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The judiciary, and especially the Supreme Court, continue to be at the center of discussions of both the theory and practice of American politics. The first systematic case for the ends and objects of that power can be found in The Federalist Papers. Part political tract and part political theory, Publius' writings in defense of the proposed Constitution can be supposed to be a blend of convincing political rhetoric and a lasting theoretical and practical guide to future citizens and politicians. Thus, Publius’s presentation of the judiciary, and especially the Supreme Court, deserves renewed discussion. A careful treatment of Papers 78-83 in light of the whole of the Federalist is the purpose of this paper. Article III of the Constitution is much as it ever was, and so Publius’ description of it within the larger constitutional structure should still be relevant to the task of the development and preservation of republican government. The Reconstruction Amendments (and others) have altered the Constitution, but the ends of a properly constituted judiciary can be expected to have changed little, even if the means with which it was endowed to protect and preserve have expanded. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The introduction and the further abolition of the direct gubernatorial elections in Russia made it possible to study the governors' ability to stand up for their offices in different institutional designs. This paper gives an overview of the governors' ability to stay in office in 1991-2008 and shows their relations with the parties of power. The party of power is viewed as the federal center policy implementation tool that can co-opt the governors into the ruling elite. The paper argues that the federal center's aspiration to use the governors' resources of power in the building of the new "vertical of power" was the main factor that enabled the majority of the directly elected governors to stay in their offices after 2005. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance of information in elections can hardly be overstated: if voters are uninformed about candidates' or parties' policy positions, voters cannot express their policy preferences through voting, and politicians cannot derive a mandate for future policies from the vote (Alvarez 1997; Budge and McDonald 2006). In an era of rising education levels and increasing availability of information through mass media, voters should be ever more informed about politics. At the same time however, European party systems are increasingly fragmented, thereby increasing contextual complexity, rendering it more difficult for voters to perceive party policy positions (Dalton and Wattenberg 1993). Though the existing literature on voter information and perceptions of party/candidate positions seems to confirm that education, media exposure, issue salience, and incumbency increase voter information, the impact of contextual factors such as party system fragmentation has not been investigated yet (Sniderman and Levendusky 2007; Van der Brug 1997). This paper tests these dynamics by assessing voter uncertainty about party positions on the left-right dimension in 22 European democracies. The paper develops three different measures of voter uncertainty: not-knowing, ambiguity and inaccuracy and relates these to voter and party system characteristics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ideological positions of European Socialist parties at the beginning of the 20th century varied across countries and across time within a single country, ranging from Reformist to Radical. Many previous attempts to understand sources of Radicalism and Reformism have faltered because they see ideological frameworks as enjoying long periods of stability, interrupted only by exogenous shocks. This paper, however, views ideational change as the result of concrete political struggles. And because ideas, like institutions, have distributional effects, they are constantly under attack. I argue that the process of suffrage extension â€" whether from above or below â€" so completely validated the ideas of one faction and discredited those of the other, that this event strengthened the former faction to the point of determining the ideational character of Socialist parties at the beginning of the interwar years. As European Socialists parties were an integral part of the coalitions of the interwar period, and because such coalitions served as the foundation for interwar institutional formation, this paper seeks to contribute both to the discussion of how ideas change and institutional genesis. Cases compared: Sweden and Italy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first three post Cold War presidents, George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush occupied the Oval Office during times of international transformation. All faced dangers and sometimes used force to achieve their objectives and this paper investigates the relationship between personality characteristics, especially conceptual complexity, and willingness to choice force instead of other policy options. The project relies on Margaret Hermann’s leadership trait analysis and at-a-distance measures. The paper compares scores of seven explanatory variables, e.g., conceptual complexity, distrust of others, etc., on leadership and world orientation for George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush against the scores for every American president since Harry Truman. The comparative analysis helps demonstrate the role of individual of individual level traits in creating and implementing foreign policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dilemma of global slavery is increasingly troubling due to its greater prevalence in the world today. There are more slaves now than there have ever been in numbers and percentages. Although currently represented in different forms than previously seen, the specific aspect of human trafficking continues to be a growing industry in several regions of the world. The question thus becomes, what can be done to counteract this emerging epidemic? The purpose of this paper is to address the roles and effectiveness of numerous international intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) by assessing their efforts to diminish the various forms of global slavery present in the world today. The goal of this study is not to evaluate and prove whether the roles IGOs play are positive or negative. Using both qualitative and quantitative analysis, this paper will situate the role of IGOs in the context of other players , including states, to discover how and if IGOs are effective. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The democratic gap in the Islamic world has led to a debate regarding the causes of the slow movement towards democratization in Muslim majority states. Leading the debate are Cultural-essentialist Theory and Modernization Theory. This paper utilizes a political culture approach with the assumption that ordinary citizens' political beliefs are critical for democratization, and subsequently tests the two competing theories at the individual level. Unlike prior studies, this paper comprehensively tests these theories across all Islamic regions, allowing for an examination of region specific trends. Using World Values Survey data, this paper finds that throughout the Islamic world, Modernization Theory is overall more influential in explaining variation in democratic attitudes than Cultural-essentialism. While personal religiosity does not impact democratic support, there is evidence that political Islam may negatively effect support for democracy. This study also finds that both theories fail to explain political attitudes in the North African Arab region. This suggests that treating Muslim states as a homogeneous entity effected by a single set of factors has its limitations, requiring supplementation by regional studies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The creation of the Scottish Parliament and Welsh assembly in 1999 brought a new electoral system to mainland Britain, mixed-member proportional (MMP). This paper examines the electoral effect of having two types of Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs). Lundberg (2006), using an elite survey in 2000 and 2003, has shown that MSPs elected through the constituency part of MMP spend more time doing constituency service than MSPs elected thought the list. This paper looks at the effect of these different types of incumbency on constituency vote totals in the 2003 and 2007 Scottish Parliament elections. While it finds that both types of incumbents have an incumbency advantage, this effect is small for list MSPs and is also affected by the party affiliation of the MSPs. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of framing is widely applied to political news reporting but it is often acknowledged that frame theory remains a ‘fractured paradigm’, as Entman described it. This paper argues that, while the metaphor of framing is attractive and apparently useful for packaging a range of variables involved in the representation of events and issues as news, it raises theoretical and hence methodological problems. The metaphor does not have sufficient range to guide analysis of complex material. In fact, it can be misleading, because it implies properties and structural relationships which differ from those of news products. Conceptual weakness combines with reductionism in the dominant, quantitative approach to analysis. The paper makes a case for reworking frame theory, by reference to developments in the theory of ideology and of political mythmaking. It also argues for a shift of methodological emphasis, subordinating quantitative content analysis to qualitative methods designed to grasp news texts as discursive wholes, rather than as mere aggregates of word units. This would enable a more sophisticated assessment of the complex ways in which ideological interpretations and implicit injunctions to audiences colour news reports. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changes in political, social, and economic climates in Eastern European countries in the beginning of 1990s redefined understanding of journalism and influenced journalistic practices. To illuminate journalism professionalization process in Slovakia, this paper examines the role of journalism perceived by Slovak media professionals. The paper discusses the definitions of good journalism found in scholarly literature and compares those to the definitions of good journalism provided by Slovak media professionals.The data presented in this paper was collected in Slovakia in the spring of 1999. Politically, this time in Slovakia is a fruitful one to look at the press. The October 1998 parliamentary election in Slovakia, just five months prior to the NATO bombing action in Yugoslavia, had changed the nation's ruling party, and the response to the NATO bombing highlighted public opinion and tensions on topics that had been influential in the hotly debated election. These included Slovakia's entry into the European Union, its entry into NATO, its relationships with Western Europe, its relationships with Russia, its relationships with other Slavic states, and the appropriate models for government and media relationships. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author has utilized an intensive case study approach based on interviews with emergency response elites using the Oklahoma City bombing response. This paper will apply the same method to an evaluation of the I-35 bridge collapse in 2007. The goal of the project is both to test the method with another case as well as to arrive at new lessons learned for the response to the bridge incident. Public policy theories about the behavior of elites in bureaucracies, the importance of networks for response success, and federal conflicts are examined base on their relevance to the case. The emergency response literature is also integrated into the analysis. A key question asked about the response is whether the challenges encountered were anticipated by the emergency response literature or not. This assists in the evaluation of the response in that anticipated challenges are expected to have been dealt with more efficiently than those that were not. In its conclusions, the paper arrives at lessons learned and reinforced based on the analysis of the case. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The beginning of the 90s was a time of reform for the world of central banking. The period saw an important increase in the independence of central banks [Maxfield, 1997]. But what have the central banks done with this independence? When we are willing to infer interest-based behavior for all actors (governments, voters and interest groups), why do we make the assumption that the central banks are purely technocratic institutions maximizing the welfare of the state? To answer these questions this paper looks at the role of the Argentinean Central Bank between 1991 and 2007. It presents a combination of periods within a comparative approach, and explains at what point the members of the Argentinean Central Bank acted against the government and why. To do so this paper uses the methodology of Event History Analysis, implementing a model of game theory which is an adaptation of that used by Cho (1987). An intertemporal conflict of interest is the explanation for the Central Bank's behavior. The results of this analysis indicates that the ending of presidential mandates, as well as transitions in the economy minister's post, have the largest influence on changes in Central Bank policy. As means of a control this research accounts for the presence of economic crisis, which reflects the Central Bank's bureaucratic role. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to examine the Kurdish Question in Turkey and its effects on Turkish- American relations. It seeks to explain how this problem shapes the policy decisions and the consequences of these policies in domestic and foreign affairs of the two countries. Erupting as a domestic problem in Turkey in the mid-1980s, the Kurdish Question has not only become an important issue in Turkey but after the invasion and destabilization of Iraq, it has gained an aspect which has a potential to change the fundamental relationship between Turkey and the United States. This concept is supported by the fact that an independent Kurdish state is considered casus belli by Turkey, and that it is now overwhelmingly believed in Ankara that the Kurdish desire to become independent received a great deal of acceptance in American decision making circles. The relations are strained at times due to the lack of mutual perception of the issue and action\reaction mechanism between two NATO allies. Under these conditions, the paper will be adressing possible outcomes of this distinct relationship. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to draw attention to the new European Union (EU) member states' bilateral aids with a specific accent on democracy assistance, which is an integral component of their aids. Specifically, using Poland as a case, this paper seeks to answer what drives Polish aid, who has priority in receiving Polish aid, and to what extent the Polish Government, in giving foreign aid, is motivated by the desire to spread democracy. More importantly, the paper investigates how the Polish Government engages in democracy assistance to democratizing and authoritarian countries on the example of Poland's two neighboring states—Ukraine and Belarus. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ability of officials in government to define policy options is the paramount power in politics (Schattschneider, 1960). Media allocate power and legitimacy to issues, people, and institutions by how they choose to cover them (Graber, 2006). The allocation of power is dependent on what information media filter to the public and how media define the issues, events, and remedies with the chosen information. Previous literature finds that journalists and reporters are dependent on elite sources of information, especially within the realm of foreign policy (Cohen, 1963; Bennett, 1990; Entman 2004). Past research also finds media reflect the policy debate in Washington (Bennett, 1990; Entman 2004). Using the intervention into Bosnia of the 1990s, this paper investigates how media allocate power among their sources. Through a content analysis of the Congressional Record and Major News Media (ABC World News Tonight, the NewsHour on PBS, the New York Times, and CNN) this paper seeks to explain the scope of the debate regarding the intervention into Bosnia through the frames presented by the White House, the Congress, and Major News Media. Moreover, it tests whether Major News Media reflected the debate within Washington. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States has been transformed from its original constitutional status as federal union of small republics into its current de facto existence as a liberal unitary regime. In this new regime, liberal freedom is secured by curtailing (if not terminating) local republican self-rule. This has been the victory of Hobbesian liberalism over Republican localism. Although the major implications of this were delayed until Progressive, New Deal, and Great Society periods, such centralizing events would not have been possible without the antecedent of Lincoln crushing the Southern States’ sovereignty, which included their right to secede from the Union and engage in independent republican self-rule. Without the triumph of Lincolnian-Leviathan, the threat of State nullification and secession would have continued to check the centralizing-ambitions of politicians in the federal government. In addition to relevant historiography, this paper will employ theorists such as Aristotle, Hobbes, Montesquieu, the Federalists, the Anti-Federalists, Lincoln, Lord Acton, and other relevant authors. Also, this paper will consider the normative problems that have been resolved and created by this regime transformation (e.g., race and empire issues). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives has multiple roles. This study addresses an aspect of the speakership that has not been previously analyzed. In this paper we examine the floor behavior, through speaking and voting, of the past six Speakers of the U.S. House. .x000d.The congressional literature is been replete with debates over competing models of party influence in the House. Smith argues that single goal models are insufficient to explain party leadership. Sinclair emphasizes party polarization as a critical factor in explaining behavior in the post-reform Congress. Cox and McCubbins have advanced the cartel theory of control by party leaders. Electoral influences are dominant in Rohde’s analysis..x000d.In this paper, we will explore whether the floor appearances of Speakers lend support for any of the competing theories of party leadership in the House. The 1983-2008 time period and number of different Speakers (14 years for each party) provide a rich data set with variation to test these hypotheses. These are first data of actual floor appearances that have been analyzed. They are available from data collected from C-SPAN video recordings of the House of Representatives. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indian democracy is in the throes of change. There are two striking developments in this regard in rural India. The first pertains to the 73rd Constitutional Amendment, enacted in 1993, making elections to rural local self government bodies mandatory, and guaranteeing the reservation of a percentage of seats for women in these bodies. The second development pertains to the rapid growth of grassroots NGOs, many of which work with women. Both the developments contribute in different ways to deepening grassroots democracy, and are connected to the goal of women’s empowerment. In this paper, I propose to examine the dilemmas, contradictions and challenges, produced as a result of conflicts and convergences between those involved in local electoral politics and ‘non-political’ or ‘apolitical’ NGO activism. I explore what sort of relationships actually exist, what they are assumed to be, and what they should be between grassroots NGOs and local self government institutions for grassroots democracy to take root in rural India. I highlight the rural women’s own positions and perspectives. My paper engages with the empirical specificities of the state, NGO activism and rural women, and with theorisation on state and civil society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) presents a uniqueresource for comparative research on political attitudes and behavior.From the beginning, country components of the CSES have contained eachat least three items concerned with political information and knowledge.These items vary considerably across countries in terms of questionformat and question content. Using methods of Item Response Theory(IRT), the paper examines how these aspects impinge on the discriminanceand difficulty of the items, both important aspects of their validity asindicators of political knowledge. It shows that the question content isespecially important for the items difficulty: Notwithstanding thepolitical context, items that ask for numbers (e.g. of federal states orEU member countries) are much more difficult to answer, given the levelof political knowledge. Further, notwithstanding the political context,questions about foreign policy matters have a higher discriminance, thatis, can better distinguish between different levels of politicalknowledge, than other items. The paper concludes with a discussion onhow cross-national equivalence of knowledge questions can be enhanced. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The American electorate can be seen as two contrasting electorates -- one partisan (Democrats vs. Republicans), the other non-partisan. Partisans are more politically attentive/involved, strongly inclined to view candidates and campaign through their partisan “lenses,” and more partisan in voting behavior than nonpartisans. This paper will examine how these two electorates have changed between 1992 and 2004. Its data primarily come from two national surveys, conducted as part of the Comparative National Election Project (CNEP) in the two “book-end” years, which focused uniquely on information sources in the election campaigns. ANES data will complement the CNEP data, especially between 1992 and 2004, to establish whether these years were unrepresentative outliers. Some observers suggest, while others deny, that the American electorate has polarized during this time. The paper will examine polarization from the perspective of information sources as well as behavior. Preliminary analysis suggests that partisans, in contrast to nonpartisans, were exposed by 2004 to more homogeneously partisan information through the availability of TV and (especially) radio talk shows and their more partisan social networks. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2008 Presidential campaign has helped to put Internet politics on the forefront of the political debate. This paper investigates the effects of new media technologies, and Web 2.0 applications in particular, on information gathering, political learning and political knowledge during the 2008 presidential campaign. I will utilize data from the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press and the Pew Internet & American Life project to test for an independent effect of these technologies, in particular YouTube and online video, as well as social networking sites on respondents’ levels of political information as compared to traditional media outlets while controlling for standard predictors with a particular focus on young voters. Furthermore, this paper will include a comparison of these results with previous presidential elections in 2000 and 2004 to help better understand the consequences Web 2.0 technologies continue to have in shaping political information gathering and citizens’ political knowledge. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on support for the European integration process note that a serious threat to such support is the presence of a strong national identity that perceives the EU negatively. The integration process in Europe has included policies of devolution, tapping into regional identities and strengthening these sub-national entities to the detriment of the governments of the member-states. An empirical question arises: Is there a relationship between regional attachment and support for the European integration process that can be observed in the European Union? Using Eurobarometer survey results, this paper develops and tests a theory connecting regional attachment and support for the EU. The paper builds on previous research on euroskepticism and support for the EU to establish the causal link between regional attachment and support for European integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of elite cues rarely consider the effect of emotion on how persuasive cues are to citizens. This paper explores how emotions influence the acceptance of elite cues, focusing on foreign policy. To test how emotion affects the acceptance of foreign policy cues, I ran an experiment through Time Sharing Experiments in the Social Sciences that manipulated the type of foreign policy cue, the cue giver's partisanship, and the emotional power of the cue. By examining how emotional appeals influence the acceptance of elite cues, I test an alternative mechanism by which elites influence the public. The findings show that fear increases the persuasiveness of cues only when the cue-giver and cue-recipient come from the same political party. However, fear may also lead citizens to adopt opinions contrary to elites’ arguments. This paper reveals that fear is most effective when communicated by a trusted elite who shares citizens’ partisanship, even if the foreign policy cue is incongruent with the party’s usual stance. By considering how fear interacts with the type of foreign policy argument as well as the political identity of cue-givers, this paper complicates our understanding of when elites can persuade citizens on foreign policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State officials, concerned about women and children’s welfare, surround a community of Mormon polygamists intent on protecting families and the sensibilities of the community. The system, faced by an overwhelming number of women and children and by unfamiliar and confusing family ties, stumbles forward with prosecutions drawing national media attention. This is a familiar story to anyone who watched the raid unfold at the Yearning for Zion Ranch in Eldorado, Texas in 2008 but has actually repeated itself 3 times over the past 150 years. This paper looks at religiously motivated plural marriages within its midst as an ideal type to understand how the presence of religious polygamy has impacted or failed to impact policy in America. It provides an overview of the history of Mormon polygamy as a religious doctrine and proceeds to examine how America has responded to polygamy based on three fundamental issues: 1) the role of dissenting religions impact public policy, 2) the level of government addressing the policy issue, and 3) the role of government in protecting children, families, and free religious practice? The paper concludes with policy recommendations for responding to American polygamy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Six years ago the United States government charged a ten member independent, bipartisan commission to study the 9/11 attacks. In August 2004, the 9/11 Commission released its report to much media buzz and fanfare. However, when all ten commissioners reconvened in late 2005 to issue a “report card” on progress made on the recommendations of the commission, they issued five F’s, twelve D’s, nine C’s, and one A-minus. This paper therefore looks at independent commissions in the United States and the role they play as “flak-catchers” â€" stopgaps for uncertain or unfavorable judgments cast onto the political system. Because they work as effective mechanisms of evasion, giving the appearance of government action while at the same time dodging responsibility, government bodies have frequently and readily turned to independent commissions. This paper looks at the ways in which the 9/11 Commission acted as a flak-catcher. It uses historical and comparative case-study analysis to portray how the 9/11 Commission operated, organizationally and symbolically, in a manner similar to other American independent commissions, and thus argues that we should expect similar outcomes whenever an independent commission is appointed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the sweeping (re) introduction of multiparty systems in the early 1990s almost all sub-Saharan countries have introduced legal provisions to ban ethnic or other identity-based particularistic parties. Altogether 11 countries have actually banned political parties on these grounds. Given widespread fears that identity-based party politics increase the risk of inter-communal conflict, these bans may work for peace. However, up to now this link has remained almost ignored by research, and this paper engages in a first systematic analysis whether or not ethnic and other identity-related party bans do facilitate peace and how they influence the development of democracy. The paper draws on data from various sources as well as on our own survey, a unique inventory on ethnic party bans in Africa, and uses both quantitative and macro-qualitative methodologies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the passage of the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) in 2002, 28 states have shown opposition through a variety of responses including producing legislation, turning to the judicial system for recourse, and passing symbolic resolutions. This paper completes a cross-state analysis to determine why so much opposition exists and how states’ responses have influenced Congress’s inability to reauthorize the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, under which NCLB was created. States showing opposition vary tremendously, including by size, average family income, political ideology, and academic achievement prior to passage. By analyzing policy feedbacks due to implementation concerns of states, this paper adds to current scholars’ theories about the implementation process. By recognizing how excluded actors from the adoption of NCLB have influenced previously supportive actors of the law this paper combines elements of both top-down and bottom-up implementation approaches discussed in the literature to provide a richer and more accurate understanding of the implementation process. The starting point for such a study comes from understanding the response of those who have struggled with implementing NCLB. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the creation of the WTO, 56 countries have participated in 380 WTO disputes representing trade in areas as diverse as sardines to commercial aircraft. The variation of countries involved and issues contested begs the question: how do states select which trade violation complaints to pursue through the WTO? This paper presents a formal model built upon the model of Bown and Hoekman that identifies the case selection process. Bown and Hoekman argued states select cases based on a rational decision calculated by future profit with the trade violation removed, minus the cost of litigation. This paper alters the existing model by decomposing the litigation variable into the cost paid by the state, minus the cost paid by private parties. Contrasting with existing literature, the model emphasizes the role private parties play in case selection by absorbing litigation costs. The implications of this model include the formation of private-public litigation partnerships and increased use of dispute settlement by states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the US-NATO intervention in Afghanistan in 2001, the member-states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) have rapidly expanded their multilateral military-security cooperation. This has led some observers to suggest the SCO is developing into an anti-US "NATO of the East." This paper deals with the question of whether SCO multilateral military-security cooperation is aimed at balancing against the US and its allies. The paper fits into existing IR literature on balancing behavior, and also aims to provide a heretofore missing IR-theory driven account of SCO activities..x000d..x000d.This paper argues that the SCO is not currently a multilateral alliance aimed at balancing against the possible threat posed by the US or NATO, but rather it is aimed at countering the very probable threat posed by Central Asian "terrorists" and "separatists." This paper evaluates the existing record of SCO multilateralism against a neorealist hypothesis and a postclassical realist hypothesis. The results provide strong evidence in favor of the latter hypothesis. This has major policy implications for the US and its allies, since these results provide an IR theory-based rationale for existing SCO multilateralism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1980s, increasing numbers of state governments have invested in programs focused on recruiting accomplished research scientists to a state’s major universities. This paper reports on an event-history analysis of the socioeconomic, political, and diffusion factors influencing state adoption of eminent scholars programs over the 1983-2006 period. The results suggest that among the factors prompting the initiation of such programs are low levels of private R&D employment and patenting activity, gross state product, the institutional powers of governors, the use of certain structural arrangements for governing higher education, and an absence of comparable programs in neighboring states. Interestingly, the results suggest that a state’s economic conditions interact with the state’s political arrangements to prompt innovation toward these policies. The paper builds on theory and research in the areas of American federalism, policy diffusion, and policy entrepreneurship in explaining these findings. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1970s, there has been an increase in the number of Latinos being appointed to the federal bench. However, a large question remains as to whether ethnicity leads to divergence in voting behavior. In this paper, I argue that voting behavior of Latino judges is best understood when broad topics such as civil rights are disaggregated into a more narrow case selection that concentrates on issues directly related to race and ethnicity. Utilizing published decisions from the Federal Reporter in 2006 and between 2002 and 2007, this paper examines Latino and White judicial behavior across three issue areas: civil rights, race discrimination, and contractual disputes in the U.S. Courts of Appeals. After comparing both broad and narrow case selections, the results not only show the disaggregation of civil rights cases have important effects on the outcome of Latino voting behavior, but that differences in Latino judicial behavior are dependent upon on the presence of issues considered important to the Latino community. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship which attempts to explain variations in attitudes toward immigration has employed a number of independent variables, including levels of education; real or perceived economic threats; perceived threat or benefit of immigrants to national economic health or national cultural integrity; and contact with immigrants. Our paper adds to these individual-level variables measures which characterize the local context in which in which attitudes are shaped. In particular, we examine the impact of the pace and timing of immigration to the respondent’s area; the composition of the immigrant stream (in terms of legal status, race, and ethnicity); and the health of the local economy. The paper uses the 2004 General Social Survey (which includes an extensive module on immigration opinions). Using the “geocodes” from the GSS, which allows us to determine each respondent’s state and county, we will add data on refugee resettlement, estimates of undocumented immigration, racial and ethnic makeup of the area, and economic indicators. This will allow us to construct a hierarchical model using both individual-level and aggregate-level variables to explain attitudes towards immigrants and opinions on immigration policy alternatives. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have seldom tested the innovation and normalization paradigm of e-campaigning over time. Particularly outside the U.S., there is a lack of comparative analyses of candidate or party websites that deal with the concept's temporal validity and scope. The paper addresses this research gap through a longitudinal content and structural analysis of German party websites in the 2002 and 2005 National Elections. The results provide empirical evidence of a twofold development in e-campaigning that challenges past assumptions of the innovation and normalization framework. In particular, the paper proposes two theoretical revisions: First, innovation and normalization do not represent mutually exclusive opposites of a scientific controversy but rather a dynamic conceptual continuum which signifies parallel stages in the development of e-campaigning. Second, this continuum is affected by the website dimension (i.e., content or structure) as well as by the status of the political actors (i.e., parliamentary or non-parliamentary parties) being observed. Both intervening variables need to be taken into account in future research in order to accurately describe and explain the implementation of new information technologies in politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars are divided over whether candidates’ traits significantly influence election outcomes. However, such survey data utilize voters’ perceptions of candidates’ qualities, and are somewhat suspect regarding reliable and valid measurements of personality traits. Psychologists have created a methodologically sound measurement of at least one personality trait that can be assessed through content analysis: optimism. Additionally, this operationalization of optimism, when combined with content analysis of another psychological traitâ€"ruminationâ€"has been highly correlated with electoral success at the presidential and senate levels. Unfortunately, no work has been done in this vein in nearly two decades, leaving the question unanswered as to whether optimistic non-ruminating candidates have an advantage in the polarized new media environment of “post-broadcast democracy” elections (Prior, 2007). This paper will re-examine optimism and rumination in the main 2008 presidential primary candidates (five Republicans and three Democrats), just the second primary ever examined. Regardless of the findings, this paper will add evidence to the ongoing debate as to the extent an individual candidate’s traits can influence election outcomes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers in political science are frequently interested in hypothesis testing in panel data environments with variables that never or very rarely change over time. This paper shows that common corrections for serial correlation in linear and generalized linear models do not perform well in these circumstances, producing confidence intervals from two to over ten times too small when the dependent variable also exhibits temporal dependence. I propose a panel bootstrap approach that resamples individual panels and show via Monte Carlo simulation that it achieves correct coverage for rarely varying, and time invariant variables. I conclude with a reanalysis of three recent papers in top journals. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious fundamentalists have been vocal in their opposition to embryonic stem (ES) cell research. In this paper, I investigate the influence one's religious beliefs have on political behavior. Specifically, the paper explores the impact Christian fundamentalism has on opposition/support for the 2006 Missouri Stem Cell Research and Cures Initiative. Using the Roper Center for Public Opinion's exit polling, the findings suggest that white, conservative, Republicans who self-identify as Evangelical Christian and attend religious services at least once a week were significantly more likely to vote against the ballot measure in the 2006 mid-term election. Therefore, political scientists should consider the influence religion has on voting behavior, particularly concerning controversial biomedical research using human embryos. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, the British government endorsed the idea of using lotteries to admit students to England's most desirable schools. This is in accord with past and present practice both within England and abroad. But this idea has come under fire, from both public and philosophical critics. This paper examines the attack on lotteries made by one of these critics, the philosopher Anthony O'Hear. O'Hear argues that 1) admission of students by lot is just as morally arbitrary as admission of students by economic background; 2) some schools will always be better than others, and selection by lot cannot change this; and 3) equality of opportunity reduces to equality of outcome, which is in effect a reduction ad absurdum of the former. In response to O'Hear's argument, this paper contends that 1) a fair lottery is not morally equivalent to admission by other arbitrary factors, such as economic background; 2) lotteries could potentially improve school quality through proper incentive alignment; and 3) equality of opportunity is not the right metric for evaluating the justice of school admissions processes, equality of outcome and equality of treatment are. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently a growing body of research detailing the growth and impact of Internet-based politics has emerged. Meanwhile much has been written about the role of African Americans in the increasingly Web-based information age. This has included a disproportionate and incomplete emphasis on the digital divide, which describes the discrepancy in access and use of computers and the Internet. This paper works to fill the gap between these two issues by integrating an analysis of Internet-based mobilizing tools and strategies, known as netroots, used by successful online organizations and IT experts, with an examination of community-based grassroots efforts, which have been a particularly successful strategy for African Americans historically. Ultimately this integration yields two main findings: 1) Web-based tools provide substantial potential for greater African American political mobilization and power; and 2) Internet-based netroots cannot replace traditional face-to-face organizing thus requiring the investment in and development of a grassroots-netroots cycle. This paper should contribute to further research on the use of Internet-based organizing to improve the political power of marginalized groups throughout the American polity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent work on the problem of the proper constitution of the war powers has narrowly focused on legal reforms to promote inter-branch dialogue on the use of military force. The 2008 National War Powers Commission Report is a primary example of this approach and this paper will highlight its limitations and uncover alternatives. Instead of legal reforms - which have failed in the past - what is needed is a view towards the political regime as a whole; one that looks to material rather than legal checks on the use of force. This democratic approach works to develop and maintain a mobilized citizenry that constrains and directs military policy by serving as a check on elites. This paper demarcates the outlines of a theory of democratic war powers through the application of a range of political and legal theory to the proposals of the Commission. A regime approach provides a means to reestablish democratic accountability for the use of force through the political constitution of a tension between the people and their nation's use of arms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent empirical studies by Timothy Johnson, Paul Wahlbeck, and Jim Spriggs using the papers of Justice Harry Blackmun have supplied strong confirmation of the idea that the nature and technique of oral arguments make a significant difference in the outcome of cases before the U.S. Supreme Court. Missing from much of these studies is a concrete accounting for the evolutionary foundations of oral argument. How did we get to where we are from the early Court led by Chief Justice John Jay? In this paper, I shall analyze the institutional foundations of oral argument, focusing on (1) the time allotted for oral argument (2) the nature of legal advocacy itself and (3) the comparative relevance of oral argument versus the legal brief in the outcome of Supreme Court cases. I end the discussion by examining recent trends in legal advocacy before the Supreme Court. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research on the National Labor Relations Board has demonstrated the influence of ideology over final orders issued by the political appointees of the Board. Using original data collected under a National Science Foundation grant (#SES-01794), this paper examines the impact of initial decisions issued by administrative law judges (ALJ) as an alternative source of influence over aggregate Board decision making. The paper examines 2,252 final orders issued by the Board between 1991 - 2007 as a function of the ideology of the members of the Board, the initial decision of the ALJ, external political influences, economic factors, and case characteristics. Partial generalized ordered logit results demonstrate that although ideology plays a role in Board member decision making, reliance on the initial decision of the ALJ is an overwhelming influence on Board outcomes. These results not only demonstrate the importance of the role of the administrative law judge in agency decision making, a government actor that has been previously ignored, but they also bring into question the top down nature of the principal-agent theory that has been used to model agency decision making. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presidential rhetoric has always been an important element of presidential leadership, and political scholars have learned a great deal about the rhetorical strategies presidents have used over the years to communicate with the public. Often, this research focuses on verbal or written speech, which is clearly the most obvious and easily studied aspect of rhetoric, but in the field of presidential rhetoric this is where the examination often ends. In this paper I suggest that political scientists should look beyond the rhetoric of speech and look at the other strategies available to leaders, such as visual imagery. Visual imagery can be very powerful rhetorically, and this paper will examine how this strategy was useful to candidates during the presidential campaign of 2008. In fact, images can sometimes be more persuasive than words, because they can communicate messages that are not appropriate to put into words. In general, the study of presidential rhetoric would be enriched by expanding the prevailing understanding of rhetoric beyond speeches to include all types of persuasive behavior. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

President George W. Bush’s Management Agenda (PMA) for federal agencies has placed greater attention on improving performance and obtaining results. This paper examines the results of three different efforts to assess federal agencies' organizational attributes. The OMB Scorecard, the PART, and the BPTW survey all provide the public with valuable resources of agency performance and organizational orientation. Utilizing different methodological approaches, this papers attempts to answer three interrelated questions based on the results of those three assessment systems: (1) How do agency performance results differ when using top-down versus bottom-up assessment systems? (2) Are federal agencies and employees clustered and segmented by their performance patterns and orientation based on the three performance assessment systems? That is, what types of BPTW-PART-Scorecard groups or clusters will exist in federal agencies? And, finally (3) What are the strengths and weaknesses of each assessment system based on the results of (1) and (2)? The paper concludes by proposing a more integrated performance assessment system in U.S. federal agencies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

President Woodrow Wilson and the Senate's conflict over the ratification of the 1919 Versailles Treaty has been a prolonged issue among scholars. Yet existing studies owe such debt to historians or judicial scholars rather than political scientists. On the other hand, this paper lays on the interest of mandate politics. It brings the conflict, later led to the national public tour, to enlighten the Senate's new feature of claiming the directly mandated power after changing its electoral system through the Seventeenth Amendment in 1913. By tracing how the direct election had influenced both Wilson and the Senate's recognition of their power, it offers a new linkage of explanation regarding institutions of the treaty fight. The paper draws to conclusion that: first, Wilson's choice of appealing to the American people was in fact based on his original perception of popular presidential mandate. Second, the Seventeenth Amendment which brought the direct election of the senators had enabled senators' claim of the directly mandated power and their anti-league speech tour following the President's. Third, Senators' direct claim of power had also influenced the President's perception of the Senate thus influencing Wilson's public tour strategy. By tracing how this change of election process had influenced mandate perceptions and understandings of popular support, it argues that the Amendment had increased conflict potentials between two branches regarding the League of Nations covenant. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power and powerlessness remain important topics in the political science literature. Since Lukes (1974), power has been viewed as possessing three dimensions: the ability to affect behavior, the ability to limit alternatives, and the ability to influence thoughts and perceptions. Intimately connected to notions of power are questions of quiescence. Why do people "chose" to remain powerless? Why do some individuals and groups rise up against the power holder while others submit passively? Rather than invoking institutional factors, this paper attempts to frame the issue of power and powerlessness in terms of evolutionary biology. Social animals have relatively stable dominance hierarchies. Position in the hierarchy is coupled with changes in the hormonal balance of the animal's brain. The biochemistry of animals at the bottom of the scale leads to higher stress levels and a more lethargic attitude. This paper considers the applicability of this idea to powerlessness in mankind. It postulates a "fourth face" of power, a physiological one. Investigations into this area could have important theoretical ramifications both in understanding the nature of powerlessness and in finding novel ways of breaking the cycle of powerlessness. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power Transition Theory postulates that peaceful transitions in the international order are a function of degrees of satisfaction. This paper assesses the likelihood of US-Sino conflict through an assessment of China’s satisfaction with the current international order. It explores first the political-military order, particularly the global balance of power, American military bases and influence in Asia, and China’s diplomatic position in Asia and the world. It also explores China’s satisfaction with the current economic order. While China has done extremely well under this system, experiencing rapid economic growth over close to three decades, its position in the latest Doha Round of trade talks brings its satisfaction into question. In addition to assessing convergence on security and economic satisfaction, this paper traces the rudiments of cultural satisfaction, assessing the degree that China and the US may share common cultural expectations of the coming world order. Exploring all these questions will provide insight on whether China will wish to dramatically change the world order in ways that are inimical to US interests. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political and managerial leadership change has been shown to have a relationship with the subsequent performance of public organisations. Research also suggests that prior performance is related to leadership change, with poor performance leading to changes at the top. However, hardly any work has brought these relationships together in an unbroken chain of events, in part because of the difficulties of obtaining suitable data. In this paper we estimate such a chain, using the opportunity created by a balanced and compact panel data set of 142 English local governments that includes political and managerial changes and a comprehensive set of performance measures. We develop a recursive set of equations to analyse the relationships between initial performance and leadership change and leadership change and subsequent performance. Our findings provide some evidence in accordance with a 'virtuous cycle' for the more broadly-based of the two performance measures we use: Low performance increases the likelihood of political change and raises the rate of managerial change, and the consequence of this increase in the rate of managerial turnover is performance improvement. Overall, this paper shows how panel data allow a set of interconnected question to be answered in a recursive set of equations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parents, once again, have been given a high-profile role in the 2008 electoral campaign by both the parties and the media. Vice Presidential candidate Sarah Palin’s status as a working mother seems to have reinvigorated the parties’ attempts to appeal to parents and portray themselves as the true champions of the American family. Reflecting the environment of the 2008 election, the ‘Soccer Moms’, ‘NASCAR Dads’, and ‘Security Moms’ have given way to ‘Mortgage Moms’ and ‘Hockey Moms’. In this paper, we will employ content and contextual analysis to examine the use of parent and family themes by the parties, their presidential nominees, and the media in the 2008 election. We will place the results in historical perspective by comparing them to our prior research in which we analyzed platforms, nomination speeches, and print election coverage, from 1952 through 2004â€"and revealed a dramatic politicization of parenthood over time. This paper will explore whether the politicization of parenthood reaches new heights in 2008 and whether elite rhetoric about mothers, fathers, and families represents change or continuity from previous elections. It will also provide insights into the theoretical issues of party and issue evolution. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past two decades the philosophy of Carl Schmitt has been the subject of growing interest in the field of political theory. One of the prominent engagements with Schmitt’s philosophy has been Chantal Mouffe’s attempt to mobilize Schmitt’s notion of the “political” for challenging the deliberative framework of Rawls and Habermas and reinvigorating radical democratic politics. This paper presents an exploration of Schmitt’s thought and the limits of its contemporary implications through an analysis of Mouffe’s call for thinking “with and against Schmitt.” I contend that Mouffe’s effort to accommodate the “political” within a “democratic paradox” involves a series of conceptual elisions of Schmitt’s thought, which render visible the constitutive limits of radical democratic theory. More specifically, I hold that the antagonistic distinction of friend and enemy that Mouffe tries to domesticate and displace returns with a vengeance on the borders of radical democratic pluralism and testifies to the continuing relevance of the problems posited by Schmitt. The paper concludes by pointing to a more insidious articulation of liberalism and democracy, not as a paradox but as a logic of indistinction pace Giorgio Agamben. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade the increased prominence of international human rights tribunals has posed a challenge to skeptics who believe that human rights institutions are nothing but paper tigers. Today, states increasingly comply with the tribunals' rulings, even when that means changing their domestic policies and practices. In this paper, I compare the experiences of three states--Argentina, Brazil, and Colombia--in complying with two Inter-American human rights tribunals. I suggest that we can understand compliance as a costly yet credible signal states send to domestic and international audiences about their commitment to human rights. In the absence of domestic institutions, cheap talk persists, but for those states that have strong domestic institutions, compliance is both credible and potentially costly. This finding has implications for the future of international human rights adjudication and for the literature on compliance with international institutions more generally. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]