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The process of democratization in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union has led to a proliferation of political parties, many of which are historically seen in Western Europe and in other advanced democracies. While on the whole this is seen as a step in the right direction, some parties may have a destabilizing influence on the political system. This paper will focus on one family of parties, far right reactionary parties (FRRP), and what factors lead to their popularity or disfavor among the voting population. Theory indicates that factors regarding immigration, national security and the economy are integral pieces of the FRRP philosophy. If voters feel that there are problems associated with immigration, national security and the economy, FRRP should receive more votes. FRRP should lose votes if the voters feel that the above factors are not problematic. As the literature on FRRP in Eastern Europe is almost non-existant, this paper borrows heavily from work done on FRRP in Western Europe for its theory As the two regions are politically distinct, the theories from Western Europe may not apply to Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. The researcher treats this paper as a first step in formulating a theory of the reactionary right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This papers seeks to examine the role of external actors within the democratization efforts of post-Soviet eastern Europe.Much scholarship has focused on the domestic conditions which can breed democratic norms, however,little is discussed of the role of external actors wtihin democratic transitions. This is becoming an increasingly important question due to the growing interdependence between the consolidated democracies of Europe and North America and the emerging democracies of the former Soviet Union.This paper seeks to explore and analyze the role of the European Union within the democratizating states of eastern Europe.The EU has provided much in the way of technical and financial assistance, however,due to the implementation of competing and divergent policies with regards to democratic promotion this institution has fostered the emergence of 'two worlds' within eastern Europe.The EU has succesfully promoted democratic norms within states such as Poland and the Baltic republics,while stifling democratic promotion within states falling under the auspices of the European Neighbourhood Policy.Due to the institutional and domestic interests of EU member states,the EU can no longer serve as a tool democratic promotion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even after March 2006 presidential elections, Belarus remains the last dictatorship in Europe. When democratic opposition planned to launch a "color" revolution, its protest caused little commotion on the nation's political arena. Belarusian opposition failed to unleash public uprising, necessary to topple the government of A. Lukashenka and authoritarian regime still remains firmly entrenched in Minsk.This paper argues that at least two factors contribute to such lack of accomplishment on the part of Belarusian opposition. First, Belarus lacks an established civil society and its population suffers from a want of political knowledge and understanding. Such situation is resultant from the actions of authoritarian government, which limit the scope of liberal education and interfere in the activities of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The study examines this first factor within the contemporary framework of authoritarian rule in Belarus, which has lasted for eleven years (1996 - 2007). Second, Belarusian people are still experiencing a severe identity crisis. Belarusian nation remains the most "soviet" amongst all the former Soviet Union republics. Lack of nationalism and inability to create common identity further contribute to political apathy. The paper examines lack of nationalism from a historical perspective, bringing to light historical underpinnings of Belarus' identity crisis.Methodologies used in this study include literature review, content analysis, case studies, and comparative analysis. This study contributes to understanding of both, democratic transitions in general and obstacles, which hamper democratic development in the former Soviet nations. Additionally, it increases the amount of scholarship written on the political situation in Belarus and helps evaluate the scope of the issues at play. Finally, the study could be translated into concrete policy suggestions, which could potentially lead Belarusian people to embark upon the path of democratization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper suggests that previous literature has focused too narrowly on the institutional limitations to democratic responsiveness, to the neglect of the cultural-identity concerns raised in democratic theory. I provide and test a framework for conceptualizing identity, and noting its determinants, which takes into account a variety of factors previously addressed in the literature on EU support. Eurobarometer survey data is utilized in a multi-level model, allowing for the simultaneous consideration of both individual-level and state-level theories of identity formation. Identity development is found to be primarily influenced by diffuse elements of policy support and latent socialization mechanisms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is an empirical examination of the diffusion hypothesis in Central and Eastern Europe. The influence of international media is analyzed at the micro-level during democratization. The findings suggest an alternative to the diffusion hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the highly influential ‘The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism’ of Gosta Esping Anderson (1990) most of the scholarly discussion of comparative social policies has been held within this consecrated framework of liberal, corporatist/Christian democratic and social democratic welfare systems. .x000d.Outside of the Western world little- if any- work on the relationship between government partisanship and the structure of social policy has been done. Part of the purpose of this paper is to fill this gap with a study of the systems of social redistribution in the former Communist countries. The paper will test the relationship between government partisanship and the structure of social spending in twelve new democracies from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). .x000d.Two alternative explanations for the final structures of social expenditure in these twelve countries will also be considered. The first alternative is developed within the ‘path dependency’ framework and looks at how the Communist regimes as well as the initial social needs after democratization shaped the structure of social spending. The second alternative looks at how the need to meet the requirements for EU accession shaped the social policies in the candidate countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to add an international dimension to the more recent accounts of state-building in East Central Europe. A detailed analysis of the reconstruction of state structures during the post-socialist period reveals that international influence and expertise were often essential in dealing with the political, economic and security pressures associated with the simultaneous democratic and economic transition. However, I find that the expectations and conditions that accompanied international aid dramatically affected core functions of the state including: the redistribution of wealth, the development and enforcement of new legal codes, and defense/military apparatus. Using data on government spending, public statements by leading officials and policy directives from various international actors, I illustrate how international pressures can both undermine and enhance the shape and capacities of state institutions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The linkage model of external democratization contends that strong ties of transition countries to estab-lished democracies decisively foster political transformation. Yet, the model has only been tested at the aggregate level of states and on transition countries already moving ahead with democracy. This paper takes a different perspective by examining whether linkage to 'the West' may also transfer democratic rules and practices into Arab authoritarian regimes hitherto reluctant toward political liberalization. It will be examined whether social and communication ties to democracies can create important domestic stakeholders for democratic change by transforming state officials into democrats within a non-democratic polity. In order to directly examine attitude change rather than infer it from behaviour, an original scale is developed. Empirically, the argument is tested on Morocco's linkage to Europe using data from an original survey among state officials employed in different ministries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 1995, European Union (EU) issued the White Paper “Preparation of the Associated Countries of the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) for the Integration into the Internal Market of the Union”, stating that the main challenge facing the associated countries lied in adapting their administrative machinery to the conditions necessary to make the legislation work (para 3.25). In December 1995 the future challenge became the “consolidated administration” accession criterion. Bridging the gap the literature on Europenisation generated by not deepening the study of EU provisions for public administration reform, I offer a possible, democratic reading of the “consolidated administration” criterion as presented by EU to Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia and Romania during 1998-2006. My assumption is that EU nurtured the democratization of the organization and functioning of CEE public administrations by means of its “consolidated administration” criterion. My argument draws from Dahl’s democratization theory and makes use of the analysis of both strategic domestic documents of the countries in question and the Progress Reports designed by the European Commission during the fifth enlargement process. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the question of how ordinary people understand democracy. Do contemporary publics display a reasonable understanding of the meaning of democracy, and what are the contents of their definitions? Do people focus on the procedural aspects of democracy-elections, democratic institutions, and processes-which are the main focus of democratization efforts. Alternatively, do they see democracy in economic or social welfare terms? We draw on a wide range of public opinion surveys that have recently been conducted to explore these questions in Africa, Asia, Europe, and Latin America. Our research yields two generalizations about popular conceptions of democracy. First, most citizens of new democracies are cognitively capable of imputing meaning to democracy in their own words. Second, and most important, most of those cognitively capable citizens think of democracy in terms of the freedoms, liberties and rights that it conveys, rather than procedural and institutional conceptions of liberal democracy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first free elections after the fall of an authoritarian regime are central to the success and speed of the democratic transition and consolidation. Electoral systems play a crucial role in determining the outcome of elections, and that is why the initial choice of electoral law is central to the transition process. However, research on electoral systems tends to focus more on their effects on political outcomes, rather than on how and why these systems were created in the first place.The electoral systems and other constitutional arrangements in most countries in Eastern Europe after the fall of the communist regimes were created in a bargaining game between the former communists and opposition groups through the extra-constitutional Roundtable talks. By focusing on the bargaining process of the design of electoral systems, I attempt to answer the question why some electoral laws remained stable over time withlittle or no modification (i.e. Hungary) while others underwent major changes or even complete overhaul (i.e. Poland).To answer this question, this paper puts forward a game theoretic model of the bargaining process between elite agents on electoral system design, and then empirically tests the model on four Eastern European countries(Bulgaria, former Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Hungary) evaluating the stability of their electoral systems over time. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the downfall of communism in Europe, new leaders and the citizens within the region had high expectations that democracy would take origin quickly and grow rapidly. The Western way democracy has become broadly viewed as a universal value. Democratization became one of the main value of Europeanization and accordingly a principle of conditionality for the membership in the European Union. However, the reality proved not to be that easy and various countries had to take different routes to change. I argue that while some states, like Poland, have already attained relative success in their democratization process, others, like Ukraine; need more time to achieve a positive outcome. .x000d.First, I conceptualize ‘third-wave’ democracy and provide a critical review of this theory; second, I illustrate the transition process and democratization of Poland and Ukraine, I illustrate different points of departure that these countries had after the end of the Cold War and describe their political systems and leadership styles during the transition process; third, I present evidence to prove my argument by analyzing their current political and economic situation; conclusion summarizes findings. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The third wave of democracy is now in its fourth decade and while numerous studies have been conducted on Southern Europe, Latin America, Eastern Europe, and even Africa, Asia has been consistently marginalized in the literature. Asia as a region has many democratic experiences that are empirically rich with vibrant transitions, mass participation, military coups, reversals, and many other factors that make Asia important to the study of democratization. This study attempts to place Asia in the mainstream participation literature by testing the resource theory of political participation, characterized by a positive correlation between turnout and socioeconomic status, utilizing individual level data from the 2003, 2004, and 2005 Asian Barometers across several democracies in Asia. I use linear regression to test several hypotheses derived from this theory. The results have important implications for the state of Asian democracies and the success of third wave transitions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I empirically evaluate the divergent democratization trajectories of China and post-Socialist Europe and Russia since 1989 to identify how different stages of democratic evolution influences the effectiveness of privatization on development. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study considers institutional and economic performance variables in explaining the significant variance of electoral volatility in the newly democratizing region of Eastern and Central Europe. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]