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This paper presents a simple model in which electoral uncertainty differentially distorts the incentives of politicians expecting to win and lose that are both risk-neutral. The paper demonstrates that expected winners exhibit a status-quo bias in implementing policies with beneficial but uncertain effects, while expected losers might even implement especially noisy policies that are expected to decrease their support. A second result suggests centralized governments should spend more resources on less supportive regions- a prediction at odds with most existing political science and economics literature. I find empirical support for this last prediction in the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the experiences of economic reforms in China and India. It argues that the developmental state model has more strengths than neoclassical economics in explaining the divergent economic performances of China and India during their economic reforms. The paper emphasizes the critical role played by the state and institutional contexts during China's and India's economic reforms. The analyses provide a serious critique on the one-dimensional logic of neoclassical development, but suggest that China's and India's pro-market policies during economic reforms were selectively formulated and implemented under some specific political and institutional preconditions. It seeks to explain China's rapid economic modernization and India's gradualism with the emphasis on their different institutional contexts, in particular, the changes of party politics, the evolving central-local relations, and bureaucratic and administrative efficiency etc. It argues that the superior economic performance of the Chinese economy is to a large extent the consequence of the strategic governmental interventions for certain systemic developmental objectives at three stages of economic reforms, and the formulation of and implementation of economic policies have been facilitated by special political bases and institutional arrangements such as its party system, the evolving central-local relations, and the bureaucratic and administrative efficiency etc. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indian democracy is in the throes of change. There are two striking developments in this regard in rural India. The first pertains to the 73rd Constitutional Amendment, enacted in 1993, making elections to rural local self government bodies mandatory, and guaranteeing the reservation of a percentage of seats for women in these bodies. The second development pertains to the rapid growth of grassroots NGOs, many of which work with women. Both the developments contribute in different ways to deepening grassroots democracy, and are connected to the goal of women’s empowerment. In this paper, I propose to examine the dilemmas, contradictions and challenges, produced as a result of conflicts and convergences between those involved in local electoral politics and ‘non-political’ or ‘apolitical’ NGO activism. I explore what sort of relationships actually exist, what they are assumed to be, and what they should be between grassroots NGOs and local self government institutions for grassroots democracy to take root in rural India. I highlight the rural women’s own positions and perspectives. My paper engages with the empirical specificities of the state, NGO activism and rural women, and with theorisation on state and civil society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses original public opinion data of 607 households and 6 political leaders to assess how clientelism, in its many forms, influences dyadic policy representationâ??the degree to which leaders and citizens have shared policy positionsâ??in the area of social welfare policy. Results indicate a positive and significant relationship between the receipt of a clientelist benefit and dyadic policy representation. When citizens report experience with clientelism they are more likely to share the policy positions of their elected leader. This paper discusses the theoretical implications of this finding on the quality of democratic life in Bangalore. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between civilians and the military in India since 1947 to the present day. The paper argues that the Indian military's ability to influence political decisions has grown dramatically over the last two decades. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The shift in U.S.-Indian relations around the turn of the twenty-first century provides an ideal opportunity to test competing explanations of global power relations. Through examination of primary and secondary source materials, this paper investigates the timing of and justifications for the rapid changes in the relationship between the United States and India. This evidence is used to test the utility of explanations based on political regime type, extent of economic liberalization, global and local balance of power considerations, and nuclear proliferation concerns in light of changes in U.S.-Indian relations. Although the United States currently has friendly relations with China, this paper finds that the U.S. government is engaging India as a balancer against Chinese power. This suggests that the United States' role as a regional hegemon encourages it to promote a balance of power in Asia, even if the immediate threat of China is arguably minimal, implying that U.S. foreign policy decision-makers feel compelled to intervene in order to remain the sole regional hegemon. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My paper is concerned with how a political science inquiry may gain by taking seriously public discussions that occur outside formal deliberative settings as the mortar from which politics is fashioned. Specifically, I examine how we might understand the public discourses of gurus in contemporary Gujarat and Gandhi in colonial India as types of political deliberation that reflect and shape the politics of their times. I juxtapose the deliberative style of gurus with an earlier historical mode of deliberation used by Gandhi, to depict two distinct exemplars of deliberation, both of which invoke religion to talk about politics. I argue that the discursive activities of Gandhi and the gurus produce two divergent conceptions of the Hindu subject and Indian polity that do important political work for authorizing radically different political projects. By focusing on gurus as political deliberators who participate in the production of an exclusionary political consensus within the prominent space they occupy in Gujarat's civic life, the paper elucidates how the discursive processes and civic spaces that social scientists consider to be constitutive of democracy have become implicated in a non-democratic politics of exclusion and marginalization in Gujarat today. Finally, the comparison between Gandhi and the gurus leads me to raise important questions about the possibilities and limits of deliberative politics and its contradictory relationship with democracy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With a population of a billion people, a rich diversity of religious, linguistic and caste identities and a federal system with 28 states, India represents only one case or observation point in cross-national research yet one that is full of potential for within-case variation analysis. As Kohli (1987) describes it, India is a virtual laboratory for a comparative political scientist. My paper exploits this variation to explore the important and interesting question of if and how political regime type is connected to economic growth. The paper is divided into three broad parts. In the first part, I review the literature on political regimes and develop a typology of democratic regimes that is both theoretically grounded and empirically driven. More specifically, I use statistical cluster-analysis techniques to analyze electoral data from state assembly elections from 1967 to 1996. For each state in each election year we have data on four dimensions: party fractionalization by votes, political participation, representation of underprivileged groups and women. Since each state had an average of 6 elections during this period, the analysis is based on approximately 110 observations. One noteworthy feature that emerges from the classification of 15 major Indian states into types of democratic regimes along these four dimensions is that most of the states stay in the same regime type during the 30 year period examined. The analysis in this part of the paper thus suggests that not only is there something intrinsically different between groups of Indian states in terms of their democratic functioning but also that these differences have persisted over a long period In the second part, I establish that state political regime type is strongly correlated with economic growth and will then go on to examine the ways in which differences in various aspects of regime types affect economic growth. In the third part, I will discuss the implications of my findings for both cross-national studies of growth and political regimes as well as those that focus on particular areas of the world, thus situating my research within the broader literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do clientelist parties offer material rewards to voters in Bangalore, India? This paper explores party motivations for supplying clientelist benefits to low-income citizens. I highlight the strategic mixing of different kinds of clientelist strategies in which political parties engage to gain political support in Bangalore--provision of programmatic and particularistic benefits to different kinds of household targets. I contribute to existing formal models of clientelism and demonstrate the success of mixed clientelist strategies on electoral outcomes in Bangalore. Using original data from a survey of 1700 households and 40 political elites in Bangalore, I demonstrate that different parties engage in different kinds of clientelism--buying votes, buying turnout and rewarding loyalists. Further, benefits supplied to citizens sometimes affect citizens' ideological positions. In some cases--particularly with regard to benefits supplied by the BJP party--clientelist benefits are associated with shifts in citizens' ideological positions in favor of the party supplying the benefit. I speculate that clientelist strategies, in part, help to explain the rise of the BJP party in Karnataka and other parts of India. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I will attempt to explain the decision by General Pervaiz Musharraf to start peace negotiations with India in January 2004. This understanding was reached between the leaders of India and Pakistan at the sidelines of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) summit in Islamabad after a period of extreme tension between the two sides. During the last decade, relations between the two sides have been very unstable in the wake of nuclearization and limited war in Kargil.General Musharraf is widely credited to be responsible for the Kargil adventure. India blamed Musharraf government for attack on its parliament on December 13, 2001 and moved its forces to forward positions on the border. This stand-off was eventually defused with the initiation of official dialogue between the two governments in 2004. Thus, I seek to analyze the decision by Gen. Musharraf to begin peace negotiations with India. Beyond this, I want to explain the larger process of foreign policy decision-making in Pakistan. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether and how welfare states sustain themselves in the context of globalization has become the focus of controversy. This paper situates the Indian case into this debate. I conceptualize the welfare regimes of India into two categories: promotive welfare regime and protective welfare regime. I compare welfare spending and policies pertaining to it in three states of Indiaâ??Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. Through the policy approach, I explore the policy characteristics of different welfare regimes. I hypothesize that the effects of globalization on welfare spending depend on past policy legacies of certain welfare regimes such as specific sets of programmes, laws/regulations, and decision-making processes. A further and deepening research has to be done in terms of the mechanism how the beneficiaries who are mobilized and organized under the particular programmes, legislative policies and decision-making process condition the current and future welfare policy options. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the paths and powers of women who have occupied presidential positions around the world from 1974 through 2008. While women have had less success in obtaining presidential posts compared to prime ministerial office, there have been recent notable gains. However, there is much diversity in routes women take to the presidency and powers exercised. I develop a typology of presidential positions in relation to constructions of gender power. In so doing, I integrate cases of women presidents including those entering office most recently such as India's Pratibha Patil and Argentina's Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Powerful women presidents are still exceedingly rare, particular those elected by popular vote and absent familial ties to male leaders. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the foreign direct investment patterns across regions in India and China. It examines why certain regions have been successful at attracting FDI more effectively than others by focusing on regional policies and political ideology. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan is an integral part of South Asia in geographic, cultural, linguistic and historic terms but its rulers have emphasized the country's relations with the Middle East since independence in 1947. The desire to simultaneously find national cohesion and a significant role on the world stage has shaped Pakistan's history as that of a state in search of a national identity. The emphasis on ideology led to a foreign policy that rested on Islam and Islamic unity as its principal drivers. Just as Islamic ideology was to be a substitute for nationalism and the basis for a distinct Pakistani personality, Pakistan's foreign policy highlighted closer ties with Muslim Middle Eastern nations at the expense of normal relations with India. This paper is an analysis of this aspect of Pakistan's Foreign Policy since 1947 onwards. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In June 2003, India, Brazil, and South Africa inaugurated the IBSA Alliance, which aimed to become what South African President Thabo Mbeki hailed as a "G-8 of the South." The three nations would try to expand the permanent membership of the UN Security Council, modify the TRIPS laws, and impel the US and EU to eliminate agricultural subsidies. The countries also agreed to cooperate in agricultural research, IT, trade, and defense (among other issues). This paper asks four broad questions: 1. Can the paradigms of international relations (e.g., realism, pluralism, Marxism, etc.) explain the IBSA alliance? 2. Will IBSA be able to accomplish its stated goals? 3. Has the IBSA alliance modified the foreign policies of the participant states? 4. Is the creation of IBSA emblematic of a new global architecture? I argue that none of the IR paradigms alone can explain IBSA; IBSA may achieve success in its clearly stated goals but will be unsuccessful in its other goals; the alliance has slightly modified the countries' foreign policies; the creation of IBSA does indeed represent a change in the world political-economic system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examination of the impact of nuclear weapons programs in India and Pakistan on regional security. The paper will explore nuclear proliferation and its impact on development, political stability, and terrorism in the region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with analyzing issues of identity and politics surrounding the Kashmiri woman in India. It attempts to examine the identity of these women not only as victims of armed conflict but also as challengers to the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to show the effect of caste on the Chief Justice's bench assignments over five decades with a random sample of cases on the Indian Supreme Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines India’s and Pakistan’s experiences with democratic transition and consolidation. The main questions are: 1) How do India and Pakistan differ in terms of democracy both historically and currently and why? 2) What can be said of the future prospects for democracy and what factors will continue to play a role in aiding or inhibiting it? To answer these questions, Freedom House Surveys available from the 1970’s onward are used to analyze historical trends and the current context. Also utilized are Purdue Political Terror Scales to assess levels of violence. Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the U.S. State Department provide data on political and personal freedom. Government documents and court rulings shed light on basic rights. To ascertain income inequality, the United Nations Development Program’s Gini Index data is analyzed. All data go back as far as possible through the most recent year available. Findings suggest that Pakistan and India, though once part of the same system, have divergent democratic histories and futures. India is a consolidated but illiberal democracy. Indian elites and citizens have a philosophical commitment to democracy and politics are generally governed by democratic rules and procedures. However, citizens’ civil liberties are continually encroached upon by the state and even democratic procedures are prone to periodic lapses. Pakistan is currently an authoritarian military state and historically has not adhered to basic democratic procedures. Prospects for democracy are grim in Pakistan because of the entrenchment of Islamic rule, the pervasive military influence, a weak civil society, and lack of democratic cultural norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a formal model to explain the role of India's Supreme Court as a maker of environmental policies that the politicians have failed to reverse. The paper also offers a comparative analysis of Indian Supreme Court of today and US Supreme Court of the 60s and 70s. Finally, the paper sheds light on the role of certain democratic institutions in the advancement of the common interest over special interest. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the impact of Information and Communication Technology [ICT] on resource poor players in social justice activism, organizing political action across geographical, cultural, ideological, and issue boundaries. The key issue is not just how digital communication networks foster new types and scale of mobilization of transnational advocacy networks [TNA] by reducing the costs of communication: it is if these changes impact the outcome of the entire political game. This paper examines this central question by comparing pre- and post-ICT social justice activism in India. First, it shows that the impact of evolving communication practices on the capacity of TNAs to reconfigure local issues around emerging global issues is twofold: on the one hand, enrollment of local in global governance networks increases its reach, impact and durability; on the other hand, it can compromise localist articulation of issues for pragmatic political gains. Second, the paper probes if ICT empowers the TNAs with non-conventional strategies of interest aggregation and political bargaining, which increases their clout and turns the local-global dynamics in their favor, contributing to their greater success compared to the pre-ICT TNAs. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the conceptual, political and organizational tensions between the service-delivery organizations and the movement organizations in civil society and their implications towards democratic political change. It argues creating social capital and trust do not help advancing democracy. The civil in civil society needs to get politicized. The service delivery organizations have created a culture of dependency among the masses. On the contrary, by using the language of rights, the movement groups have turned the ‘civil public’ into, what Habermas has called, the ‘political public’ and helped decentering domination, assert selfhood and chart out democratic discourses affecting the politics of everyday social life. The paper concludes that civil society would contribute actively towards democratization when it makes a transition from ‘capacity building’ to ‘capacity mobilization’; emphasizes on the ‘politics of accountability’; and start building a ‘counter-hegemonic’ force at the grassroots. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the proclivity towards refugee-related violence in India, Pakistan,.x000d.and Bangladesh, using an original dataset. I show that the host's attitude towards.x000d.refugees depend on local factors such as how long refugees are expected to stay, the.x000d.rate of inflow, its control of camps, as well as on international factors such as alliances.x000d.with the sending country and the presence of international organizations. If the host.x000d.is aggressive, refugees will retaliate, depending on whether the camps are militarized.x000d.whereby refugees will have access to weapons and arms. Camp militarization, in turn,.x000d.depends on factors such as rebel infiltration and the location of camps. Furthermore,.x000d.the paper finds that alliances between host and sending countries have a pacifying.x000d.effect. On the hand, while international organizations are able to shape host behavior.x000d.to a certain extent, they are unable to prevent camp militarization. Such findings have.x000d.policy implications for hosts, sending states and international organizations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the relative importance of regional and national identities, as well as loyalties to regional versus national parties in India on the basis of survey data. It will allow us to develop a profile of typical supporters of regional parties based on their personal backgrounds and also to assess the link between affinity to regional rather than national political parties and other characteristics of voters relevant to political life. Some of the questions which this paper will address include: What characterizes the personal background of typical supporters of regional parties? Which characteristics explain people's inclination to see themselves in terms of a subnational identity rather than as Indian and to support regional parties? Does the preference for a regional rather than national identity translate into loyalty to regional rather than to national parties? Are supporters of regional parties more or less likely to support democracy and other liberal characteristics of India's political system? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the potential relationship between globalization and religious intolerance. Drawing upon surveys, interviews and focus groups conducted in Hyderabad, India, I first argue that globalization is leading to increased levels of religious intolerance among India's educated middle and upper classes. I then investigate why globalization elicits this response and why the attitudes of the poor remain relatively unchanged. This paper is significant in both its theoretical and practical contributions. Theoretically, it bridges the subdisciplines of political economy, identity and ethnic conflict, expanding our knowledge of how local communities construct their identities in relation to one another, the state, and an ever-globalizing world. In terms of its practical application, this study contributes to debates on secular policy, community building and sustainable development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The standard view of India's industrial policy trajectory uses proximate economic drivers - public sector investment and private sector regulation - to construct an explanation of industrial performance and growth. But what determined public sector investment and private sector regulation over time? The paper argues that the changing nature of political centralization was a key driver of industrial policy change. Initially a strong center had ideological preference for a large public sector. Political dynamics produced a weak center by the mid-1960s. To improve its political strength, the weak center embarked on a Left Populist strategy - over-regulating the private and foreign sectors, and diverting public funds from investment to consumption. The resulting stagnation of the 1970s made the strategy unsustainable by producing fiscal problems and inflationary pressures that threatened to unseat the central leadership. Since economic growth was necessary for the center to keep its strong position relative to the states, it reinstated private sector growth incentives in the 1980s. To make these arguments, the paper uses a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods (the latter involving a new measure of political centralization). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper will compare estimates of multiregional dynamics of income per capita in India with estimates of multiregional dynamics of income per capita in the US and China between 1980 and 2000. An extended Lotka-Volterra model will be used to keep track of the structure of spatial dependence in each system of spatial units. The paper will compare and contrast the simultaneous growth of the US, Chinese and Indian systems of regions and examine the implications for economic policy and policies to alleviate regional economic disparities. Specifically, the paper will discuss opportunities to advance complementarities and positive feedbacks between regions characterized by highly interdependent income dynamics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the India’s industrial transformation in the 1990s, land use has become one of the most contentious issues due to a large amount of land acquisition by the non-cultivating industrialists from the farmers. In academics, explanations have been provided by the politics scientists who analyze through the party politics/party system theories and the sociologists who argue for social mobility. This paper, however, takes an alternative perspective by studying the land policy designs. It explores India’s state-level land use policies in the past, attempting to explain whether and how they condition the diverse land use patterns at the state level. .x000d..x000d.This paper focuses on the land acquisition process in two states of India, Gujarat and West Bengal. It hypothesizes that the current land use pattern is an outcome of the land records and tenancy rules in the past. As a result, the land acquisition in Gujarat has been peaceful and clear in economic, bureaucratic and political terms, while in West Bengal, the same process between farmers, industrialists and state government has manifested itself formidable and pessimistic. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Realists argue that order in international relations only has two possibilities: a) anarchy, where states are the ultimate sovereign power and no supra-state structure can check their behavior, or 2) hierarchy, where a single state dominates the system (hegemony or empire). This paper argues that the realist position neglects the foreign policies of four important cases â€" the early United States (circa 1750-1815), post World War II Japan, post World War II India, and the European Union â€" all of whom have attempted to peacefully transform the international system by proposing orders that overcome the anarchy-hierarchy divide. The first section of the paper discusses realist conceptions of anarchy and hierarchy as well as alternate conceptions of order in the IR literature such as international society, world confederation, and world state. The second section discusses the ordering arrangements proposed by the above four cases and explains why these orders were proposed. The final section contrasts the approaches to world order discussed in the first two sections in an attempt to create a more complete typology of ordering arrangements. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can institutions survive changing power alignments? Are they â€" as some have suggested â€" mere representations of participants’ capabilities at a point in time, and unable to affect state behavior thereafter? On the contrary, this paper argues that institutions are often used to entrench existing power relationships. I suggest that private domestic actors, in an effort to retain the advantages that institutions afford them, play an important role in their preservation. Theories of power transition abound in international relations research, but seldom arise in international political economy and international law. If anything, changing power dynamics have been used to explain the weakness of international institutions, which are viewed as “epiphenomenal” and subject to change in light of their participants’ altered capabilities. This project asks why some negotiators defer to existing law in some situations and not others. I hypothesize that legal deference is a means to retain power, and will examine the role of national negotiators and domestic interest groups in bringing about that result. Drawing on extensive archival and interview research, this paper compares US, Indian, and EU approaches to international negotiation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Epp's 'Rights Revolution' theory provides a compelling appraisal of the rise of rights protection in national policy making. He argues that the expansion of rights litigation in the agendas of high courts in four countries -the U.S., England, Canada and India-, results chiefly from the existence of a support structure in society to bring the cases to court, to finance the costs of litigation, and to encourage popular support for an expansion of rights. In this paper we seek to expand Epp's analysis by filling the gap produced by his methodological shortcomings and introducing Australia, Philippines and Mexico into the analysis. The preliminary results discussed in this paper show that one's conclusions about the existence and extent of a rights revolution in these countries can be sensitive to slight data and methodological issues. Further consideration of England and India reflects a picture of rights protection that differs from Epp's in significant respects. Moreover, a look at Australia, The Philippines and Mexico cast doubt on the leverage provided by the rights-support structure hypothesis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the reasons for the participation of indigenous groups in the class based Maoist insurgencies? What are its consequences? Have ethnic participation fuelled the growth of the communist insurgencies after the end of Cold War? This paper explores the questions by looking at three well known Maoist insurgencies in Nepal, Peru, and India that began during democracies with significant participation of the indigenous groups. Peru's insurgency terminated despite reaching a significant height, the Nepali insurgents joined the government, and India's insurgency did not grow as much as in Peru and India but has persisted since the 1960s. The paper analyzes the attitudes and policies of the state and insurgents toward the indigenous groups and the affect of indigenous participation, or the lack of it, on the varied trajectories of the insurgencies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do patterns of political leadership affect the trajectories of ethnic separatist movements? The main bodies of theoretical literature (primordialism, instrumentalism, socio-psychological approaches, rational-choice theory, and "social movement" theory) all demonstrate remarkable uniformity in how they analyze the effects of political leadership on the course of ethnic movements. These theoretical approaches focus almost exclusively on the emotional or material relationship between leaders and their ethnic followers. They fail to give sufficient attention to the effects of "patterns of political leadership" (defined as the political inter-relationships between state and ethnic elites, between ethnic elites, and between state elites) on the evolution of ethnic movements. This paper takes an incipient step to fill this void. I use the macrohistorical approach and a "most-similar-systems" research design to compare and contrast the effects of "patterns of political leadership" on the trajectories of several ethnic movements in India. This includes the ethnic insurgencies in Punjab, Kashmir, and Assam in the Northeast. The larger goal of this paper is to formulate the basis for an incipient theory or model of how "patterns of political leadership" affect the trajectory of separatist insurgencies in general. Thus, this paper has both substantive and theoretical implications. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the Dalit (Untouchable) Movement’s recent participation in transnational networks against casteism and corporate globalization particularly at World Social Forum (WSF) venues in Asia, South America and Europe. The paper focuses on the Dalit struggle against both corporate globalization and casteism at a number of venues, in particular the WSF. The WSF then, becomes, a space for both creating new and intensifying existing alliances and networks for the Dalits. Of necessity this paper explores the dynamic between the global and the local. In the past decade as India has opened itself up to the forces of corporate globalization there has been a counter trend, the formation of complex counter networks of new social movements, non-governmental organizations, and disadvantaged minorities. The counter networks use a wide array of opportunity structures both internally and externally to contest corporate globalization and casteism. This paper in particular analyses the networking process of the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) focussing on its ability to form networks on a variety of levels and its involvement with the WSF starting in 2001. The paper stresses the centrality of the “local”, “place”, as a means of understanding the dynamics of social movements within an Indian context including the consequent decisions to “go global” as one means of affecting the domestic policies of the Indian state. A number of research methods will be used in this paper: 1)Online research on the Dalit movement, in particular, the NCDHR; 2) Literature gathered on research trips to India; 3) Participant observation at Dalit sessions at the WSF; 4) Interviews with Dalit leaders; 5) Secondary literature addressing transnational social movements (eg. James Rosenau, Khagram, Riker, and Sikkink, Sidney Tarrow, and Jackie Smith). ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explore the origins of the anomalous development of substantive due process in the Indian Supreme Court in the area of personal liberty and preventive detention cases, given that the framers of the Indian Constitution deliberately chose to omit a due process clause to preclude substantive due process jurisrpudence. It proceeds to examine the important role of judicial "borrowing" in this process, in which justices relied on foreign precedent and legal scholarship, as well as international legal norms, to help overcome constitutional constraints. The paper analyzes personal liberty and preventive detention cases in order to gain a better understanding of the processes by which judges employ borrowing to advance "universalist" (versus particularist) legal norms, and then seeks to generalize from the Indian case by proposing a theoretical approach for understanding how judicial borrowing can be understood as a dynamic process that changes over time in new developing constitutional systems. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What drives expenditure assignment and the actual allocation of publicly provided goods in local governments? This paper develops an empirical, mathematical model to examine how cohesion between locally elected politicians and local bureaucrats, political identity, geographical location and spillover effects impact expenditure assignment and resource allocation in local developing and transitioning municipalities. Drawing on two months of field research and data collection in Bangalore, India, the paper presents an econometric model for assessing resource allocation across households and expenditure assignment across local jurisdictions. Preliminary analysis from ethnographic field interviews is further provided analyzing the case of Bangalore, India. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines state-community negotiations at the interface of family laws,i.e., laws governing areas such as marriage, divorce, maintenance, custody, and inheritance, and assesses its impact on women’s rights within the family in India. The paper also focuses on women’s agency in challenging patriarchy in state-run as well as community-governed legal institutions. The paper highlights how women’s knowledge of legal rules, insights into intra-community factionalism,and understanding of working of both formal courts and caste councils inform their choice of legal forums and shape their legal strategies. State formation and consolidation in the Indian context has required creating unified citizenry by shifting particularistic attachments of heterogeneous groups to the state.Uniform laws are seen as tools to this end.However, religious and cultural communities have sought to maintain their autonomy in regulating family laws. As a result, at different junctures in state formation, states and communities have been locked in contests and negotiations over the content of family laws and the nature of legal authority. Since women are viewed as markers of community identities, women’s rights have been the focal points of these debates. The Indian state’s accommodative arrangement vis a vis the Hindu community has been to recognise both state courts and caste councils as legitimate adjudicative bodies in matters of marriage and divorce. Teh paper compares micro-politics of adjudication in state courts and organised caste councils in the city of Mumbai in Western India. Based on interviews with women litigants, officiating members of caste councils and other judicial actors, the paper discusses advantages and disadvantages of legal pluralism on women’s rights in family laws. The paper also shows how women are able to strategically select and juggle their identities as citizens and group members in order to secure rights in legal forums. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the trajectory that India’s globalization has taken, and suggests, with empirical evidences from field study and other first hand reports that it has facilitated de-democratization in India. It highlights the political context in which India aspired to introduce globalization, critically evaluates the politics of endorsement as well as resisitance to the process. It shows how the political forces have altered their positions evident in their change of strategies regarding globalization. Other aspect of the paper is that it takes into not only the psotions of big parties but also small parties , since the latter have become key palyers in Indian politics after its decisive entry to the era of coalition politics. The findings of this paper, which are based on the extensive interviews of key policy makers, party leaders all over India, challenges the establisehd positions of the votaries as well as critics of globalization. It that sense, it offers numerous insights to the impact of globalization on India polity which could be generalized for any developing country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the tension between an individual’s right of expression and the government’s interest in protecting itself from the violence associated with subversive speech. The paper compares India and the United States by looking at their respective constitutions, subversive activity statutes, and interpretative judicial decisions. In particular, constitutional “freedom of expression” provisions include: a) the First Amendment to the United States Constitution; and b) Article 19(1)(a). With regards to American subversive activity statutes, the paper examines the: a) American Sedition Act; b) Espionage Act; c) Smith Act; and d) Patriot Act. Parallel Indian authority includes: a) Article 19(2) of the Indian Constitution; b) Statute 124-A; and c) Statute 505. The writer seeks to highlight briefly the historical motivations behind the statutes. More importantly, this paper is an in-depth exploration of the similarities and differences between the standards used by the respective judiciaries in ascertaining whether or not a speech or publication in question is subversive, and, therefore, is not deserving of constitutional protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions will a religious nationalist party with a historically elite support base be able to win the mass support required to succeed in democratic politics? In this project, I examine why the upper-caste Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party in India has experienced variable success in expanding its base among lower caste Hindu voters across Indian states. Using national and local survey data, and extensive interviews gathered during 14 months of fieldwork, I establish that this success cannot be explained through conventional arguments centered on socio-cultural polarization or the manipulative capabilities of ethnic elites. Instead it depends on the local strength of the BJP’s grassroots ethno-nationalist affiliates working to provide social services to these electorates. Such service work allows an upper caste movement to establish contact with distrustful communities, and subsequently mobilize these electorates by appealing to their religious rather than their caste identities. Lastly I argue the demand for these services itself varies across India, according to the level of public provision of such services, and the existence of alternative caste organizations competing to mobilize these populations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The incidence of domestic terrorist attacks varies dramatically across the states of India. This article argues that important state-level differences in party systems helps to explain the different levels of terrorist activity within the Indian states. Analyzing statistical data on terrorist attacks as well as other political, social and macroeconomic indicators of the 27 Indian states and the Delhi municipality from 1998 to 2006, it is determined that Indian states characterized by multi-party electoral competition, a diffusion of vote and legislative seat distribution among parties, and minority party government are more likely to experience terrorist attacks than states with stable, two party systems, and majority party rule. These features increase the likelihood that terrorism will occur because they nurture the political conditions under which terrorism is likely to flourish and because they impair government ability to craft coherent and effective antiterrorism policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postcolonial political discourse is an expression of the discrepant relationship between indigenous cultural experience and a political lexicon whose intelligibility derives from the historico-cultural experience of the West. This discrepancy goes to the heart of concerns raised by liberal political philosophy about the cultural preconditions necessary for liberal political values but calls for an exploration of the relationship between language, culture and politics. To investigate the issue, I will present a study of a nineteenth-century Gujarati novel that deals with the transition of a community to the new political order that Independence in India purported to install. Sarasvatichandra is self-professedly an instruction manual, written in the form of a social novel to educate the citizens-to-be. In the end, the novel fails in its project of translation and its language completely breaks down, with the last of its four volumes being merely a series of fragments written in three different languages. This failed project opens up questions of representation and cultural translation and allows us to reflect on what the categories of modern politics could mean in a postcolonial context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 26 June 1975, Indira Gandhi’s government imposed a state of Emergency on India. This spell of authoritarianism ended on the 18th January 1977. Why did the postcolonial Indian state acquire an authoritarian form? On the basis of quantitative analysis of data on 3,746 Indian parliamentarians elected during Nehruvian and Indira Gandhi’s era, I argue that the appearance of authoritarianism in postcolonial India was a result of changes in parliamentarians’ social and political networks and their experiences of various cultures of politics between the Nehruvian and Indira Gandhi's era of politics. During Nehruvian era Congress party’s parliamentarians had close political and social network with each other and with opposition parties’ parliamentarians, and had high amount of experience of cultures of politics. During Indira Gandhi’s era Congress party’s parliamentarians had weaker political and social network with each other and with opposition parties’ members, and had lower amount of experience of cultures of politics than their predecessors. These changes in structure and culture of the world of postcolonial Indian politics precipitated a brief period of authoritarianism in India. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and Pakistan have fought four wars and have had many other smaller disputes in their 60 year history. Contrary to the expectations of democratic peace theory, conflict between India and Pakistan is more likely under a democratic government in Pakistan than an autocratic government. Using process-tracing, I demonstrate that there has always been imperfect civilian control of the military in Pakistan and the military has power over foreign policy formulation. Under a civilian regime, military leaders are motivated solely by the military’s perceptions of national interests; military leaders do not have to consider political reprisal in their calculations of when to engage in conflict. The presence of a nominal civilian leader removes all accountability from the military. However, when a military ruler is directly in power, political costs of failure would be attributed to him and he would be more cautious. Thus I conclude that ultimately it is not the presence or lack of democracy that influences conflict behavior; instead, the independent variable of interest is the extent to which an organization or a leader that makes decisions about foreign policy is held accountable for those decisions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India’s new growth rate of 6%, I argue, was caused by a change in the ethical evaluation of wealth. Indians used to consider commerce and profit to be anti-social, and implemented economic policies that stifled private enterprise. Since 1980s, they have come to consider rich businessmen as heroes, and profits as just, and so new policies have allowed a greater play to the market. The ideological change does a better job of explaining the change in India’s economic policies than does the rational self-interest of policymakers. There was no economic crisis, nor a change in balance of power among special interests. But what changed was what Deirdre McCloskey calls the "Rhetoric of the Economy"- what influential people are saying about business and commerce. Greed is Good, or Profit is Dirty? Such Rhetoric shapes collective notions of justice and the greater good, which, even economists now agree, greatly affect policy outcomes. I do content analysis, a method borrowed from Film Studies, of the most popular Indian movie each year since 1955, and find that characters of rich merchants have gone from being villanized to being valorized. No wonder then that India's top marginal tax rate has gone from 97% in 1970 to 40% today. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India has a strong tradition of civil society mobilization for human development. In modern India, where the sheer scale and complexity of problems can devour the best intentioned and designed social programs, can civil society go beyond niche activity and help the state create systematic solutions to important health issues? It will be argued that civil society organizations have an ambiguous effect on India’s complex health issues, but their presence can lead to innovation and productive discourse. There is, however, an important caveat: the inclusion of ‘civil society’ into the development project may negatively affect the quality of India’s long-stable democracy by short-circuiting the accountability of the government in providing public services and misrepresenting the wishes of the poor. Although ‘civil society’ includes more than just NGOs, the biggest interface between the government and society when it comes to the delivery of public goods in India is with professional NGOs to the exclusion of other groups. In other words NGOs are the de facto manifestation of civil society when it comes to development issues and are accountable to the government or international donors and not to the people they serve. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In August 1947, India and Pakistan emerged from British rule with a shared lineage of colonial institutions, including the military. Yet the two states exhibit wildly different patterns of civil-military relations. The Pakistani military has virtually never been under civilian control and has frequently displaced and supplanted civilian authority. In contrast, the Indian military has virtually never challenged civilian control. Why? .x000d.My research suggests that norms are an important part of the story. More specifically, I argue that officer corps norms or shared beliefs about the appropriateness of civilian control powerfully drive its preferences and actions. These “cults of appropriateness” evolved during the formative years after independence as a by-product of the founding elite's conceptions and choices of national security policy driven by each state's identity needs. Once in place, organizational norms have proved 'sticky.' When it comes to civilian control, early success breeds success. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During ethno-nationalist violence, the media becomes a tool for elites to manipulate. The media helps elites, or political leaders, both perpetuate and provoke ethnic tensions. Scholars who study the media and ethnic violence tend to focus on how the lack of institutionalization associated with democratization leads to media manipulation. However, this study shows that such manipulation is also able to occur in established democracies, which can have non-professionalized media outlets that can be used to exacerbate violence. It is not democratization in itself that leads to this lack of institutionalization and manipulation, but political instability creating political incentives for elites to incite the majority ethnic group against the minority. This study examines the role of the media in ethno-nationalist violence. How do elites use it to their advantage? Elites use the media as a tool to shape mass behavior by forcing public opinion to focus on ethno-nationalism. They do this by both manipulating their message and repressing opposing views. The case of riots in the Indian state of Gujarat in 2002 shows how elites in a more established democracy were able to use the media to intensify ethnic violence for their benefit. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do developing country governments implement policies to use information technologies in service delivery at a particular time? I explore this question in the Indian states and find that political characteristics, and in particular levels of corruption, are key drivers of policy initiation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Varying patterns of political competition and fragmentation of authority explain vastly different levels of economic growth across India?s states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]