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Using the cases of the war in Kosovo, Serbia from 1989-1999, and riots in Gujarat, India, in 2002, this study examines the link between predatory identities and predatory policies. By combining elite theories with social movement ideas, this study demons ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Narmada Bachao Andolan (Movement to Save the Narmada) has spearheaded a multifaceted campaign opposing the building of a network of dams on the Narmada River in India. In advocating its position, the NBA has utilized a wide-ranging repertoire or both institutional and extra-institutional political actions at the local, state and transnational levels. This paper explores the development of the NBA’s repertoire by linking concepts of mechanisms with political opportunity structures, resource mobilization and framing. It contends that explanation of a movement’s repertoire must cover both institutional and extra-institutional tactics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tibetan positions and strategies have gone through many changes since 1959 when the Dalai Lama escaped to India. From 1959 until the mid-1970s, the Tibetan exile leadership consistently cast its chief objective as regaining Tibet’s independence. In 2007, the same Tibetan leadership is calling for a sincere, letter-and-spirit implementation of the provisions of the Chinese constitution and national regional autonomy laws, albeit, in a re-unified Tibetan administrative entity within the People’s Republic of Chinaâ€"a far-cry from the independence agenda of only three decades ago. Tibetan strategy has also evolved from the CIA-backed guerrilla movement to a completely non-violent form of activism. Inside Tibet itself, the Tibetans have deployed various strategies ranging from collaboration with the communist regime to open rebellion for national survival. Beijing’s policies inside Tibet have also oscillated from the violent, oppressive and assimilationist strategies of the Maoist years to the ethnically-sensitive policies of the Hu Yaobang era in the 1980s and back to the hard-line integrationist policies prevalent today. Chinese efforts to engage the Dalai Lama and exile Tibetans have also had an on-again, off-again quality. What drives these fluctuations? This paper attempts to answer this question by examining if, and how, the international campaigns and diplomacy of the Tibetan Diaspora effect these fluctuations. How do the activities, successes and failures of the Tibetan exiles shape the activities of the Tibetans inside Tibet? How do the fortunes and misfortunes of the Tibetan Diaspora shape Chinese policies towards Tibet? Equally importantly, how does Tibet’s place in some of China’s most important foreign relations, such as the US-China relations and Sino-Indian relations influence Sino-Tibetan relations? This paper will provide a dispassionate analysis of these important linkages that have direct bearings on a people struggling to survive and a state rising in power but struggling with its international image and domestic legitimacy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pace at which greenhouse emissions are rising together with the strengthening scientific consensus that emissions must be dramatically reduced mean that the recently implemented Kyoto Protocol is already obsolete; the fulfillment of all Kyoto obligations will reduce global emissions only minimally. The U.S.--the world's biggest emitter--and future emissions giants including China and India must be brought into a substantial emissions-limitation regime within a very short time. Unless their legitimate needs for development are addressed, developing countries have little incentive to participate in such a regime. Climate-equity NGOs argue that global emissions trading on the basis of per capita (or per capita plus) allowances, which would give large numbers of saleable permits to the world's low-emission majority, could supply the incentive for developing-country participation and counter the U.S. argument about 'unfair favorable treatment' for developing countries under the Kyoto regime. Such a strategy would represent a dramatic departure from the 'grandfathered' Kyoto emissions allowances, which base reductions requirements on 1990 emissions and thus help to 'lock in' the position of developed countries. In this paper, I evaluate the potential of "climate equity" per capita and per capita plus regime proposals to attract developed and developing countries, and to achieve their stated goals of climate adequacy and equity in the present growth-oriented global political economy. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]