and non-governmental organisations)(2)In order to determine whether there are other factors, beyond the EU?s capabilities outlined above, that determine the effectiveness of its conflict management policies, we propose to exchange information as a levels-of-analysis approach that will identify whether scholars share common factors at four different levels and whether there is a shared understanding of the nature of relations between them:a.The sub-state/local level of analysis in the state concernedb.The state level of analysis in the state concernedc.The regional environment of the state concernedd.The broader international environment ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractVan der Vleuten, Pincers and Self-Interest: Implementing Gender Equality Legislation under Domestic and European PressuresThe majority of European Union member states implement the majority of EU law on time. In the remaining cases, supranational enforcement measures are necessary to make unwilling member states comply. Leaving aside cases involving 'involuntary non-compliance' due to inadequate capacity or genuine misunderstanding, the paper will focus on cases where governments are 'voluntarily reluctant' to implement EU law. Under which conditions will the European Commission and the European Court of Justice (Court) succeed in making reluctant states comply? This paper will show that we need to theorize domestic politics and supranational interests in order to explain the effectiveness of supranational enforcement as well as the varying willingness of the Commission and the Court to undertake action. It will be argued that simultaneous domestic (political or judicial) pressure and supranational pressure in favour of implementation may coerce unwilling governments into compliance, catching them in an uncomfortable 'pincer action'. Without domestic 'support', supranational enforcement will not be effective. The Commission and the Court will be reluctant to take action against non-compliance if their interests are at stake - their credibility in the light of their mandate and their position vis-à-vis the Council and the domestic courts. The implementation of European Union gender equality policies since the 1960s is investigated in the Netherlands (equal pay), the Federal Republic of Germany (equal pay), and France (the ban on night work). The implementation record in this field varies significantly between states and across time. In addition, the Commission and the Court have been more active in some cases than in others. It is precisely these types of variation that are explained. It is shown how unwilling member states, caught in pincers, end up paying the price of implementation. Yet, supranational institutions pay a price, too, as further developments in EU gender equality policies show that member states have learned from painful 'pincer' experiences and have retaliated by confronting supranational institutions with a 'boomerang' in different ways. Even limited supranational success has triggered supranational restraint by the member states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world of increasingly mobile capital, labor and production, governments are hard pressed to attract new firms to their jurisdictions or to maintain their existing firms. Competition to attract investment frequently leads governments to provide incentives such as tax breaks and subsidies to businesses. Governments face similar pressures for granting subsidies but choose different methods when doing so. While Austria and the Netherlands provide subsidies for research and development, Portugal, France and Ireland focus on specific sectors, and Belgium and Italy stress regional assistance. Why do we see such variation in the amounts, objectives and methods of government support to business? This paper develops a model to account for the impact of political institutions on the level and objectives of state support to businesses, and tests this model with data from the European Union (EU) member states. Conventional wisdom on globalization, known as the "efficiency thesis," suggests that as trade and capital movements liberalize, the capacity and effectiveness of government intervention in the economy will decline and policies will converge on a neoliberal bottom (Andrews 1994, Cerny 1995). In contrast, much of the empirical research shows that national policies have proved resilient to the pressures of globalization, and that government spending has increased in response to the insecurity and inequalities associated with economic openness (Cameron 1978, Rodrik 1998, Ruggie 1982, Pierson 1994, Hall and Soskice 2001). This project contributes to this debate by exploring how government policies to support industry are influenced by domestic political institutions on the one hand and capital mobility on the other. It draws on a growing literature in political economy that explores how electoral institutions such as electoral formulas, district sizes, and political competition influence economic policies. I propose that in countries with majoritarian electoral systems, small district sizes and low ideological polarization, subsidies will tend to be more particularistic, such as subsidies to specific sectors in decline, due to the need for appealing to narrow constituencies. In contrast, PR systems, large electoral districts and high ideological polarization will lead politicians to choose broader programs to help businesses, such as R&D and employment subsidies. This paper uses data on state aid to industry collected by the Commission of the European Union to test these hypotheses. Works CitedAndrews, D.M. (1994) ?Capital Mobility and State Autonomy?, International Studies Quarterly 38(2): 193-218.Cerny, P.G. (1995) ?Globalization and the Changing Logic of Collective Action?, International Organization 49 (4): 595-625. Cameron, D. R. (1978) ?The Expansion of the Public Economy?, American Political Science Review 72 (4): 1243-1261.Hall, P.A. and D. Soskice. (2001) ?An Introduction to Varieties of Capitalism,? in P.A. Hall andD. Soskice, Varieties of Capitalism. New York: Oxford University Press. Pierson, P. (1994) Dismantling the Welfare State? : Reagan, Thatcher, and the Politics of Retrenchment. New York: Cambridge University Press. Rodrik, D. (1998) ?Why do more open economies have bigger governments?? Journal ofPolitical Economy 106:5, 997-1031.Ruggie, J.G. (1982) ?International Regimes, transactions and change: embedded liberalism in the postwar economic order?, International Organization 36 (2): 195-231. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I look at the upcoming accession of east European new EU members to the Schengen Convention with particular attention to the Hungarian context. The privilege of being part of the ?border-free? area of the EU is reserved for old members only until 2007. In 2007 new members will have their first chance of becoming part of the Schengenland if they are able to meet all criteria on enforcing the new eastern external borders of the enlarged EU. My paper looks at what new EU members has already done and what is left to do until they can join the border-free land in 2007. I identify three areas that make this issue particularly sensitive to both new and old EU members. The first includes a discussion on the actual costs connected to the technicalities of lifting border checks on the new internal and reinforcing control on the new external borders of the enlarged EU. The second area concerns the conceptual mismatches that unintentionally emerge when a set of regulations originally designed for west European states is applied in a different context, in eastern Europe. The third area entails the quiet, yet visible, political tensions among old EU members, new EU members and the eastern neighbors of the enlarging EU with regard to ?the price? they are paying for letting the Schengenland expand. The aim of the paper is to shed some lights on the shortcomings of current EU border control policy extension practices and also to come up with some practical policy suggestions, which may be usefully considered in subsequent waves of EU eastward expansions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to explain a paradox it identifies within European Union (EU) foreign policy. This paradox is the combination of two trends: the extensive institutionalization of EU foreign policy, since the early 1970s, but particularly from the 1990s up until the present day; and the frequency with which EU foreign policy finds itself trumped by manifestations of popular will within EU member states. The most explicit expression of this was in 2005, after the No votes on the EU constitution in France and Holland. These two unexpected referenda results very quickly raised doubts over the EU?s flagship foreign policy ? enlargement. The momentum built over a decade was suddenly brought to a halt as ?enlargement fatigue? descended over Europe. This paradox is labelled ?fragile institutionalism?. To explore this paradox, the paper limns the main features of contemporary ?European power?, identifying those elements that make it a distinctive force in world politics. These include an evasion of state-centric expressions of power, an understanding of norms as constraints upon domestic politics, and commitment to a set of values, such as diversity and inclusion. This account brings ideas of ?normative power? and ?governance? together as overlapping frameworks for thinking about European foreign policy, which can be traced back to the dual crises of the state and society in the 1970s. With this historical reconstruction of the origins of contemporary European power, the paper analyses at the logical level the concepts of sovereignty and governance. It ends by looking at how the logical and historical inter-relationship between these two concepts can shed light on the paradoxical nature of European foreign policy. The paper argues in the final section that what it calls ?fragile institutionalism? can be understood as a product of the retreat of sovereignty in Europe. This retreat provides the momentum for contemporary European power, but is also its primary limitation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last fifteen years European Union member states implemented extensive reforms in their social and labour market policies. The paper demonstrates how these reforms aimed at, and resulted in, the intensification of commodification of European labour and sets to explore the governance of this process, theoretically and empirically. The first part of the paper outlines the conceptual framework by theoretically exploring the two key concepts: recommodification and governance. The paper argues that previous conceptualizations of recommodification were limited as they concentrated on policies for the unemployed and, thus, reproduced the artificial division between economy and society. An alternative, power-theoretical perspective is proposed, where both the (labour) market and the policies that regulate labour in and out of it, are viewed as instituted processes - always-embedded in society but under different modes of embedding - governed by states and, gradually, by supranational entities like the EU. It is argued that governing this continuous ?constitution? of the (labour) market entails the governance of the power dynamic between labour and capital, a dynamic that unfolds in three interlinked dimensions: discursive, structural/institutional and relational. Recommodification is, thus, conceived as a process of reification whereby labour is gradually transformed from a socio-historical subject - that was originally socio-politically 'recognised' by both state and capital as a social agent- to an 'economic' object, re-regulated to 'flexibly' adapt to the capriciousness of the market. Further, the concept of governance is redefined as a form of political regulation of social subjects that involves both the 'steering' of the subjects' behavioural practices towards particular social and politico-economic goals (?formal? policy) and a 'mode of doing policy', i.e. the organisational arrangements and procedures for policy delivery (operational policy). Empirically, the paper identifies relevant trends which indicate that during the last decade the commodification of European Labour intensified, though with considerable degree of variation between the EU countries. On the basis of these findings the paper ends with a discussion of the characteristics of the governance of labour's recommodification in the EU, primarily via the European Employment Strategy and the use of the Open Method of Co-ordination, as well as other recent policy initiatives (Bolkenstein directive) aiming to further disembed labour markets. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Alexander George, "the general idea of coercive diplomacy is to back one's demand on an adversary with a threat of punishment for non-compliance that he will consider credible and potent enough to persuade him to comply with the demand" (Forceful persuasion, 1997). The Western policy (US and EU) vis-à-vis Iran since the beginning of 2003 is an example of coercive diplomacy.The EU, and more in particular the EU-3 (France, the UK and Germany), regarded the Iranian conflict as a first test-case for the implementation of the EU Security Strategy (December 2003). Also because the US refused to talk to the regime in Teheran, the EU manoeuvred itself in the spotlights of international politics. For nearly two and a half years, the EU tried to convince Iran to give up its extensive civilian nuclear programme in exchange for economic benefits (= coercive diplomacy). The EU effort failed. The Iranian file then moved to the UN Security Council where the US took up the role of coercer.The aim of the paper is to describe and to analyse EU and US policy with respect to Iran since 2003. First of all, what did the EU-3 and US demarches accomplish ? How effective were the EU-3 and the US ? While it is clear that the EU-3 could not convince Iran in the end, the EU-3 action may not have been without accomplishments (gathering information; winning time; forming a consensus in the rest of the world). Secondly, what are the reasons that the EU (and maybe the US too) could not convince Iran in the end ? On the basis of the theoretical literature - more in particular Alexander George, ibid.; Thomas Schelling, The Strategy of Conflict, 1960; Thomas Schelling, Arms and influence, 1966; Peter Jakobson, Western use of coercive diplomacy after the Cold War, 1998; Bruce Jentleson and Christopher Whytock, Why "won" Libya ? in: International Security, Winter 2005/2006 - I have distilled eight factors that are regarded as crucial for successful coercive diplomacy. One of the major objectives of the paper is to match these factors with the Iranian case. This may clarify why (at least) the EU failed. Last but not least, as most of the literature dates back from the sixties and seventies, the more ambitious objective is also to further refine the theory of coercive diplomacy, e.g. which factors are (not) crucial.Methodologically speaking, it will be a qualitative analysis (case-study) based on literature. Thanks to the course I am teaching since last year (Diplomacy) and thanks to my current research project funded by the Flemish Fund for Scientific Research, I am already to a large extent familiar with the literature on coercive diplomacy. Throughout the years, I have also followed the Iranian crisis on a daily basis. The task now consists in matching both. In addition, I am planning to do interviews at the EU in Brussels (as I did before). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The acquiring of EU membership for most of the states of Central, East, and Southeast Europe implied profound organizational adaptation, learning and policy change. Although some of this process might have involved voluntary imitation, most of ?Europeanization? was coercive in its nature. In the course of accession process, the EU had an enormous leverage in setting the parameters of democratization and economic reform and imposing elaborate conditions (such as structural, economic, and administrative reform, and the establishment of the rule of law). An array of its directives and adaptive pressures considerably reduced the scope of public policy debate. What were the consequences of years of EU adaptive pressures on principal political actors in the new member states? Specifically, what was the impact of restricted policy choices on political parties and the nature of their competition? EU pressures generated apparent changes in individual political parties both programmatic (incorporation of environmental issues, human and minority rights, immigration, asylum) and institutional (creation of separate EU offices). More significantly, the paper will argue, EU pressures influenced the mode of parties? interactions in national electoral arenas, that is, the party systems. By reducing the ability of parliaments to scrutinize executives in policy issues, EU directives and norms inevitably reduced the range of policy alternatives available to elites and helped create a policy consensus among mainstream parties. The blurring of policy differences further led to visible ideological transformation, splits within party ranks and (since the ideological differences in mainstream parties become increasingly hard to distinguish) an increased number of potential legislative coalitional partners. Finally, the emerging policy consensus regarding EU membership triggered a cross-cutting cleavage in party competition over the theme of national autonomy, which, in turn boosted the electoral showing of extremist parties previously marginalized in the early stages of the transformation process. The paper?s main objectives are as follows: (1) to review EU conditionality policies; (2) to analyze party polarization in individual countries; and (3) to assess the effects of external institution promotion on consolidation of democracy those countries. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the Turkey-EU and Mexico-NAFTA experience as case studies, this paper investigates the implications of congruence between regional normative structures and national interest for South development. The paper focuses on changes in US and EU interests with respect to their periphery in the post Cold War/Sept. 11 era and effects this may have on the development trajectories of Mexico and Turkey. It concludes that despite some obvious similarities between Mexico and Turkey, their development may follow separate paths since US and EU are no longer unified in terms of their expectations from peripheral countries. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at contributing to the Convention theme in that it explores German and British asylum policies toward women refugees from the Global South. Once these refugee women have arrived in the ?North?, they are often victimised again. In Germany, up until very recently their experience of persecution, in particular if it was of a gendered nature, has not been recognised as ?proper? persecution. Rather, it has been marginalized. Even though things are far from perfect in the UK, there, refugee women?s experience has found more attention. From the mid-1990s, a number of norm entrepreneurs, mainly NGOs but also members of the House of Lords, lobbied for establishing and implementing Gender Guidelines. In 1999, the Law Lords decided in a seminal judgement (Shah and Islam) that women in Pakistan who were victims of domestic violence and not protected by their state created a particular social group under the Refugee Convention. In so doing, they strongly referred to the Gender Guidelines drafted by one of the NGOs mentioned above. In 2000, Gender Guidelines were established that bore a striking similarity to the NGO?s guidelines. At the same time, the German government and judiciary argued that women who were victims of domestic violence as well as of other brutalities in the private sphere and not protected by the state could not as such be considered a particular social group and given refugee status for if that were the case ?hordes of women? would come from the ?South? to live in Germany. In this paper, I will examine why British asylum policies have not been predominated to such an extent by such considerations. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the case of the Committee of the Regions (CoR), an EU advisory body representing local and regional governments. Although it is far from being the EU?s most powerful body, it is interesting with regard to the issue of institutional change, as in line with the more general and obvious institutionalist claim about the self-enhancing ambitions of institutions, the CoR has sought since its creation to enhance its position and gain real power. The paper assesses both the causes and the nature of the formal and informal changes to its role and responsibilities which have taken place since it was set up in 1994.It is argued that, in spite of the CoR?s demands, significant institutional change has not taken place. Admittedly the new Constitution does grant the CoR new judicial rights, however it is argued that although these are interesting institutional innovations, they amount to relatively constrained powers, which means that their significance and their implications for the prospects for further institutional reform should not be over-estimated.The paper concludes that meaningful institutional change has not occurred largely because the CoR has not succeeded in generating a perception that there is a real functional need for it. This is on account of two main factors. The first is the legacy of its original institutional design, in particular problems relating to its composition, the role of its members and its internal organisation which undermine its effectiveness. The second relates to the external institutional framework and the difficulties of a being a late-comer, in particular the fact that the institutional space is already occupied. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will assess the implementation of the 2003 EU emissions trading directive and the first year of operation of the system. Necessary conditions for climate policy success include, first, ambitious and harmonised National Allocation Plans (NAPs) which create scarcity in the system, and, second, the development of liquid and not too volatile trading. Have these conditions then been met so far? What can explain developments? At the EU level, factors such as the provision of clear and strong policy signals and guidance to the Member States will be discussed. At the domestic level, factors such as administrative capacity, including capacity to consult and learn from other Member States, and industrial lobbying will be discussed. Specifically focused Member States include Germany, Spain and the UK. The paper will wind up with a discussion of prospects ahead, both for the more short-term review and adjustment of the system in 2006 and the more long-term prospects for the ETS to significantly contribute to overall EU climate policy success? ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I would like to take a realist perspective on the study of EU states’ cooperation, and examine the role of the United States in the CFSP decision-making process from 1992 until 2003. Research has been carried out on the influence of the US in the EU’s economic foreign policy and in the EU’s security foreign policy. However, no research has been conducted on the presence or influence of the US on the EU’s political foreign policy vis-à-vis third states in the second pillar decision-making process. The EU seems to be in permanent contact with the US, and has recently had to coordinate its action with that of the US in the Balkans. Do the Member States counterbalance the US or do they bandwaggon behind the US ? As regards the importance of an external hegemon, the realist theory appears to be relevant in explaining EU cooperation. In this paper, I will first examine realist assumptions on the role of the US in the EU’s CFSP’s decision-making process. I will then study whether the EU always acts in the same way as the US acts, when it takes CFSP common policies vis-à-vis third countries. I will finally evaluate the relevance and insufficiencies of the realist theory to explain US influence on the reaching of CFSP common policies. NB: My participation is contingent on funding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on directions and trends in environmental policy-making in the European Union (EU) since 1992. Changes in Commission priorities, the political environment, and the relationship between member States and the EU have had a significan impact on legislative and enforcement strategies and policies. The debate over subsidiarity has not ended but has been reformulated. Now, flexibility mechanisms have been created to address the gray areas between state and EU responsibilities. Implementation and enforcement remain as major problems. The difficulty of meeting environmental targets has been affected by enlargement, i.e. Kyoto. The success of policy instruments such as framework legislation, voluntary agreements, economic instruments and increased juridicial activity will determine the future of the EU as a global leader in environmental protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]