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Under what conditions do states pursue revisionist militarization and expansion, and why do they do so at some junctures but not others? Understanding the spatial and temporal processes that undergird revisionism can offer interesting insights into the history and future of revisionism in international affairs. Revisionist states have come to play a growing role in IR theories and in policy debates regarding the prospects of a revisionist China and the threats from Iran and North Korea. Yet, to date, the processes that lead states to challenge global and regional power structures by military force--or to decline to do so--are not well-understood. This paper explores this issue in the context of Libya and its relationship with its neighbors, Israel, and the West during the 1960s and 70s. It maintains that structural-, domestic-, and individual-level theories provide poor explanations of revisionist emergence. Instead, it offers a two-level explanation of revisionism rooted in the interaction between two key variables: domestic crises and the nature of the international social environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do international organizations (IOs) influence states' conflict behavior in the absence of centralized enforcement? This study develops and tests an argument about how IO membership affects the enforcement problems states face in the aftermath of militarized conflict. It maintains that joint membership in IOs that explicitly promote peaceful settlement of disputes improves enforcement conditions by increasing the costs of revising the agreed terms of a cease-fire. However, precisely because these IOs make a cease-fire more durable, they can also encourage the disputants to stick to tougher bargaining positions during conflict, causing a delay in a cease-fire. A survival analysis that recognizes the interdependence between the durations of conflict and subsequent peace provides substantial support for the argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the personal is political, this message is perversely reversed by the militarization of womanhood, which portrays the political as personal, as feminine, and as an extension of the domestic. To date, much of the scholarship on women combatants, suicide bombers in particular, has unwittingly contributed to this process by delving into the depths of personal motivations at the expense of broader political processes. My argument about the militarization of womanhood thus seeks to advance these debates, and to add nuance to the existing theoretical framework that ties women's participation in violence to liberationist ideologies. Based on two atypical cases, Palestine and Tamil Eelam, where women are mobilized for violence within strong ethnic and nationalist contexts, the argument suggests that this is achieved through a political manoeuvre that militarizes hegemonic feminine traits, adding a weapon to the iconic images of motherhood and chastity. This manoeuver serves two complimentary purposes: it rationalizes women's participation in violence, making acceptable and arguably temporary the resulting shift in women's roles by domesticating it; and serving as a means for recruiting women for violence, perhaps by drawing on thwarted identities, but more strongly by creating the possibility of the feminine ideal in the midst of war. While this process seeks to depoliticize women's violence, the implications are decidedly political: by portraying women's participation in conflict as a continuation of existing feminine roles, it also seems to deny to them the political voice that might be expected as a result of their contribution, and to facilitate a return to domestic roles and the private sphere by that is promised by the image of the Woman Warrior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the contemporary world many non-state actors became beneficiaries of changing political and economic environment. Among them, which took the opportunity to strengthen their own ability to act on the transnational scale and expand the global activity, are the militarized non-state groups. In this paper, Lebanese Hezbollah serves as a model of such activity. Having popularity among the Lebanese-Shia diaspora throughout the world, Hezbollah is able to maintain effective transnational net of cooperation between the 'center' in Lebanon and 'cells' in many countries. Thus Hezbollah derives profits from smuggling drugs and people or money-laundering. Simultaneously, it has an opportunity to come closer with methods of international criminal activity. In this way militarized political groups and crime gangs bring together and challenge states' order of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to think through video/digital games as practices in the study of images and visuality in critical security studies. As visuality expresses how the vision is always culturally mediated (Hughes 2007), vision is indeed never innocent, and our sight is also always a site, because the things that appear visible to us are so because of visual technologies and perspectives that shape how we see and what we see. A video/digital game offers certain visualities that may remediate real visual practices and geographies (the city, a war theater, the city of Bagdad during the US military "surge" after the main combat operations of 2003, etc.), but one that will also differ significantly due to its own mediated space. How should one study the visuality of videogames, their space design, their geographies? Can we conceive of gaming without thinking about war, about militarization? What does the digital allow and preclude? Informed by games studies, critical geopolitics, critical security studies, and visual media studies, this paper inquires how one can study the peculiarities of video/digital gaming visuality that render war both mediatized as entertainment and visually spatialized as display screens (echoing surveillance practices and other targetting, policing and tracing technologies). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What initiates some militarized interstate disputes that contend over territorial claim salience? This research integrates territorial salience claims from the Issue of Correlates of War (ICOW) project to study the initiation of militarized interstate disputes. Previous research on territorial disputes and the escalation of militarized interstate disputes examined only the relative capabilities on the probability of conflict escalation. The theoretical explanation of this paper pertains to the balance of power and power preponderance theories. The balance of power theory states that equal capabilities of nations in international system sustain stability because no state is certain in their power to initiate war that can inflict a high-war cost. The power preponderance theory argues that inequality of capabilities among states preserves peace defined as absence of hostilities because a weak power state would be deterred from initiating war against a strong capability state when they have a low chance to achieve victory of war. To test these propositions, the unit of analysis includes all dyads contended over territorial claims in Western Hemisphere and Northern/Western Europe from 1816-2001. The simulated predicted probabilities show that territorial claims over moderate-high salient territories contended by dyads, in which either side has high-levels of absolute capabilities are less likely to initiate militarized interstate disputes than are pairs of states consisting of both sides that have comparably high-levels of absolute capabilities. Unequal relative capabilities pairs have a lower probability of militarized interstate disputes than do relatively equal capabilities pairs. The contiguity of states in dyads to the claimed territory also has a negative impact on the probability of militarized interstate disputes. Although joint democratic dyads did not receive acceptable statistically significant level, the coefficients are in the expected direction. Logit regression was employed to analyze a binary dependent variable - the initiation of militarized interstate disputes on territorial claims - for all dyads. Simulation of predicted probabilities on the quantity of interests was also computed to show the effects of explanatory variables on the dependent variable. Expected percentage correctly predicted (ePCP) was also computed to improve postestimation uncertainty following Herron's (1999) explanations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Development projects and initiatives have become integral to counterinsurgency strategies in Iraq and Afghanistan. Practices borne of necessity became established in military doctrine through the US Army and Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual (FM 3-24), also known as the Petraeus Doctrine. While US military forces have coordinated with non-military actors in previous conflicts, the "new" counterinsurgency strategy calls for the direct involvement of military personnel in work previously conducted by civilian governmental and nongovernmental organizations. This paper explores three questions associated with the militarization of development efforts as part of the counterinsurgency strategies in Iraq and Afghanistan: Do the development works called for by the Petraeus Doctrine result in effective counterinsurgency strategy? Do the militarized development initiatives produce sustainable development? And what are the impacts of these militarized development projects, which directly and indirectly target women, on the efforts to increase human security for women in Iraq and Afghanistan?. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The prevalence of rape in war has become a major theme in academic, advocacy and media coverage of contemporary armed conflict. But the centrality of wartime sexual violence to such accounts varies depending on the conflict in question, as do the particular ways in which it is characterised. This paper addresses arguments around the alleged role 'imperial feminism' in promoting contemporary interventions and wars. It first examines the ways in which feminist arguments, and particularly the focus on wartime sexual violence, have been implicated by critics as contributing to, rather than combating, militarism and dominance, especially in their contribution to a displacement of rape as a crime characteristic of certain racialised others. It then suggests a model of rhetoric (the monstrous masculine) around which to think through these arguments and elaborates on where and how it might operate within different feminist accounts of wartime sexual violence (namely arguments that focus on the logics of instrumentalism, unreason and mythology). Finally, it attempts a prelimiary account of how we might analyse or complicate this model through three snapshot pictures of the monstrous masculine (or its absence) in the cases of Darfur, the US Military, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper conducts a content analysis of the current National Security Knowledge textbook in Turkey, and compares the results to those in the literature - in order to determine whether the past problems with the textbook cited by previous research still persist in the new version, and if so, to what extent. Findings indicate that, despite the wide-ranging efforts within the ongoing process to adapt Turkey's political system to that of the EU, the textbooks still inculcate the inherent nationalist and militarist elements of the early Republican ideology, which, being a product of the interwar period (1918-1939), explicitly rejects supranational or universal values. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the role of grievance in civil war onset? Why, from an economic perspective, do individuals willingly and rationally accept rebel military organization employment? How are the cohesion factors binding rebels affected by a formalizing productive economy, and how do social androcentricism and an emerging productive economy interact to affect the opportunity costs of fighting versus working? Lastly, what are the roles of economic globalization and natural resource extraction on civil war onset? How, and under which conditions, can greater international economic integration by the least developed and the least economically opened countries help to overcome the so-called poverty-conflict trap?I explore factors affecting rebels' willingness to participate in military organization, defined as quasi-criminal in nature (Collier 2000), to more generally understand economic predictors of civil war onset. Specifically, I argue contexts with food access insecurity, as in transitioning political-economies, are undergoing a division of the public versus private spheres at multiple level, requiring greater sensitivity to operational rational logics and social factors affecting the calculus of individual costs and benefits. De novo changes in opportunities to secure masculinity usher in individualistic opportunity considerations. However, communities shifting from collective to individual rationality, yet enduring heightened vulnerability to exogenous shock to food security, differently weigh noncompensatory alternatives and perceived threats to local stability. Lastly, the so-called resource curse in such contexts cannot be understood apart from social patriarchal norms. Understanding the function of masculine bias in the decision to marry and farm, join the rebellion, or work in the productive economy elucidates those conditions where greater formalized domestic and international economic integration may be perceived as a threat, and therefore generate domestic political insecurity. The promise of development and peace foremost hinges on these countries' abilities to overcome masculinist bias, attain rule of law, and garner contract enforcement. Integrating women into the productive economy in lesser developed, resource endowed countries on egalitarian terms is a formidable obstacle - yet a necessary one to overcome - in order to attain peace in developing, food insecure contexts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the mechanisms by which returning refugees engage in violence in their country of origin? While it has long been recognized that refugees, while being in exile, may mobilize militarily, there has been little attention to the potential that return ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that methodology matters in the pursuit of peace or, put in other words, that how one pursues peace is important to the kinds of peace that might result. It follows the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom's (WILPF) policies on disarmament from 1945 to 1975. The WILPF's views about the causes of war, militarization, the arms buildup and their elimination went through two distinct phases: from an emphasis on legal and political agreements as first steps in making arms unnecessary, a focus on the abolition of WMD, and an optimistic view of nuclear energy for peaceful uses, to the articulation of a harsher economic critique of the war system. This critique emphasized that the arms buildup, together with nuclear energy use, were the cornerstones of an economic system based on profits, rather than needs. This paper argues that shifts in the international environment are not enough to understand how or why the WILPF formulated different ideas and policies about peace as related to disarmament issues in the 1970s. I show that the international environment favored the increased use of a feminist critical methodology, which led to the articulation of more far-reaching peace and disarmament arguments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political actors have assumed that economic sanctions hinder a nation's stability, though history and quantitative research have suggested otherwise. One explanation for this phenomenon is that any decline in economic growth is outweighed by the economic benefit of increased militarization. To investigate this explanation, the study adopts a defense-growth model and tests it with data from Iran for the period 1960 to 2001. Using a nonlinear model, the study tests for both a direct effect on economic growth and an indirect effect by influences upon investment, employment and exportation. By taking that direction, the study builds on previous research on the failure of economic sanctions and the defense-growth paradigm. Although economic sanctions limited the economic development of Iran, the direct and positive influence of the defense sector was large enough to outweigh the cost of sanctions while simultaneously stimulating the economy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I present a quantitative model to examine the cause of refugee camp militarization. Militarized refugee camps represent 15% of all refugee camps. Though 15% is not a large percentage, it is a large enough phenomenon to be concerned about du ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a historical, geopolitical ‘great game’ perspective, securing access to energy resources has meant militarization and belligerent policies among the great powers as they compete for control of resource rich, strategic real estate. Many scholars and ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will address issues relating to the seemingly unnecessary and even ‘artificial’ scholarly divide on the question of sex trafficking in the context of the scholarly debate â€" which includes the respective theories and practices - between the feminist abolitionists and their opponents, who might broadly be described as protagonists. Accordingly, it will be argued that the challenge, though substantial, is not, in many cases, insurmountable, notwithstanding the possibility that the ensuing dialogue might, initially at least, yield meagre outcomes. Upon them, the bases might be established for approaches and discourses which, though parallel, nevertheless overlap and communicate in convivial fashion even though they are hardly congruent. To this end, the further argument will be made that, within the study of non-traditional security issues in general, and the social ‘problem’ of sex work in particular, Political Sociology facilitates such an attempt by observing (what amounts to) a division of labour. Specifically, by examining the power relationships between social groups as well as the influence applied by public personalities and their impacts on politics, it contributes to Security Studies - a sub-discipline of International Relations - in a complimentary focus on the state and militarism in a manner which is reinforces the overtures of the Copenhagen School.This claim will be illustrated by a survey of the literature specifically related to sex trafficking in the specific context of field research on Thai women sex workers. The reason here is straightforward: the divide is formidable. Sex trafficking has become a political motivator; politicians have categorised the phenomenon alongside terrorism and regard it as one of the most heinous of transnational crimes. Exacerbating this is the fact that, among activists, researchers and policy makers there no consensus on the definition of [sex] trafficking let alone the scope of the problem. Any way forward, therefore, has to acknowledge not only powerful traditional security discourses, but also marginalised discourses which are, with some (but limited) success struggling to be heard and demanding they be treated as authentic. With due humility, the overall argument is that the Copenhagen School provides an intellectual/structural habitat for this project. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the intersection of militarization, gender(ed) violence and resistance in the gendered and militarized spaces in the Pacific Islands region. It explores how current cultural governance which emphasizes 'gender' (in this case generally meaning women) both creates spaces for resistance to violence and re-creates the militarized culture of violence in the region. In addressing these questions, the paper first looks at the concepts of cultural governance, militarism/militarization and gender(ed) violence in the context of the Pacific Islands region. It then introduces three brief case studies to offer diverse illustrations of how these concepts intersect. The first illustration offers an overview of the regional framework for addressing women's issues and gender(ed) violence, including the implementation of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, suggesting that cultural governance interferes with gender mainstreaming and other initiatives for women. The second will look at the Bougainville Crisis, a ten-year armed conflict between the Bougainville Revolutionary Army and the Papua New Guinea Defence Forces and Resistance Forces on Bougainville Island. Here the discussion focuses on women, particularly the roles they played in peace making. While this conflict occurred before the adoption of Resolution 1325, it is typical of the kind of conflict which that resolution hopes to address. The third case looks at a problem beyond the realm of Resolution 1325 - the situation of the removal of US troops to Guam from US bases on Okinawa. It shows how opposition to gender(ed) military violence by US soldiers in Okinawa led to solidarity between women in Okinawa and indigenous Chamorus in Guam. The paper concludes with the recognition that gender(ed) violence is both pervasive and elusive; its existence is acknowledged in some forms and spaces, but not in others. In order for resistance to be transformational and to eliminate gender(ed) violence, it must overcome cultural governance and address the intricate web of violence created by not only by militarism and militarization, but also by many efforts for de-militarization and peace. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the April 2007 ‘crisis’ in Turkey and its ‘democratic resolution’ from the perspective of a postcolonial critique. The April 2007 crisis came to be articulated primarily along three dimensions: the stability, legitimacy and trajectory of the state. First, the military command’s unsettling warning to the ruling party’s ‘Islamist’ presidential nomination and the initial rejection of the nomination by the Constitutional Court resulted in an institutional stalemate. Second, despite considerable internal diversity of opinion amongst the millions of Turks who took to the streets, the ‘movement’ seemed to reflect a choice between ‘anti-military and anti-fundamentalism’. This popular demand, however, was met with an institutional setting in which the military were the ‘anti-fundamentalists’ and the ‘fundamentalists’ were the anti-military. Finally, for some European Union members, this crisis cast new doubts about the desirability of Turkey’s eventual membership: Was the choice for the EU between a Turkey whose ‘secularism’ was backed up by military force or a Turkey ruled by the force of Islam? In response to the stalemate, the AKP (Justice and Development Party) set early elections for July 2007. On the one hand, this appears as the quintessential democratic resolution of a vexing problem. Yet, the supposed crisis assured in under the rubric of secularism vs. Islam is, we argue, merely symptomatic of a more general problem that traverses both Turkey’s domestic and international relations: the failure at varying levels to articulate a democratic imaginaire that resists the presumed unity and singularity of Turkish identity in state-civil relations ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ways in which non-combatant women embrace militarization as an extension of their religious beliefs. Taken from my ethnographic fieldwork in a Midwestern town between the years 2003-2006, my aim is to sharpen and deepen the politics of militarization studies by presenting a gendered approach to the militarization of conservative Protestant ideology that both initiated and sustained militarizing processes in the lives of civilian American women. In this highly militarized Midwestern context, I argue that the women whose experiences are found in the pages of this case study, embraced militarization through their conservative, religious understanding of gender roles. Thus, their interpretations of gender, morality and militarism were naturalized. Such gendered investigations of non-war zone analysis provide scholars with evidence to further grapple with the complex socio-political process of militarization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US-led invasion and occupation of Iraq coupled with the increased militarisation of international relations as part of the 'war on terror' has led to the development of a 'blood for oil' thesis that posits the centrality of oil and the economic interests of US oil corporations to American intervention in the Third World. This paper argues that this thesis, whilst correct in identifying the importance of energy to US intervention, is not sufficiently attentive to the dual nature of American resource interventions whereby the American state seeks not only to ensure US oil supplies but also to maintain sufficient oil supplies for the global economy as a whole. American intervention is thus driven by oil to a large extent, but in different ways to those commonly suggested by 'blood for oil' theorists. In contrast to this thesis I argue that recent energy security moves to diversify oil acquisition away from the Middle East towards new areas such as South America, the Caspian region and Africa continue to be subject to this dual logic. Moreover, counter-insurgency warfare is increasingly being deployed to insulate oil-rich states from internal pressures which is in turn having a profound effect on human rights, social justice and state formation in the global South. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been noted in the political science literature that small states and island states (many are both of course) are more likely to be democratic than larger states and non-island states. A parallel argument exists regarding militarization, namely that states with more neighbours defined as border countries (and thus, potentially, more hostile neighbours) are more likely to maintain large(r) armed forces. Of course, there is a linkage between these two arguments, in that militarization (size of armed forces per population) relates negatively to level of democracy. Finally, one can observe a contagion or neighbour effect in terms of political regimes, in that democracies tend to be surrounded by other democracies, and autocracies tend to be surrounded by other autocracies.This paper seeks to assess globally these various points by empirically testing the following relationships: (1) island states (those without neighbours) being more democratic (in terms of Freedom House scores) than all other states; (2) island states having smaller militaries (per 1000 population) than all other states; (3) the relationship between national level of democracy and the total number of neighbouring countries; (4) the relationship between national militarization and the total number of neighbouring countries; (5) the relationship between national level of democracy and the weighted level of democracy of neighbouring countries; (6) the relationship between national level of democracy and the weighted militarization of neighbouring countries; and (7) the relationship between national militarization and the weighted militarization of neighbouring countries. Neighbouring countries are weighted by the percentage share of a country’s total land borders â€" thus a more precise assessment of their contagion effects. For example, Slovakia’s border with Hungary is much longer than its border with Ukraine, so Hungary is assumed to be a more influential neighbour in terms of Slovakia’s levels of democracy and militarization. Finally, for the last three hypothesized relationships, key outliers will be noted and commented on. All of these relationships will be tested both with current data and with 1985 data, to see whether patterns were any different back in the Cold War era. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the post Cold War era and accelerating after 9/11, Canada adopted a more aggresive militaristic role in order to secure a more intimate and ultimately rewarding position beside the US as a subdominant player in the expanding New World Order - a states system Wood evocatively labels the Empire of Capital. In this paper, I theorize the more aggressive militaristic role of the Canadian state within this Empire of Capital. First, I examine geopolitical and economic rationales for the war in Afghanistan. Second, I examine ideologies of race, class, and gender undergirding the militarism of the empire. Third, I examine how the Bush and R2P doctrines instituionalize and legitimize empire. Finally, I examine the mythology that Canada is a peaceful state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data show that about 1.2 million children are trafficked worldwide each year. A significant percentage of those are young girls who become unpaid domestic servants, work in sweatshops and are forced into prostitution. It is well documented that “The Child Sex Trade” is largely ignored by the authorities in power. An estimated global value of human trafficking is estimated to be over 12 billion annually (UNICEF). The global increase in poverty and the introduction of the “free market” have been the most significant contributors to this besides other diversities â€" gender, region, politics, class, caste, etc. Most of the law enforcement agencies do not keep any record on the trafficking of human beings. The scale of transnational trafficking differs from nation to nation and within the nation from various regions. Young women become the victims of this trade due to extreme poverty, inequality and lack of access to resources. Among the victims it is the Indigenous women and low caste communities in India who become the vulnerable group for exploitation. The paper attempts to draw attention of the authorities, governance worldwide in respect of poverty, gender disparities, regional and transnational politics, militarization, and oppressive trade rules imposed on developing countries to deny equal rights and expansion of capabilities through institutionalized politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spaceships, cheesy dialogues, and Alien encounters. Phaser guns, ridiculous Scottish accents, and the phallic symbol helmet of a young Jedi knight turned to “the Dark Side”. What possible relevance could the visual media of Science Fiction and Space Fantasy have for real world political questions and guiding themes of International Relations in the 21st century? This paper addresses the question of relevance by providing a historical backdrop of the posited links between imaginative worlds of science fiction and real world geo-politics. Next, a media survey of popular “Sci-Fi” television from recent years (2004-2006) explores its intersections with themes central to this “Politics of Outer Space” panel (space militarization and privatization) and to the broader ISA “North-South Divides” conference (empire, identity, and civil society). ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we review the role gender 'as a variable' has played in international research. We review how the analytical category of gender has been operationalized in IR studies. Generally, operationalization of gender has been at multiple levels and has been measured as a characteristic of individuals and collectives. For example, studies that examine the hypothesis that 'women work for peace, and men wage war' have operationalized gender as both an analytical category at the individual level denoting biological sex as well as a characteristics of society indicating domestic gender equality. These categories have been used to predict foreign policy attitudes as well as state violence and militarism. How useful are these different categories and do they tell us anything about the phenomena we wish to explain (i.e the dependent variable) other than variation by gender categories? In this paper, we argue that past quantitative studies of gender have relied on essentialist arguments about sex differences. In order to take full advantage of gender as an analytical category in quantitative studies, we must consider the gendered nature of the dependent variable (e.g. the state and state action) as suggested by more interpretive methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the debates on ethnic and religious conflicts as a backdrop, this study empirically assesses the nature and degree of state militarization under conditions of ethnic, linguistic and religious diversity. We begin on the basis of two empirical findings. First, recent scholarship in economics finds that a high level of diversity leads to lower provision of public goods such as health, education, and infrastructure. Second, studies of civil war find that highly diverse societies face a lower risk of civil war despite the 'primordialist' claims about ancient hatreds, fear, and insecurity in such societies. We investigate whether there is a link between these two separate lines of research. Could it be that ethnic and other diversity prompts governments to militarize heavily in order to prevent armed conflict, which would then crowd out other spending on public goods not related to security? Using military expenditure to GDP, the share of military personnel in total labor force and arms imports to total imports as indicators of militarization, we find that higher levels of ethnic (and possibly linguistic) diversity predict lower levels of militarization, whereas religious diversity does not matter. The results are robust to several measures of ethnic, linguistic and religious diversity and polarization, testing method, the inclusion of several control variables, and a sample of developing countries. If high diversity renders civil war more unlikely, then it does not happen via a 'garrison state' effect. If diverse societies spend less on public goods, then this is not because spending on militarization crowds them out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the antimilitarism culture of Japan. It notes that the country is reluctant to translate its economy into military capabilities and to develop nuclear weapons despite its technological competence. It looks at the arguments by constructivist on the antimilitarism of Japan, which they claimed is a product of the experience of the World War II. It tackles the seeming erosion of Japanese antimilitarist culture indicated by its cooperation with the U.S. to develop a missile defense system.

Japan's Cold War politics of antimilitarism continue to operate in the post-Cold War era, and continue to affect important security policies such as the decision to develop and deploy surveillance satellites for military use. The central argument of this paper is part of a larger manuscript entitled, "The Politics of Antimilitarism: State Identity in Japan's Evolving Security Policies." The larger study examines how Japan's postwar state identity of domestic antimilitarism structured political debate and policy outcomes on arms exports and the use of outer space during the Cold War, as well as the post-Cold War security policy decisions to domestically develop and deploy surveillance satellites for use, in part, by the Japan Defense Agency and to work with the United States to develop and deploy a ballistic missile defense (BMD) system. Drafts of chapters addressing these latter issues are available upon request. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper "Old America: Threats to 21st Century Transatlanticism and World Order in U.S. Foreign Policy" prepared for the "2005 International Studies Association Annual Convention" in Honolulu, Hawaii. The key themes that emerged in the paper which show the widening gap between the U.S. and Europe include the defense spending gap and militarism versus pacifism. It suggests that the present trajectory of U.S. foreign policy under the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush has very little innovation.

This paper will consider alternative modes of balancing in the international system. Given the enormous lead that the United States currently enjoys in military affairs, internal military balancing is not a realistic option for any single country desiring to offset the hegemon’s power. Nevertheless, many other strategies are available to would-be challengers. A subtler strategy can be employed: the delegitimation of the adversary’s behavior. The use of a delegitimizing discourse avoids direct confrontation, while it undermines one of the sources of the adversary’s power. It does so by attracting potential allies who share certain affinities, and by facilitating defections from the target state?s camp. We investigate the use of delegitimation strategies in two widely different settings: Rome and the Holy Roman Empire, and Soviet-Egyptian relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the gendered effects of the three communalisms in South Asia: Islamic communalism in Pakistan, Hindu communalism in India, and Buddhist communalism in Sri Lanka? I first compare the political logics of communalism in each country. How is the political appropriation of religion used to mark boundaries, to map bodies and borders? I then examine how communalism requires and maintains militarization. I examine hegemonic discourses and representations within communalism as situated within the politics of secularism and the security relationships between the Pakistan, India, and Sri Lanka, paying particular attention to the politics of gender and power. What are the possibilities of coalitions by women across three countries in resistance to communalism, and does the resistance counter Western interpretations of South Asian communalism? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S. military alliances with Japan and South Korea have been the mainstay of US security interests and the region’s security balance for much of the second decade of the 20th century. On the one hand, U.S. hegemony kept forces of Japanese militarization at bay while on the other, it sustained military authoritarian rule of South Korea. In recent years, we are seeing a dramatic shift in alliance relations due to international, regional and domestic changes in the region. The paper addresses three aspects of these changes: 1) a new ‘requirement’ for Asian allies’ moral and rhetorical support of U.S. militarism, even if their own publics are opposed (e.g., US war in Afghanistan and Iraq); 2) reinvogoration of Japanese nationalism and militarization; 3) the growth of Korean nationalism and anti-militarism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of 9/11, the war on terror, and the accompanying upsurge in xenophobia in the United States, a recent study explored the social variables predicting prejudicial attitudes in social science students. Right-wing political affiliation, social dominance orientation, and nationalist and authoritarian views significantly predicted militarism and racism in the sample. Critical thinking skills and seeking alternate sources of news and information also served to mediate racist and xenophobic views. This presentation discusses implications for sustaining democracy in a time where flexing military muscle abroad and increasing security and surveillance at home are viewed, albeit uncritically, as patriotic and commonsensical. Distinctions among patriotism, nationalism, and fascism, and caution, vigilance, and paranoia are addressed, and the contradiction posed by pushes for militarism, marginalization of dissenting opinion, and increased security as efforts to save democracy here and abroad is presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper argues that globalization has come to a crossroads in terms of political structure. Terrorism and the war on terrorism have led to an increasing militarization of global politics. An ominous but very possible outcome of this scenario is the emergence of a global or semi-global empire imposing order militarily from above. The paper pleads in favor of an other alternative: an order negotiated among societies and peoples in the shape of a cosmopolitan confereracy anchored in democratic principles and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores the concept of security by drawing on empirical data from a study of gender, militarization and peacekeeping in Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Impact of peacekeeping missions on local communities; Categories of peacekeepers; Sexual relationships between peacekeepers and local women.

Contemporary Japan puzzles realists with its refusal to follow a national security policy commensurate with its increased global standing. Some analysts claim that Japan’s culture changed from militarism to pacifism. Outwardly pacifist, Japan has nonetheless steadily increased its military capabilities through large defense expenditures and ever-broadening interpretations of its Peace Constitution. Recently Japan has been enmeshed in several debates over its national security policy (particularly constitutional reform, Self-Defense Force responsibilities, and post-9/11 responses), the momentum of which challenges the claim that Japan’s pacifism is a permanent cultural change. I argue that rather than following a pacifistic course, Japan has instead followed a middle course between pacifism and the rearmament required of an ordinary nation. Recent debates exemplify the influence of cultural processes on national security policy. As a result of cultural processes, contemporary Japan follows neither pacifist nor realist security policy, but rather something more Japanese - a middle way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political inclusion of minorities has rarely been studied cross nationally and when it has it is most often used as an independent variable. Most often political inclusion is assumed as a component of democracy. This paper explores those factors that increase the probability of minimal political inclusion for minorities. We aggregate the treatment of Minorities at Risk to the state level and we examine the relationship between minimal political inclusion for Minorities at Risk and militarization of society, economic wealth, civilizations/culture, and institutionalized contestation controlling for the level of ethnic heterogeneity. We find that contestation and culture are important while economic wealth and the militarization of society are not significant. The international norm of democracy, while significant, does not have a large impact on the probability that a country will have minimal political inclusion for its minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The commercial institutional peace research program has provided empirical evidence that such institutions help reduce the incidence of militarized inter-state conflict. But it remains unclear how commercial institutions produce their observed pacific effect. We examine empirically three different arguments that might explain the commercial institutional peace. First, commercial institutions increase the economic opportunity costs of war for the state. Second, some commercial institutions provide information about other states’ military capabilities, which may make bargaining for peace more efficient. Third, many commercial institutions bring high-level state leaders together on a regular basis, building trust to overcome the commitment problem in international bargaining. Our statistical results show the greatest empirical support for the third explanation: commercial institutions with more organs for high-level state leaders demonstrate a substantively strong and statistically significant effect in reducing the outbreak of military conflict. We find some limited support for the second explanation, and no support at all for the first explanation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What makes some states more militarily powerful than others? A growing body of research suggests that certain “non-material” factors significantly affect a country’s ability to translate resources into fighting power. In particular, recent studies claim t ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When analysts think of a military organization behaving "politically," they usually focus on autocracies or partially democratic regimes and are interested in fundamental questions of regime change. Less appreciated are the variety of ways militaries a ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the role of differences in religion, and specific religions, in predicting militarized interstate disputes? While several studies have taken on Samuel Huntington's thesis on the 'clash of civilizations,' few have addressed the role of religious si ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two puzzling observations have triggered this study: the unsettled place of identity studies in foreign policy analysis and German foreign policy scholars’ apparent consensus in favor of embedded and uncontested German pacifism/anti-militarism as peculiar ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey is no exception to the world-wide dominance of the realist thinking on security. The substantial role of the military in politics and the ‘strong state tradition’ in the political culture has produced a remarkably statist and militarist security cu ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses gender and human rights theories to examine changes in U.S. Homeland Security policy including the increase of Customs and Border Protection agents assigned to the U.S.-Mexico border, formal and informal methods used to process border cros ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a tendency in the literature on the military to analyze/understand the armed forces within the context of ‘militarism’ or ‘militarization’ without directly confronting the question of the ‘raison d'être’ and the temporal/spatial aspect of the ins ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The identities and social constructs that underlay globalization are intimately linked with those that form the basis of militarization. In this paper I argue that utilizing a gender-based sociological institutionalist and world models perspective can hel ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore the extent to which Canada's 'whole of government' approach to peace operations in Afghanistan has resulted in the militarization of the development and diplomacy components. This paper will draw on securitization literature to argue that in combining the various parts of the mission that it was highly likely that the Canadian military would come to dominate all parts of the reconstruction effort. In making this argument particular attention will be paid to the role of the Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs), further empirical evidence will be pulled from an examination of where Canada's development monies have been spent in the country and whether they have been intended to directly complement the military operations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]