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This paper will document the international context within which the United States homophile movement developed. From the beginning of the movement in the early 1950s, homosexual activists looked beyond the borders of their own countries. American homophil ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jubilee 2000 represents a concerted campaign for debt forgiveness of transnational scope and significance. While observers have hailed it a successful transnational movement, few scholars have examined the policy frames that contributed to its agenda-setting and policy success. Furthermore, IR and policy scholars often discount the role of religious actors and discourse in shaping policy agendas. The current research utilizes theories of global social movements (Keck and Sikkink 1998, O’Brien et al. 2003) and policy images (Baumgartner and Jones 1999) to explore 1) the origins of the debt forgiveness movement and 2) the content of the policy images that catapulted the issue onto public agendas. The scriptural basis of Jubilee, not to mention the policy goal of forgiveness, dictates an analysis of its premier religious actor â€" the Catholic Church.Assuming that the religious framing of Jubilee affected the responses of policy venues with agenda-setting power, how did the Catholic Church contribute to movement success? Given the Catholic Church’s theological (centuries-old teachings on social and economic justice) and political (selective forays into governmental issues) resources, did the debt forgiveness movement originate with a religious institution and religious actors?Utilizing content analysis, this project will demonstrate how religious actors provide ready moral frameworks from which to launch global social movements. Analysis is inclusive of primary documents from Jubilee 2000 Coalition UK, the Vatican, G-8 summits, World Bank, IMF, US Congress, and UK Parliament; and of media reports from the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Economist, and the BBC. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I move beyond the familiar story of early political campaigns by social movements within Britain and the United States, to consider the troubled relationship between anti-slavery and colonial expansion. The main focal point here is Africa in the late nineteenth century, where European conquest brought millions of slaves under colonial jurisdiction. This crucial period is notably absent from many conventional narratives, which heavily concentrate upon Transatlantic slavery. On the one hand, we have the legal abolition of slavery, which is routinely acclaimed as a great moral victory. On the other, we have European colonialism, which can be plausibly described as a vast criminal enterprise, involving death, dominion and exploitation on a massive scale. What should we make of the close historical relationship between subjects that provoke such diametrically opposed reactions? In taking up these themes, I argue that official support for anti-slavery in the late nineteenth century generally had more to do with communal honour than common humanity, with the main point at issue being what (anti-)slavery was held to signify, or otherwise symbolize, about the distinctive virtues (or vices) of particular communities. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addressing domestic political challenges to overseas U.S. military bases, I examine how host governments respond to social movement pressure from below while managing alliance relations with the U.S. Additionally, in cases where social movements seemed to matter, I explore how they made a difference in outcomes. When host government elites are significantly divided regarding their perception of national security and U.S.-host state security relations, elites sympathetic to anti-base movements cooperatively engage anti-base activists. Thus a weak security consensus opens the possibility for major base policy changes by anti-base movements. Conversely, when a strong consensus regarding security relations with the U.S. exists among domestic political elites, the host government responds to anti-base pressure by either ignoring, foot-dragging, co-opting, or at best, making token concessions to anti-base groups. By providing minimal concessions, host governments are able to maintain positive relations with the U.S. while mollifying major anti-base protests. Social movements, therefore, have little effect on base policy outcomes under conditions of strong security consensus. I use two recent anti-base movement episodes, the No Bases movement in Manta, Ecuador, and the No Dal Molin movement in Vicenza, Italy, to test my theoretical argument. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on ways that the sovereignty movement in Hawaii is framed to deal with changing governmental policies by the U.S. The relevant literature on the Hawaiian sovereignty movement is highlighted. A brief history of Hawaii and its interaction with the U.S. which outlines the grievances that the movement has mobilized around is presented. It discusses the policies of the U.S. government toward Native Hawaiians.

Debates in security studies in the U.S. and Europe have drifted almost completely apart. In Europe it is common to present the theoretical landscape in terms of, say, critical security studies, the Copenhagen School, traditionalism and feminism. In the U.S. it is more common to see the major debate within security studies as being the one between offensive realism and defensive realism! Previously, almost all theoretical inventions in IR were made in the U.S. Currently, distinct theories are widely associated with places like Aberystwyth (Critical Security Studies), Paris (Bigo’s Bourdieu-inspired work) and Copenhagen (securitization). The new European approaches differ not only from security studies in the US, they also stand apart from most work done in other parts of the world. Are these theories peculiarly ‘European’ and if so, why? The paper aims at explaining the emergence of these European security theories. The explanation draws partly on the political context in the different regions, and partly on features of the intellectual fields, International Relations and Security Studies. The theories are also assessed briefly as to their relevance and usefulness. To what extent are they bound to local, European problems or relevant to the issues that are addressed elsewhere and vice-versa for the theories that flourish in the U.S. and the periphery respectively? Can they travel to the other parts of the world in a helpful role? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military rule, military occupation, and land grabs for military bases (even if sanctioned by international executive agreements or legislatively ratified treaties) vitiate and undermine democratization. On the one hand, democratic theorists from John Locke to Robert Dahl contrast pluralist theory with rationales for authoritarian governance. On the other hand, historical pluralism evinces elitist practices. A focus on the diversity of power sharing is missing or underdeveloped. To what extent do anti-militarist social movements demonstrate the ability of popular activity from below to outstrip elitist liabilities embedded in much pluralist theory? And how effectively have civil society organizations in Asia opposed the continued, expanded and renewed presence of the U.S. Armed Forces? This paper focuses on civil society organizations (CSOs) and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the larger anti-militarist social movements within which they have contended in the Philippines and Japan (especially, Okinawa). The paper further distinguishes among DJANGOs (Development, Justice and Advocacy Nongovernmental Organizations) and POs (People's Organizations) with only passing attention to QUANGOs (Quasi Nongovernmental Organizations) supported by government funding and sponsorship. Amplifying a preferred future for a totally demilitarized Okinawa, trend analysis and focused structured comparisons identify likely and unlikely obstacles and opportunities to a totally demilitarized Okinawa by 2025. Similarities and differences between the two cases appear policy-relevant! In turn, that identification generates prescriptions useful in guiding practical activities of organizations advocating removal of foreign military bases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of municipal foreign policy draws on such experiences as the Cities for Peace movement, the anti-Apartheid municipal movement of the 1980s, and the nuclear-free zone movement of the 1970s. It asserts that politicians who are most accessible and a ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concered with how the application of narrative analysis and participatory policy analysis can broaden our understanding of social movement activism in the field of health. Drawing on comparative case studies of citizen contestation in the health field in Canada and the United States, I examine how health social movement actors have sought to influence policy and discourse in the health field using, in part, their "situated knowledge" of living with a disease. Three case studies are being explored: (1) multiple chemical sensitivity; (2) asthma; (3) autism. While cross-national studies in comparative health policy have taught us much about the shape of the health care system (public or private), the role of institutions in shaping policy outcomes, and the influence of elite interests such as physicians, these approaches have paid less attention to the role of non-state actors, other than elites. Drawing on in-depth qualitative interviews with social movement activists in a number of Canadian and American cities, I am interested in how the boundaries demarcating experts from non experts are increasingly being disrupted, as patients acquire and exchange information, and contest, perhaps unwittingly, medical and scientific authority. An approach centered on eliciting the narratives constructed by health social movements allows us to explore how such actors advance their own expert knowledges in the face of biomedicine. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I investigate the causes of diaspora mobilization within the “host” country, on behalf of the “homeland,” which many diaspora members have never seen and have no plans to return to. These actions are even more puzzling after considering that diasporic mobilization over the “homeland” often results in a negative, often violent, backlash from the “host” population. By understanding the motivations for these actions, I attempt to provide a better understanding of the shift from what could be called an “immigrant mentality” to a “diasporic consciousness,” which requires a stronger attachment to the “homeland” and events happening within, then to day-to-day life in the “host” country. I combine the literatures on diasporas and social movements to argue that diasporic organizations’ framing of events in the homeland, and rhetorical appeals urging members to act on the homeland’s behalf, are essential in mobilizing diaspora members. Specifically, I look at the following cases of mobilization: the Sikh and Hindu populations in London, England, the Chinese population in Vancouver, B.C., and the Mexican population in California, U.S. I also look at one case of non-mobilization: the Italian population in the northeast-United States. I argue that effective frames will emphasize a need to mobilize in language reflecting the host country’s cultural values and ideology. This can be attributed to what has been described as the “dual-natured identities” of diaspora members. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the process of identity formation of the Minutemen, a self-proclaimed "border enforcement" organization that patrols the U.S.-Mexico border and organizes for stricter enforcement of US immigration laws. In performing the border and thus the role of the citizen soldier, the Minutemen both draw on and reproduce meanings that are fundamental to American identity and particularly white masculinity within this country. Moreover, the emergence of the Minuteman Project can be seen as a function of the intersection of several processes. These include: racial ambiguities within a post-Civil Rights Era, economic insecurity resulting from globalization processes, and a glamorization of the American military in media coverage of the War on Terror. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our survey research at the 2005 World Social Forum (WSF) in Porto Alegre examines the relationships among eighteen transnational social movements by asking participants at the WSF which movements they identify with and participate in, about the background characteristics of participants, and about the complementary and contentious relationships among the movements. Labor is one of the movements examined. And we also asked participants to identify contradictions among the movements and to suggest ways of resolving contradictions that would facilitate cooperation. We also asked specifically about North/South contradictions within the labor movement and about contradictions between the labor movement and the environmental movement. And we also asked participants their views regarding issues of anti-globalization and globalization from below. This paper reports those of our results that are germane to understanding contradictions within the global labor movement and the relationships between the labor movement and other anti-systemic movements. We will also include a discussion of how the labor movement in the United States is relating to the World Social Forum process. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on a seemingly paradoxical outcome of the 1999 Seattle WTO protests: the weakening of the global justice movement in the United States. While the global justice movement has flourished in Europe, this same movement seems largely to have stalled in the American context. This paper compares public opinion on globalization, global justice movement activism, and internalization of global organizing models in the two regions. We suggest that the weakness of the American global justice movement can be tied to three key factors: a) the shift in U.S. protest policing from a strategy of negotiated protest management to one of "strategic incapacitation"; b) the success of the Bush administration's strategy of linking globalization protests to the post 9/11 "war on terrorism"; and c) the ambivalence and contradictions in American internationalism. This paper further argues that the strongest movement since September 11th - the anti-war movement - exemplifies a broader American trend towards the spillover of transnational activism into domestic protest. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA) is a transnational North-South coalition of trade union organisations, social movements and NGOs from all over the Americas. It emerged in 1997 in response to the prospects of a corporate agenda being institutionalised in the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) project. Despite the commitment of the hemispheric governments to make the FTAA a democratic and transparent process, the experience of the HSA reveals that the opportunities for engagement in a constructive dialogue with the official FTAA process were minimal or largely ineffective. This paper explores the initiatives undertaken by the HSA to open up a public debate on the consequences of creating a FTAA project (including, amongst others, issues of wealth distribution, democratic sovereignty, gender equality, and ecological preservation of the natural environment). As a consequence of attempts to insulate the trade agenda from the demands of civil society, the HSA radicalised its position and launched a hemispheric-wide popular consultation on the FTAA at the grassroots level. It was only at this point that the largely uninformed public opinion finally recognised the FTAA project. This improved the conditions for a much-needed debate on the relation between trade and development in the region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conceived as a contribution to the ongoing debate about the nature of the state of exception as well as to the discussion about the conception of the possibilities of desecuritization, this paper, based on the case of the United States after 9/11, aims at explaining the strategies adopted by dissenters. This paper will draw on the literature on securitization, social movement, power, domination and resistance, as well as electronic surveillance.The weeks that followed the attacks of 9/11 saw the adoption by the US Congress of a multiplicity of measures aiming at facilitating the fight against the terrorist threats. These measures, although leading to potential infringements on civil liberties, were adopted rather unanimously and with an obvious lack of debate. Incapable and/or unwilling to oppose the political will of the Executive branch, Congress had ceased to be the arena were political dissent about security matters could be voiced. It thus had to find other arenas to host it and emerge directly from the citizens.Nonetheless, the picture of the resistance deployed against these measures in the following months and even years depict an image quite different from the one expected. Indeed, dissent about security policies has taken diverse forms privileging distance between the citizens and the target of their actions, thus demonstrating the learning process involved in social movement strategy based on previous experiences of failure and success, as well as on context. This paper will present a set of factors that could justify the adoption of such a strategy by insisting on contextual reasons (competition of social movements of protest, unity in times of crisis, technicality of the measures opposed, possibility to resist locally) as well as longer term processes (development of surveillance techniques, evolution of police handling of protest demonstrations).We will explain that this strategy coupled with the tools allowed by the professionalization of social movement organizations led to local symbolic victories as well as nation-wide legal successes in courts.Eventually, this paper will develop a theoretical modelization to conceive the possibility for a progressive desecuritization of the national security policy regarding the handling of the terrorist threat, based on a reflexion on time. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a mass rally in Belgrade in 1989, Slobodan Milo?ević famously declared: ?I don?t hear well,? an utterance which, as Slovene philosopher Mladen Dolar asserts, epitomized the Yugoslav crisis. What is ironic is that the Serbs present were not calling for an end to war nor to an increase of civil liberties, but rather for the further violent repression of their perceived ?enemies.? To this end Milo?ević, despite his claim to the contrary, heard the vox populi all too well. Yet, it was only through this apparent deafness that he could hide to western observers the bloody nationalist agenda he in fact found endorsed by the Serbian popular voice. Currently the Bush administration, despite its claims of spreading freedom and democracy, has pursued a similar political praxis of selective hearing, undertaking on the one hand a silencing or shaming of those people (especially intellectuals and anti-war protestors) critical to its policy decisions, and on the other an aggressive surveillance of (or listening to) those it perceives as threatening. More than the central fact that politics is contingent on speaking and hearing, each signals a disconnect between voice and meaning in political discourse in which what is said is not always what is meant. This indicates a fundamental problem in how we theorize political speech, including how we posit the intellectual as one of its prime speakers. Should censorship disable the intellectual voice, what role would intellectuals play in affecting social movements, policy formation, or resisting hearing-impaired political systems? This paper will investigate these problems for the intellectual in the current political climate of the war in Iraq. For diplomacy or protest to be successful, a voice must not only be heard, but also listened to and acted upon collectively. Thus it is not enough for the intellectual to guide the popular voice, but also for him/her to open the possibility in which others can speak boldly or freely, without fear of censure or reprisal. The intellectual would not so much prescribe what should be said or heard, but work to think political discourse in terms of receptivity and responsibility. This implies a cosmopolitics based on radical interdependency/mutual vulnerability rather than a diplomacy game of strength and aggression. Instead of raising a collective cry for war in light of sudden terrorist strike, it calls for a patient reflection on the reasons for the attack and a collective mourning for its violence. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world of the academe holds different views regarding scholarship and its relationships to the centers and peripheries of various power structures, as it holds different views regarding its impact: whether it should be designed within existing political structures or structurally transformational. This paper wants to explore the impact of American feminism, as part of the American postmodern thought on equality, on a world in transition where American-backed ideologies promote uncontrolled market hegemony and an emaciated ?night-watch? state which is unable to protect its citizens and residents.This paper argues that a feminist critique of equality needs to involve a state narrative both domestically and internationally. The argument is two-fold. First, it will emphasize that equality, in any of its meanings -- formal, social, or substantive -- involves state action. From formal equality ? equality in front of the law, which means being a subject of equal rights (to men), to substantive equality ? socio-economic equality -- equality involves the state directly. The state is the one which defines its terms. Women have been more successful in terms of formal equality than substantively. This incremental dual approach has not been limited to domestic systems; it has been mirrored by theoretical distinctions between formal and substantive rights at the international level as well. (see the two conventions on human rights both at the UN and European level).Next, the paper will discuss the critical paradigm needed to compel states to guaranty substantive equality from an international point of view: the discourse on substantive human rights. Any discourse involving substantive human rights requires a discussion of the role of the state as a guarantor of those rights. The state is the entity that can ensure public education, health care, and can even design the power of the different religious establishments. Furthermore, the only current mechanisms for accountability at the international level are against the state. Recently, the international human rights discourse seems to engage more the market than the state, as if there were a choice. It seems quixotic to compel the market to end violations of substantive human rights, if that means a loss of profit, without involving the state. Absent clear regulations the market (shareholders) would not stop doing what comes natural to it: making profit. Feminism cannot afford ignoring this reality if it wants to remain a relevant theory, both domestically and internationally. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many countries in the global South have become increasingly reliant on private investment from the global North to finance state expenditures and indigenous publicly-listed corporations. The East Asian crisis of 1997 changed the rules of investment in the developing world. In contrast to other institutional investors and the World Bank, however, US public pension funds have sought to balance social and financial issues in their formulation of good corporate governance policies vis-à-vis the South. In this essay, I explore the role played by union-based US public pension funds not only because they wield as an aggregate force almost half a trillion dollars worth of investment capital, but also they represent the largest voice in terms of progressive shareholder activism vis-à-vis corporate behaviour. Specifically, I investigate corporate governance practices of two major US public pension funds, California Public Employees? Retirement System and New York City Employees? Retirement System, in order to identify and understand the limitations and possibilities of transformative politics in the South. I argue that when we contextualise these corporate governance policies within the spatial configurations of capital accumulation and restructuring, we are able to understand several contradictions underpinning these relatively more socially-oriented forms of corporate governance. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maintaining military effectiveness through forward deployment is one of the most significant aspects of U.S. strategy to address international security challenges. There are many U.S. military bases abroad, and key policy decisions include base establishment, reduction, and elimination. Determining troop levels and base functions are also important. Furthermore, there are policies on the environment, on military prostitution, and on legal treatment of U.S. soldiers who commit crimes in host states. Which actors create, maintain, and change these policies? When, why, and how do they do so? International relations scholars say that state actors decide what is best for military effectiveness and determine base policies. Alternatively, powerful interest groups that benefit from the military presence may influence base policies. These explanations, however, leave many empirical puzzles unanswered. One must take into account anti-base social movements? efforts in changing base policies. I will explore the interaction between states, pro-base interest groups, and anti-base social movements, to ask if social movements have impact on base policies.To capture the interaction between these actors, I will examine the roles of persuasion and social conformity. Persuasion is a process in which actors? perception of their interests, as well as their preferences, change. Social conformity is an actor?s acceptance of a position due to social rewards and punishment, in the absence of persuasion. Persuasion and social conformity are two social processes that could produce base policy change. I will compare these constructivist explanations with military effectiveness and interest group explanations, which are rationalist explanations. They are rationalist as they assume utility-maximizing actors with fixed interests and preferences, engaging in material cost-benefit calculation and strategic bargaining.I will study the anti-base social movement in Okinawa, Japan, during the 1990s, to see which explanation is best to understand the base policy outcome. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper attempts to interrogate the basic understanding of state repression held by many scholars of resistance and social movements. Whereas research has tended to focus on the causal relationship between state repression and movement activity (particularly protest and rebellion), a much more complex political and discursive dynamic may be at work in many cases. By employing Foucault?s framework of governmentality to the period of the 1960s and 70s, and comparing across the three cases of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense (BPP), the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA), and the American Indian Movement (AIM); one may map out the interaction between programmes of local and national government, techniques of state repression and cooptation, and variations in movement strategy and tactics, to produce novel readings of the multiple trajectories of collective resistance to the modern, liberal state. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular and academic observers have characterized the U.S.-led military intervention in Somalia as precedent-setting, yet there is little consensus on the precedent. This paper attempts to clarify the matter by revisiting the strategies and tactics employed during U.S. operations in Somalia through the lens of social movement theory. In exploring the watershed case of Somalia, we offer insight into the ways in which social movement theorizing in general, and specific depictions of state capacity and response evident within that tradition, can be used to illuminate the dynamics of international crises and attempts at their management. We contend that a critical factor contributing to the degeneration of the U.S. mission in Somalia were the attempts by American civil and military authorities to employ methods of social control typically associated with the response of the state to social upheaval within a domestic setting to a complex and unfamiliar external conflict. The results of our analysis suggest that the main legacy of Somalia for U.S. foreign policy is tactical, rather than strategic or ideological. We conclude that the failed application of traditional methods of state response to social disorder by an external agent acting as a surrogate for the state in Somalia has direct implications for current efforts by the U.S. toward that end in Afghanistan and Iraq. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pace at which greenhouse emissions are rising together with the strengthening scientific consensus that emissions must be dramatically reduced mean that the recently implemented Kyoto Protocol is already obsolete; the fulfillment of all Kyoto obligations will reduce global emissions only minimally. The U.S.--the world's biggest emitter--and future emissions giants including China and India must be brought into a substantial emissions-limitation regime within a very short time. Unless their legitimate needs for development are addressed, developing countries have little incentive to participate in such a regime. Climate-equity NGOs argue that global emissions trading on the basis of per capita (or per capita plus) allowances, which would give large numbers of saleable permits to the world's low-emission majority, could supply the incentive for developing-country participation and counter the U.S. argument about 'unfair favorable treatment' for developing countries under the Kyoto regime. Such a strategy would represent a dramatic departure from the 'grandfathered' Kyoto emissions allowances, which base reductions requirements on 1990 emissions and thus help to 'lock in' the position of developed countries. In this paper, I evaluate the potential of "climate equity" per capita and per capita plus regime proposals to attract developed and developing countries, and to achieve their stated goals of climate adequacy and equity in the present growth-oriented global political economy. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the applicability of the “gatekeeper theory” of human rights activism with respect to organizing for the promotion of the rights of lesbians, gay men and other sexual minorities. For the purposes of the immediate inquiry, analysis is limited to U.S.-based organizations. At first glance, it appears as if this stream of human rights activism presents a paradigmatic example of gatekeeping in action. After all, as this article explains, gay and lesbian activists strategically placed themselves inside the largest and most powerful mainstream U.S.-based human rights organizations, and a strong argument can be made that only after such gatekeepers as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch put gay and lesbian concerns on their agenda did recognition of gay and lesbian rights as human rights achieve any measure of international recognition. It was these gatekeepers who paved the way for other U.S.-based international human rights groups to incorporate LGBT issues into their work. But the gatekeepers had considerably less influence on domestic LGBT advocates, as the latter continues to resist framing their concerns in human rights terms. Ultimately then, the gatekeeper model fails to capture the dynamics of LGBT activism. This article considers why this is so. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]