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The trajectory of the Chinese nuclear program over the last decades of the twentieth century presents a puzzle that nuclear deterrence theory is ill-equipped to explain: Despite a strong commitment to a deterrent strategy and ample economic and technical abilities to build the necessary forces, China allowed its nuclear program to stagnate dangerously â€" perhaps beyond the point of second-strike survivability with respect to the major nuclear arsenals of the world. To explain the pattern of Chinese nuclear development, a richer understanding of the context â€" both domestic and international â€" is necessary, including improved (though still tense) superpower relationships, a shifted focus toward economic growth (for its own sake and as a source of power), and a reduced voice of military actors in policy-making. While not changing the fundamental implications of deterrence models, this context reduced the willingness of the Chinese leadership to make trade-offs when pursuit of nuclear modernization would have compromised objectives in other arenas. This paper suggests that deterrence theory must be broadened to incorporate a wider range of factors, both to reflect the decision-making process and to accurately predict outcomes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper was conceived within the policy context of declining US efficacy and rising Chinese influence in Sub-Saharan Africa at large. China’s interests in Africa and in Sudan are of increasing importance to analysts, human rights advocates and policymakers. While much work is being done in the policy community to assess China’s economic and geopolitical intentions in Africa, it is of equal importance to assess the already-emerging political and humanitarian impacts its economic activities. The goal of this paper is to explore those impacts in Sudan within the scholarly framework of the “veil of anarchy” that, as I will show, is currently being employed in that state with the aid of Chinese investment. The goals of this paper are twofold. I intend outline a theoretical basis for understanding how the costs of state-led anarchy to the regime in power can be met through foreign inputs â€" financial, infrastructural, and diplomatic â€" thus making the normally risky strategy of the ‘veil of anarchy’ more attractive and sustainable to elites. I will then examine the case of Sudan to determine how this theory can be usefully applied to those elites’ manipulation of force and access to foreign resources via investment from China. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the status of Chinese lawyers in political context. During Cultural Revolution, all the legal personnel were removed. Until reform and opening began, they couldn't be rehabilitated. Since then, marketization, privatization, and globalization has rapidly increased the demand of legal profession in China. On the other hand, deeping globalization after China's admission to WTO will expose Chinese lawyers to dog-eat-dog world legal market. They have no choice but to make themselves more cohesive and competitive, e.g. in form of huge law firms. With political leaders' emphases on the rule of law, lawyers become more necessary for daily life and business in China. Meanwhile, we can lately see lawyers' names more often in the news regarding Chinese popular protests against corruption or suppression. On balance, lawyers become more and more important actors in Chinese society..x000d.Especially with the reduction in the power of technocrats, new actors will appear in Chinese politics. This paper examines if lawyers can become significant actors in Chinese politics by analyzing PRC Lawyers Law amended in 2007, the scope and method of lawyers' political participation, and the types of law firms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the experiences of economic reforms in China and India. It argues that the developmental state model has more strengths than neoclassical economics in explaining the divergent economic performances of China and India during their economic reforms. The paper emphasizes the critical role played by the state and institutional contexts during China's and India's economic reforms. The analyses provide a serious critique on the one-dimensional logic of neoclassical development, but suggest that China's and India's pro-market policies during economic reforms were selectively formulated and implemented under some specific political and institutional preconditions. It seeks to explain China's rapid economic modernization and India's gradualism with the emphasis on their different institutional contexts, in particular, the changes of party politics, the evolving central-local relations, and bureaucratic and administrative efficiency etc. It argues that the superior economic performance of the Chinese economy is to a large extent the consequence of the strategic governmental interventions for certain systemic developmental objectives at three stages of economic reforms, and the formulation of and implementation of economic policies have been facilitated by special political bases and institutional arrangements such as its party system, the evolving central-local relations, and the bureaucratic and administrative efficiency etc. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the organization of Chinese nationalist movements in 2008. I focus on online facilitation of offline activism for Chinese nationalists. The paper articulates the framing, organizing, financing, recruiting as well as reconfirming effect of cyberspace on social movement. First, the Internet plays a remarkable role in mobilizing collective action across boarders. The BBS forums broadcasts protest appeals and boycotting actions, provides follow-ups and feedbacks, and financially supports upcoming protests. Second, Cyberspace has recruiting effect among the politically inactive population, having engaged a large number of female Chinese. Finally, high technology diffuses nationalist emotions at a global base. The imagined “patriotic community” reconsolidates the nationalist identity in the overseas Chinese community. The data was collected through web-based surveys and content analysis of postings. The research enriches academic understanding of how virtual communities transform public opinion into a new form of globalized cultural trend for a cross-sectional ethnic community. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on the risk of conflict between the US and China is incomplete in a major aspect: Few studies pay sufficient attention to how a war could occur between these states. Available analyses propose speculative scenarios for a Sino-American war without grounding their arguments in historical evidence. This state of scholarship is problematic, since understanding the mechanisms through which China's rise could lead to war with the US is essential to estimating the risk of war and uncovering the conditions that would prompt a conflict. And a major obstacle to discovering the pathways for war is the absence of research on America's past interactions with rising powers. This paper aims to overcome these shortcomings by providing a systematic historical scrutiny. We investigate how the US came to fight wars with ascending powers in the past. The examined cases include American wars with Imperial Germany (1917-19), Nazi Germany (1941-45), and Imperial Japan (1941-45). Also analyzed is how the US avoided a fight with the ascendant Soviet Union (1946-62). This paper, however, goes beyond a mere historical survey: We apply relevant historical findings to exploring probable pathways for a future conflict between China and the US. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power Transition Theory postulates that peaceful transitions in the international order are a function of degrees of satisfaction. This paper assesses the likelihood of US-Sino conflict through an assessment of China’s satisfaction with the current international order. It explores first the political-military order, particularly the global balance of power, American military bases and influence in Asia, and China’s diplomatic position in Asia and the world. It also explores China’s satisfaction with the current economic order. While China has done extremely well under this system, experiencing rapid economic growth over close to three decades, its position in the latest Doha Round of trade talks brings its satisfaction into question. In addition to assessing convergence on security and economic satisfaction, this paper traces the rudiments of cultural satisfaction, assessing the degree that China and the US may share common cultural expectations of the coming world order. Exploring all these questions will provide insight on whether China will wish to dramatically change the world order in ways that are inimical to US interests. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In People’s Republic of China (hereafter China), many mega-sized plans and projects with significant impacts on the environment are launched in the “black box” of a government controlled by the Communist Party. The public has almost no access to get involved in the environmental decision making process. However, this situation has markedly changed over the past 10 years with the accelerating development of democracy in China. The public is now playing an increasingly important role in environmental policymaking. This paper examines the development of public participation in environmental projects in China, using a case study methodology. It is based on a comprehensive analysis of three highly significant cases in which concerned citizens involved themselves in an effort to shape decisions for major public works projects. The analysis bases itself on a review of public documents, news sources, and blogs maintained by leading actors in the public participation movement in China. The paper develops a description of characteristics that support public involvement in governance in China. It also identifies existing problems in public participation and explores options for enhanced participation within the Chinese context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2007, the Chinese government adopted a law granting individuals the right to control their property. This is a major change in Chinese law as land had formerly been considered the property of the state. The law was an attempt to increase the market oreintation of the economy. However, increased individual control of land has come into conflict with government efforts to speed commercial development through the power of eminent domain. This paper tells the story of one such conflict in Hubei Province, where a property owner sued the government when it tried to deprive him of his land rights, in order to make way for development. The surprise in this case comes not only from the access the individual had to the courts, but from the more remarkable fact that, when the land owner won his case, the government has respected complied with the court's decision. The point of the paper is to explore the democratic potential of judicial support for rights in the "new China." Comparison will also be made to the use of courts to resist eminent domain in the US and other democracies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s hosting of Olympic Games has caused great controversy. Facing criticisms and pressure from international community, Chinese government must defend China’s national interests on the one hand and demonstrate its respect for human rights and democracy, its commitment to the improvement of human rights conditions and the promotion of democracy, and its responsiveness to international public opinions on the other hand. Chinese government assigns different priorities to different national interests and adopts different foreign policies accordingly. This paper is aimed to explore the foreign policies taken by Chinese government toward issues of different importance. Yet Chinese government is by no means the sole actor on the arena. Driven by patriotic enthusiasm, Chinese people not only exert great pressure on Chinese government to make it take hard-line foreign policies, but also take action to defend China’s national interests themselves. Consequently, Chinese government must react to domestic demands when making foreign policies. This paper is also designed to investigate the interaction between Chinese government and Chinese people in “Olympic Diplomacy”. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's export sector has often been criticized for its exclusive reliance on cheap and low-skilled labor. Over the past decade, however, the country's major export zones have launched important export upgrading programs that promote branding and technological innovation through government-organized competitions. Despite similarities in resource endowments, the outcomes of the upgrading effort differed substantially. While exporters in some localities are still locked in price wars based on razor-thin margins of profits, those in other localities have begun to move up the value chain with branding and product design. Based on a comparative study of three localities in coastal China, the paper finds that the variation of local export upgrading capacity stems from the interplay of two sets of local institutions: institutions that govern local export activities (including inter-producer and producer buyer relations) and institutions that define government-business relations through the upgrading programs. By examining how the interaction of the two shaped the strategies of local officials, enterprises, and foreign buyers, the paper draws attention to the importance of compatibility between micro and macro institutions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper seeks to examine the importance of the 2008 Olympic Games in regards to China's foreign policy options and subsequent future behavior, with particular emphasis placed on the Taiwan issue. The primary question addressed by this paper is whether or not China will use the 2008 Olympic Games as a means of demonstrating a responsible power identity. This paper asserts three hypotheses. First, China could forgo any gains to be made by hosting the Olympic Games and take defensive-oriented action against Taiwan as a means of protecting important national interests. Second, China could use the games as a propaganda tool and take offensive-action against Taiwan as a means of pursuing an expansionist agenda. Lastly, China could choose to take no action and use the Games to demonstrate a responsible power identity. These hypotheses are tested through three historical case studies: the Soviet Union's 1979 invasion of Afghanistan and the 1980 Moscow Games; the 1936 Berlin Games and the aggressive German expansion that began shortly thereafter; and the 1964 Tokyo Games and the 1988 Seoul Games in that both Japan and South Korea used the Games to build identities. This paper finds that although the third hypothesis is most preferable, certain factors might push China towards selecting an option closer to hypothesis one. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the question "what are the similarities and differences between U.S. trade frictions with China, Japan, and South Korea that account for different U.S. retaliation patterns?" This paper develops six independent variables and their relative measurements from U.S.-Japan and U.S.-South Korea cases and the literature, and examines their impact on U.S. retaliation to China. Our results indicate that four out of six independent variables have decreased the probability of U.S. retaliation since 2001. Furthermore, the U.S. has lost the necessary political, economic, and military leverage to retaliate to China, although it has had two of the three "motivations" to do so. This paper suggests that U.S. leverage over China has deteriorated for two major reasons: (1) U.S.' "illusion" of the latter party's ability/willingness for cooperation and of its own capabilities to retaliate; and (2) China's accumulation of relative gains at an unprecedented rate after 2001. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to show how china fails to impose demand- management policy. According to many official paper, Beijing's goal to energy policy shift from sufficient oil supply to energy conservation reducing the energy intensity. The Chinese government has set an ambitious target to reducing China's energy intensity by 20%. It is politically difficult, however, to moderate demand because the state does not have the coordination capability to impose costs on sectors and other bureaucratic parts. There are two cases as examples. One is a failure of establish a new Ministry of Energy and the other is that of levying fuel tax. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last two decades of the twentieth century, interactions among Taiwan, Hong Kong, and mainland China have undergone extensive change, moving from intensified confrontation to closer economic exchange. After Taipei legalized travel to the mainland in November 1987, new economic opportunities were opened up to both sides of the Strait. This change aroused plenty of discussions, with the main discussion centered around the possibility of an economically integrated Greater China . The great volume of trade across the strait and the huge amount of investments on the mainland by Taiwanese entrepreneurs have created a dense economic relationship that is potentially beneficial to further integration. In view of this, many scholars and political elites in the region have expressed their optimistism on the formation of Greater China through many of their discourses. The usages of terms such as “Greater China,” “Chinese Economic Area,” “Common Chinese Market,” or “South China Economic Sphere” all reflect these scholars’ eager expectation. However, the concerns for each side’s security, sovereignty, and domestic politics hinder such development, and the expected spillover from economic corporation into a higher level of integration has not yet appeared. In this paper, I would try to answer why the economic integration is unlikely in Greater China. And I would like to argue that the current economic interaction and given cultural similarity cannot lead to economic integration in the absence of political understanding. On the surface, comparative advantages come from complementary economic development on both sides of the Strait , geographic proximity (reducing transportation costs) and cultural affinity (reducing transaction costs in investment and technology transfer). However, fundamental sovereignty and identity differences remain. In the first part of this paper, I would like to apply Keohane and Nye’s framework, interdependence, to argue that the growing trade and investment volume flowing across the Strait does not imply interdependence. Since interdependence is a necessary antecedent to economic integration, integration is unlikely without any interdependence. Even if the ongoing trend can lead us to cross the threshold of interdependence, the political concerns are still able to undermine further institutionalization. In the second part of this paper, I would like to focus on the concept of cultural affinity which is supposed to be a plus for integration. However, given current political considerations, what we have are perceived hostility and alienated identification, and these factors reverse the plus to a minus for integration. In the third part, I would like to emphasize contested sovereignty, identity, and security tensions which can be seen as the prerequisites for the progress of economic integration. According to Joanne Gowa, security matters, however, enlightened by David Laitin’s study on leadership, I argue that the government/leader’s political concerns towards sovereignty and identity can play the most important role in hindering the progress of negotiation, furthermore, the future process of integration. I would like to conclude that since the political issue, especially sovereignty and identity issues, is not settled yet, it is too optimistic to expect the spillover effect that brings the current thriving economic interaction into a more institutionalized economic integration in the Greater China region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to answer the question of whether the introduction of market mechanisms in the media changes the nature of state-society relations in single party authoritarian countries. For example, why has commercialization of the media in China resulted in a partial liberalization of political control, whereas privatization of the media in Malaysia coincided with a tightening of political control? This cross-national study compares the variation in media structures in China, Malaysia, and Mexico in order to assess the types of institutional reforms that result in greater liberalization of the media. In particular, it analyzes the market pressures media firms face in the financing of its operations. This second independent variable focuses on the methods of political control, which are carried out through both formal regulations and informal norms. By looking at both the market logic of media firms and the nature of state regulation, this study thus seeks to illuminate the key causal factors that control the plurality of perspectives in the media in these countries. The paper concludes with a discussion of the findings broader implications for civil society and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese economy has witnessed significant liberalization and drastic change since 1978. But the economic reform process is strongly influenced by the legacy of the planned economy that employed a centralized administrative system. The author uses the case of Chinese telecommunications reform to study the change of governmental role, the introduction of competition in public-service sectors, and the influence of interest groups in the reform process. The telecommunications industry in China has experienced unprecedented growth since the 1990s. By June 2002, China had surpassed the United States and become the number one in the world in the numbers of both fixed-line and mobile phone subscribers. Behind this progress is the far-reaching reform of the Chinese telecommunications administrative system and market restructure. Being an element in the national economy and political system, telecommunications reform reflects the marketization process of China in the past two decades. More importantly, telecommunications reform has become a model for ongoing or forthcoming reforms in other public and monopolistic industries, such as electric power, petrochemical, civil aviation and railroad systems. In this paper, the author elucidates the evolution of Chinese telecommunications reform from the perspectives of market restructure and regulatory reform. The paper leads to conclusions on the success and limitations of China’s telecommunications reform, on why progress has been achieved in such a specific manner, and on the prospects of further reform in monopolistic sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Villagers’ Committee elections in Chinese rural areas highlight the promise as well as the challenge of democratization in a one-party state. Why are there huge regional variations in terms of voter turnout rate? Drawing on the vast literature of voter turnout, we develop a number of hypotheses in this paper. Data from a large survey conducted in 2005 have confirmed some (but not all) of them. Like voters in other countries, Chinese villagers are rational players and motivated by individual interests. More importantly, social organizations and electoral institutions have exhibited positive influence in voter mobilization. These empirical findings reveal important dynamics in China’s village democracy. They also imply some major challenges facing China’s rural democracy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the case of same-sex marriage in China, a hypothetical but not improbable proposition, this paper explores two fundamental questions: What might motivate a non-democratic state to promulgate a progressive human rights policy? And more importantly, when a non-democratic state adopts such policies, what might the impact be on civil society at large? I argue that same sex marriage legislation, like other human rights issues, could be used strategically to improve China’s human rights reputation. I further suggest that studies on the strategic use of human rights norms, in focusing attention on the impacts upon the norm itself have overlooked the effect on domestic civil society; in promulgating a same-sex marriage policy the government might also, unintentionally, eliminate an issue around which Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Trans-gender/-sexual (LGBT) groups might coalesce issuing a blow to one sector of China’s fledgeling civil society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study compares ethnic identity and nationalism among China’s ethnic groups, including Uyghurs, Tibetans, Mongolians, Huis, Kazaks and the Han majority. Following a discussion of ethnic policies under the Qing Empire, the Republic of China, and the People’s Republic of China, the paper explores the extent to which ethnic minorities are sinicized and the meaning of being Chinese. It uses survey data and examines ethnic and national identities in four aspects, language identity, religious practice, inter-ethnic marriage, and the survey respondents’ overall feeling of ethnic and Chinese identities as compared to the U.S. and Russia. The findings show a high level of ethnic identity as well as a high level of national identity among China’s minorities. It concludes that ethnic relations in China are based on a pact between the government and the ethnic minorities, which requires the government to grant ethnic separation and autonomy if the minorities agree to show their loyalty to the Chinese nation state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will highlight major features of the Chinese political system and elaborate a China’s model of democracy. In a world where democracy has been regarded as a universal value, the political legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has been a suspect. There have been calls for democratizing the Chinese political system, implicitly after the fashion of Western democracies, in particular the American model. Few scholars have questioned the desirability of building a democracy in China, yet it is far from being clear what the Chinese model of democracy should be. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tests three democratic peace theory hypotheses for East Asian political cooperation and a fourth commercial exchange hypothesis. H1 suggests that like regimes will have excellent bilateral relations, H2 suggests that unlike regimes will have poor bilateral relations, and H3 draws on Edward Mansfield and Jack Snyder to say that democracies will have poor bilateral relations with nondemocracies. Finally, H4 suggests that there is a positive correlation between two regimes' economic ties and their bilateral relations. A robust test of the respective hypotheses (using a pool of nineteen bi-national East Asian dyads that includes China, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan) provides the most durable support for H4. Economic linkages are defined via a mathematical formula that incorporates the volume of cross-national trade and the base 10 logarithm of each regime’s GDP. Political contestation is defined via a score that incorporates Polity IV data and a measure of Internet openness from the OpenNet Initiative. This test finds H4 is the most convincing explanation for the variation in bilateral relations among the dyads; in addition, the relationship is considerably more robust when the China-Taiwan dyad is excluded. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a group-based analysis of Chinese public opinion towards policy legitimacy. I address how people's collective memories of economic development between the hometown and the rival city cause conflicting feelings towards the rival group and the central authorities. I focus on the data collected from web surveys and content analysis, for the cases of Tianjin vs. Beijing and Chengdu vs. Chongqing. I argue that the public remains complicated feelings in accordance with their judgment of relative economic status across rival cities during the recent history. I name this as “memory effect hypothesis.” People's city identity is hereby consolidated through social narratives and historical memories of the economic vicissitudes. Due to social comparisons, the relatively disadvantaged groups maintain a strong feeling of relative deprivation. The sense of deprivation is aggravated when people believe their disadvantage is caused by policy injustice from the central government. The constructed city identity becomes a significant predictor of people's positions towards the legitimacy of the administrative hierarchy and government policies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines policy changes in hydropower generation in China and the U.S. following shocks to the policy systems in each nation. We argue that the extent to which changes are broad and permanent depends on the post-disturbance behavior of the public, interest groups, and the media. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to show that there is stronger correlation between the level of economic development, rather than propensity of government, and openness of foreign policy. It has been known that a general rule of nations’ reaction in terms of foreign relations is difficult to materialize due to contextual particularities of each society. However, it is crucial to examine the society as a body of diverse interests and modes of projecting such interests that leads to the formation of particular foreign policies. Specific interests will be noted along with coinciding interests shared by the losers of the economic reform and the level of openness within a given society. Level of economic reform and democracyâ€"independent variableâ€"and the openness of foreign policyâ€"dependent variableâ€"or willingness to cooperate and dependency towards transnational institutions will be examined. This, as a result, will show that the level of economic development and the concomitant national pride promotes cooperation among nations, thus enabling the formation of regional communities. Some aspects of NATO will be noted in to draw positive conclusions about the prospects of security community formation within North East Asia. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postmodernist films in post-Tiananmen China, corresponded for Deleuze's micro political philosophy to the aesthetics of politics in the independent frameworks..x000d..x000d.Both graduated from Beijing Film Academy, Lou Ye and Wang Chao were considered as the Sixth Generation of Chinese film makers. This paper will try to examine Wang Chao's "The Orphan Of Anyang", Lou Ye's "Suzhou River", the two films which were composed around the year 2000 and recognized in Europe through international film festivals..x000d..x000d.The theories of Deleuze, Foucault and Andre Bazin will be studied with the Mise-en-scene film analysis as a method. It will do so within the wider context of debates around the theme of the Sixth-Generation Chinese film, politics of aesthetics and the cultural memory in the present. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On March 22, 2008, Taiwan elected a new President hence not only its domestic politics but also its relations with China have entered into a new phase. Taiwan's new President Ma Ying-jeou suggested and proposed a series of political standing points and views which are quite different with those of former President Chen Shui-bian. Compared with Chen, Ma expresses more open views on many issues, particularly on his cross-strait policy. For instance, he re-started the cross-strait negotiations which had been stopped for several years under the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and Chen Shui-bian's rule. Taiwan therefore signed many historical agreements with China. Ma Ying-jeou suggests having more controllable and stable cross-strait relations under the insistence of Taiwan's sovereignty. However, although the cross-strait relations seem to progress towards a more positive direction, there are still some points that need to be clarified and investigated. The most outstanding point is China's attitudes to Taiwan; that is to say, China apparently separates political issues from economic ones. Therefore, this paper attempts to investigate cross-strait relations by means of examining their contacts and exchanges on trade, governmental, social and security issues. That is, the author wants to examine whether Ma's policies have changed the cross-strait relations and the prospects of cross-strait relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mutual help, a concept consisting of giving help and seeking help, is considered one of the most important aspects of social capital which contributes significantly to controlling social problems such as poverty, unemployment, crime and delinquency, and others. This paper explores and describes the culture of helping, seeking help and mutual help in Hong Kong and Shanghai which are two major cities of China. Initial findings showed that Hong Kong citizens scored alarmingly low on the indexes of helping, seeking help and mutual help. In Shanghai, it is observed that the situation is similar, but for different reasons. To build a community with mutual care and mutual help, individuals, professionals and the government have important roles to play. It was proposed that polices in building social capital, developing social enterprises, encouraging tripartite partnerships among the business, government and the community should be reviewed; the school curriculum may include the promotion of mutual help; more resources should be allocated for the development of existing and new mutual help groups; and public education on helping, seeking help and mutual through the mass media should be implemented. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Montesquieu observed in 1752 that "Peace is the natural effect of trade. Two nations who differ with each other become reciprocally dependent; for if one has an interest in buying, the other has an interest in selling; and thus their union is founded on their mutual necessities." However, his observations were based on interactions between European states. Is peace the natural effect of trade and does this proposition hold true for other regions in the world such as Asia? This paper examines the effects that economic sensitivity has on interstate conflict. It examines the relationship between interdependence and conflict/cooperational events using multivariate regression analysis. The findings support the liberal hypothesis: trade is significantly related to reducing conflict between China and its neighbor, but others factors have greater impact. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mao Zedong was China's Great Helmsman between 1949 and 1976. By 1976, China's economy remained rigid and inefficient. Deng Xiaoping succeeded Mao in 1976. Deng balanced ideological tenets with economic reality. His approach to systemic transformation combined tight political controls with liberalizing economic policies. Since restructuring began in 1979, China has been averaging a 9.9% annual growth rate, 8% annual nominal per capita income rise, a nominal GDP reaching $3.4 trillion making China the second largest economy in the world. China's foreign reserve is in excess of $1.65 trillion, the highest in the world. The future success of China's rapidly growing economy, however, is less than assured. Behind the veneer of ostensible successes there are also bountiful anomalies and challenges. China presently scores a .47 Gini coefficient, the highest among developed economies. Incidents of social unrest have been on the rise and financial irregularities and corruption remain undiminished. The challenges posed by being a member of the WTO await to be directly faced. This paper analyzes official documents, cogent laws, decrees, data and current writings investigating China's experience with systemic restructuring. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Major world sporting events are underexplored phenomena in the study of international politics. But they have often become focal points for political conflict, most recently in the high profile protests in the run-up to the Beijing Olympics. This paper examines the origins and effects of political contestation at world sporting events over the past 30 years. In it, we ask: why do actors choose sporting events to voice political opposition? How often do such protests have an impact? And, more importantly, what are the mechanisms by which this impact is achieved? To answer these questions, we present a dataset of all large protests and boycotts at major international sporting events over the past half-century. We draw upon select cases ranging from the U.S. boycott of the 1980 Moscow Olympics to the Beijing protests both to explain variation in outcomes and to increase our understanding of the interaction between international sport and politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Holding bureaucrats accountable for environmental policy implementation in authoritarian system has become an important issue. Previous research points out that political and bureaucratic institution have observable impact on the behavior of officials. However, these studies may not be able to explain the behavior of Chinese officials adequately. How to ensuring effective policy implementation is an important problem facing the central government in Beijing. Drawing on in-depth interviews, this paper aims to investigate how local institutions affect local officials' accountability in implementing the Grain for Green project. This project has become one of the most important governmental reforestation programs in China. By choosing four counties with similar characteristics but different governance structure, findings show that even when formal monitoring and bureaucratic institutions are weak, local officials can be held accountable by effective monitoring and sufficient incentives. It can be particularly effective in the county where a strong local forestry bureau works with the positive international organization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the complex learning process that occurred between 1979 and 1987, elites confronted anomalies in the long-term revolutionary development paradigm, which sought to establish a strong independent China by achieving three interrelated goals: security, prosperity, and self-reliance. Based on the perceived success of the SEZs and the nascent coastal development strategy, elites reached a consensus over replacing the long-term goal of self-reliance with a state-managed embrace of the international economy. The concept of self-reliance thus became obsolete as elites were no longer tethered to the Nativist beliefs of Mao Zedong and had incrementally learned of the limitations of import substitution. This paper hypothesizes that by 1987, Chinese elites agreed that China should join the rest of the East Asian economies in formally adopting outwardly oriented development regime, which regarded foreign capital, technology, and markets as tools to empower China. Elites thus initiated the GATT accession process, established the fifth special economic zone on Hainan, and announced the coastal development strategy. A new generation of technocratic elites would take over the country’s leadership to institute the new technocratic regime. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both war and natural disaster are well-studied international phenomena. However, although there has been substantial work done on the relationship between such disasters and intrastate war, there is much less research within the field of international relations on the possible effects of natural disaster on conflict between states. Building on existing conflict literature, this paper will explore four hypotheses regarding this relationship: three predicting an increased likelihood of interstate conflict and one predicting a relationship in the opposite direction. A qualitative examination of all significant natural disasters occurring since 1950 will be used to initially explore these hypotheses, and a case study of four Chinese disasters will focus in depth on the possibility that natural disasters will induce states undergoing crises of legitimacy to initiate an attack on a rival state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the Europeans discussed integration, others were experiencing long conflicts over borders. Some of the latter witnessed an exaggerated resemblance of the importance of borders by erecting barriers. Barriers on borders were also built in non-conflict zones to stop illegal immigration and drug trafficking. Historically, construction of barriers on borders extends to ancient China and old Jerusalem. Among these diverse cases, one justification stands in common; security. By answering the question, “do barriers provide security? Why?” this paper attempts to fill the gap in the literature which lacks rigorous examination of barriers despite their proliferation across time and space..x000d.I argue, while barriers sometimes provided short-term security for wall-builders in history by fending off attacks, they absolutely fail to deter them. Failure to provide security by deterrence is facilitated by the attackers’ adaptation to their environment, resulting in a strategic logic of evasion that is made more possible today by advanced military technology and diffusion of information. To test this argument, China’s Great Wall and the Gaza Strip fence are explored by examining the security situation before and after erecting the barrier. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As another defining point in the history of the CCP, the 17th Party Congress has initiated policy changes in various areas in China against the backdrop of China’s rise in a globalizing world. By investigating changes in Chinese media industry, this paper aims to interpret China’s political changes since the 17th Party Congress through a media perspective. Under both the domestic demand to further develop its economy and the international pressure to further open Chinese market, China under the fourth generation of leadership has taken bold steps to open it media market in recent years. To what extent has the media market been opened? What are the implications of these changes for Chinese culture, society, and politics? And what are the existing barriers for further opening of the Chinese media market? By exploring the policy and regulation changes of the media industry since the 17th Party Congress, answers to the above questions will be examined in details. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As China has grown economically it has gained in world influence and military power as well. Some realist IR theorists believe that rising powers in general - and China in particular - pose serious dangers of conflict with the older great powers they seek to join or displace. Other scholars see China as acting cautiously and responsibly, like a status-quo-power. Neo-liberal theorists tend to believe that China can be integrated into a peaceful world system and constrained by a web of normative and legal obligations. Chinese leaders themselves speak of seeking a "harmonious world" and disclaim any intention to threaten anyone. What does the American public think about the rise of China as a world power? In this paper we use a variety of data collected by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs and others to explore the nature and causes of Americans' views.It turns out that most Americans are well aware of the rise of China. Some are apprehensive about that rise, chiefly for national security (rather than economic) reasons, and many favor a degree of off-shore "balancing" of the sort that realists recommend. But few Americans want to actively work to limit the rise of China. Very few favor the use of troops to defend Taiwan. Very few favor a nuclear-armed Japan. Large majorities of Americans take stands more akin to those of neo-liberal than realist theorists, favoring cooperation and peaceful engagement with China. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As China enters into the post-Beijing Olympic era, it faces more challenges than ever before. Three major challenges will be discussed in the paper: how to maintain peaceful surrounding environment by properly handling its relationship with major powers in a rapidly changing international environment, how to adjust its mentality to behave as a world power, and how to develop a grand national strategy to better serve a variety of Chinese national interests in the coming decade. It will also try to explore the possible trend of Chinese foreign policy in the foreseeable future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the regional variances of anti-corruption in China. We hypothesize that revealed corruption cases are affected by the local representation in the center, the strength of insiders and tenure durations of the provincial leadership. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the Chinese government's strategy in dealing with a loophole of the fiscal system in the reform era. It argues that the central government selectively tolerates local exploitation of the loophole to encourage local efficiency. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to enhance our understanding of the political effects of climate change through a comparative-historical analysis of three very different communities: coastal Alaska, the Chinese-Russian border, and post-Katrina New Orleans. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a descriptive account on behavior modes of China’s local officials. Comparisons among implementations on three high-profile land protection dicta in 1986, 1992 and 1997 across regions show a trend of learning from “bad boys”. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the data collected from Internet surveys across four metropolises in China. I argue that the conflicting emotions between people from rival cities come from their collective memories of the vicissitude throughout the history. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs an evolutionary model of institutional change to explain the process of media liberalization in China. I argue friction in agent preferences interact with the "selection" of institutions to drive gradual change. The ambiguous boundaries of news media coverage reflect a bargaining process between media organizations and the state. An evolutionary framework highlights that successful "ideas" about the role of the media the business models that accompany them are increasingly copied in more developed provinces, while political control continues to drive media outcomes in less developed markets. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the changes that have occurred within the Chinese Communist Party in the reform era and the sources of such changes. It also asks what implications the changes have for China’s democratic future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers two strategic explanations for policy -ambiguity' in Taiwanese premier Chen Shui-bien's rhetoric using measurements from a large scale chinese language content analysis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper chooses Japan's top two largest newspapers and examine their coverage patterns of China. It seeks to offer a contextualized and nuanced picture of how reporters from a democracy deal with and are dealt with by an authoritarian government. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to answer three questions about contemporary Chinese political economy system: As a long-time commanding state and decentralized developmental state, for what causes Chinese government decided to perform regulatory reform policies and build a regulatory state in mid-1990s? What kind of structural obstacles will Chinese regulatory state building meet and face? Which unique characteristics does Chinese regulatory state possess? By taking drug safety regulation as a typical case of risk regulation, this article will provide a series of replies accordingly as below: It is the collapse of Interest Community of Government, Enterprise and Shiye Unit (ICGES) that fosters the regulatory state rising in contemporary China. Nowadays, three major structural obstacles are threatening Chinese regulatory state building due to the path dependence of its previous political economy system: problematic regulatory independence caused by decentralized developmentalism, administrative-relied regulatory style affected by commanding economy model and rent-seeking orientation of regulatory corruption brought by authoritarian political system. Therefore, the author is inclined to employ a term of "authoritarian regulatory state" to define the characteristics of current Chinese regulatory state in contrast to general regulatory states based on well-rounded market economy and democratic political system. If the readers agree with this analytical framework, we can argue that Chinese regulatory state building in still on the road from the case of drug safety regulation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that ideology played a minor role in the early Cold War by demonstrating that containment was initially directed to halt the expansion of a potential hegemon rather than the expansion of a socio-economic system of government. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for a close connection between political trust and overall regime-legitimacy in authoritarian systems such as the Chinese. It analyses the effects of perceived performance (in terms of perceived political and economic performance and perceived financial well-being) and political culture (in terms of hierarchical and conflict orientations) on political trust in the imagined, central state and the real, executive state. It also includes other previously tested variables such as internal political efficacy and media consumption. The results show that political trust is an outcome of aspects of per-formance (in particular political performance) and parts of political culture. Political trust can be better understood when we try to gauge the interaction patterns between both. The detailed analysis reveals important indirect effects of performance being shaped by as-pects of political culture and well-being. The results also suggest that there is a strong effect of trust in the real state on confidence in the imagined state. However, media con-sumption seems to no longer affect political trust while internal efficacy does affect attitudes on the imagined state. Lastly, indirect and direct effects from structural variables such as age, education, and income on political trust suggest that trust levels and probably also regime legitimacy are structurally inclined to decrease in the future unless the regime finds a way to make its political system less vulnerable to an increasingly skeptical citizenry. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]