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Scholars of international relations have examined systemic influences on domestic politics and the need to bridge the gap between international relations and comparative politics (Coleman and Perl 1999; Keck and Sikkink 1998; Caporaso 1997; Putnam 1988; Gourevitch 1978; Keohane and Nye 1977). One of the systemic influences on states? behavior is the establishment of regimes (Haggard and Simmons 1987; Krasner, 1983; Young 1983; Haas 1980). In the early 1960s, two major reports ? the 1962 report of the Royal College of Physicians in the United Kingdom and the 1964 Surgeon General?s report in the United States ? about the hazard of cigarette smoking had dramatic impact on domestic politics of the US and countries of the Commonwealth. Tobacco control has gradually bubbled up as international concern and on May 21, 2003, a convention known as the FCTC was unanimously adopted among 192 countries, bringing into being an international tobacco control regime. Adopting a neo-liberal ? constructivist perspective, this paper seeks to examine the evolution of the FCTC between 1993 and 2003 using event history and document analyses. The paper aims to explore two main issues: (1) what accounted for the emergence of the tobacco control regime? (2) What role(s) did non-governmental actors play in the emergence of the regime? Similar to Meyer et al. (1997), the paper finds the spread of norms and activities of non-governmental actors as critical in the emergence of the regime. These answers help us to better understand the contemporary global system and the behavior of states within them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to explore the potentially profound political implications of new research into the neuroarchitecture of the brain, especially the role of the mirror neuron system (MNS) which yields compelling evidence that humans are hard-wired for empathy. The same affective brain circuits are automatically mobilized upon feeling one's one pain and observing the pain of others. However, if morality is rooted in biology, in the raw material or building blocks for the evolution of its expression, how do we explain the disjunction between.x000d.its presence and a massive societal empathy deficit? Why hasn't this moral intuition produced a more ameliorating effect? I seek to examine the role of political culture, especially the cultural narrative of hyper-individualism as it interacts with this biological predisposition toward pro-social behavior. The paper draws upon recent work in biology, neuroscience, primatology, cultural studies, political science, psychology and sociology. In an attempt to avoid the dangers of neuroscientific reductionism, I'm comfortable with what William Connolly describes as "...politics through which cultural life mixes into the composition of body/brain process. And vice versa." ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper tackles the conditions under which, ethnic parties and social movements intersect in Latin American's reality. The case of Bolivia presents an appealing case for analyzing the features of the rise of ethnic movements in the region, their capabilities of canalizing into political parties and their ability of transforming formal and traditional institutions. This research will build on institutionalism and social movement's literature in order to explain institutional change and ethnic party formation in Bolivia. As mainstream literature has noted, the conditions that arose in Latin America after the implementation of neoliberal policies of the Washington Consensus have led to an upsurge of ethnic movements, demands for political inclusion and active participation in the decision making process. The analysis contributes to the literature in focusing on the connection of the understudied phenomenon of ethnic parties in the region, and their linkage to social movements and institutional change. Finally, the paper attempts to shed light over Latin America's politics of dealignment that eroded traditional bases of support and opened new avenues for 'informal institutionalization' of social movements and ethnic parties in the region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper conceptualizes informal, unlicensed recovery houses in the Kensington section of Philadelphia as sites of governmentality that become able partners for the neoliberal welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that neoliberal reforms in Mexico have eliminated many of the traditional channels of participation and representation available to lower-class groups, restricting the voice of many marginal groups despite democratic reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the adequacy of the collective action framework in the literature on market reforms, and shows that many underlying assumptions are not warranted in the actual processes, thus creating an ontological obstacle to theorization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an account of one of the crucial differences in the economic structures of the Balkans and the former USSR, on the one hand, and East Central Europe and the Baltic states, on the other hand. This difference lies in the fact that the former economies remain politically-subordinate while the latter have become politically-relativized. In the politically-subordinate economies of the Balkans and most of the former USSR, firms remain subject to the arbitrary, unconstrained, and hierarchical intervention of those actors in society who have direct access to the organized use of force. These actors specifically consist of high-level state officials and organized crime syndicates. This phenomenon is institutionally manifested in the politico-economic arrangement of neopatrimonialism. By contrast, the politically-relativized economies of East Central Europe and the Baltic states are comprised of firms which, on the whole, have become much more free from the arbitrary control of high-level state officials and organized crime groups. Which of these outcomes emerged in the post-communist period depended on the interaction of specific policy strategies pursued by post-communist leaderships and the particular structural conditions these countries inherited from the communist era. In any given country, the state-socialist system, itself a politically-subordinate economy, had the potential to give way under conditions of political liberalization to either a neopatrimonial politically-subordinate economy or a politically-relativized economy. The state-socialist system was replaced by a politically-relativized economy where there occurred (1) political liberalization; (2) the rise to power under conditions of political liberalization of a revolutionary counter-elite; and (3) the successful and complete implementation of neoliberal economic policies. In East Central Europe and the Baltic states, the combination of these three factors had the unintentional effect of irreparably weakening the formal-institutions and patron-client structures of the communist-era political class. They also had the inadvertent result of institutionalizing bureaucratic norms at the highest levels of the state apparatus. The result was the replacement of the state-socialist politically-subordinate economy with politically-relativized economies. Neoliberal economic policy programs thereby resulted in the establishment of politically-relativized economies, but succeeded in doing so only by virtue of the particular institutional context in which they were pursued and the effects they had on those institutional arrangements. In the Balkans and the rest of the former USSR, however, political liberalization took place without the simultaneous emergence of a counter-elite that carried through a neoliberal economic program. Consequently, in the latter countries the formal-institutional structures of the nomenklatura-dominated one-party state were destroyed while the informal patron-client networks of this political class remained intact. As a result, the politically-subordinate economy of state socialism survived in a new, neopatrimonial format. These varying trajectories taken by post-communist countries are analyzed through case studies of post-Soviet Estonia and Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization under the neoliberal paradigm has reduced the role of state intervention in global markets, and in the process reconfigured state/society interactions at the domestic level. These new forms of politics create the possibility of “globalization from below,” social movements that resist the logic and priorities of the global market by seeking to create autonomous political structures from the grassroots up. This paper will examine the case of the Zapatista autonomy movement in Chiapas, which began at the municipal level in 1994 and expanded into regional structures of autonomous government announced in 2003. The evolution of this movement will be analyzed in relation to changing responses by the Mexican state and global capital. In the comparative context of other new political movements confronting neoliberalism in Latin America–such as landless rural workers (MST) in Brazil, indigenous groups in Ecuador (CONAIE), and mobilizations against privatization and austerity in Bolivia and Argentina–the Zapatista movement can help understand the politics of organizing to confront global capital as the state recedes. The research draws on over a dozen stays in Zapatista communities as a human rights observer since 1994; and particularly in the Montes Azules region, which is the current center of conflict in Chiapas between local priorities and global marketing of commodities such as biodiversity and hydraulic resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization under the neoliberal paradigm has reduced the role of state intervention in global markets, and in the process reconfigured state/society interactions at the domestic level. These new forms of politics create the possibility of “globalization from below,” social movements that resist the logic and priorities of the global market by seeking to create autonomous political structures from the grassroots up. This paper will examine the case of the Zapatista autonomy movement in Chiapas, which began at the municipal level in 1994 and expanded into regional structures of autonomous government announced in 2003. The evolution of this movement will be analyzed in relation to changing responses by the Mexican state and global capital. In the comparative context of other new political movements confronting neoliberalism in Latin America–such as landless rural workers (MST) in Brazil, indigenous groups in Ecuador (CONAIE), and mobilizations against privatization and austerity in Bolivia and Argentina–the Zapatista movement can help understand the politics of organizing to confront global capital as the state recedes. The research draws on over a dozen stays in Zapatista communities as a human rights observer since 1994; and particularly in the Montes Azules region, which is the current center of conflict in Chiapas between local priorities and global marketing of commodities such as biodiversity and hydraulic resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the limit of a political agency as an impromptu aggregation of individuals in the context of civic responsibility. The 2008's Anti-U.S. beef candlelight vigils in South Korea have generated two opposite interpretations: some regard the protests as the advent of the 'multitude,' or 'collective intelligence' that foreshadows the emergence of a new type of democracy, while others denounce them as anti-political populist movements which cannot be institutionalized. Of particular concern here is the reason why such a mass social movement disappeared abruptly without leaving any social repercussion. We argue that the volatility of the movement is in part attributed to the society's neo-liberal changes as well as post-democratic features. And, we interpret the appeal of participants to popular sovereignty as an articulation of neoliberal individualization with nationalistic-democratic discourses. The candlelight vigils show the internal discrepancy of the citizen who oscillates between collective political agency only reacting to dramatic issues and atomized neo-liberal individual without civic responsibility. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of the new Left in Latin America have generally neglected the evolving nature of conservative or right-wing actors. Following Arditi's (2008) approach to analyzing the conceptual grid of the contemporary Latin American Left(s), this paper analyzes the conceptual grid of conservative elites in Ecuador in response to the emergence of a powerful indigenous peoples' social movement in that country. I conclude that three inter-related principles (liberal democracy, a market economy, and "authentic multiculturalism") form the core of the conservative conceptual grid in response to indigenous political activism. Although the political praxis of the Right frequently diverges from this idealized set of principles, the principles themselves have served as a powerful brake on the political impact of the Ecuadorian indigenous movement. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1970s, indigenous movements in Latin America have framed demands for cultural recognition, political representation and economic redistribution in a language of human and indigenous rights. They sought to transform international law and pressure states to implement domestic reforms. However, the construction of favorable international political opportunity structures cannot account for the widespread institutionalization of indigenous rights. In Bolivia, interaction between international and domestic opportunity structures provided social movements with tactics they used to pressure the state to reform in the 1990s. While these reforms were closely linked to neoliberal restructuring and failed to eliminate exclusionary social and economic structures, I argue that they opened political space and allowed social movements to transform norms of indigenous rights. In this paper, I highlight the changing role of the state in the adoption of international norms and in response to neoliberalism. I argue that a nuanced examination of the relationship between domestic social movements, transnational actors and neoliberal reforms is needed to understand how social movements are making rights claims in an era of neoliberalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As China has grown economically it has gained in world influence and military power as well. Some realist IR theorists believe that rising powers in general - and China in particular - pose serious dangers of conflict with the older great powers they seek to join or displace. Other scholars see China as acting cautiously and responsibly, like a status-quo-power. Neo-liberal theorists tend to believe that China can be integrated into a peaceful world system and constrained by a web of normative and legal obligations. Chinese leaders themselves speak of seeking a "harmonious world" and disclaim any intention to threaten anyone. What does the American public think about the rise of China as a world power? In this paper we use a variety of data collected by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs and others to explore the nature and causes of Americans' views.It turns out that most Americans are well aware of the rise of China. Some are apprehensive about that rise, chiefly for national security (rather than economic) reasons, and many favor a degree of off-shore "balancing" of the sort that realists recommend. But few Americans want to actively work to limit the rise of China. Very few favor the use of troops to defend Taiwan. Very few favor a nuclear-armed Japan. Large majorities of Americans take stands more akin to those of neo-liberal than realist theorists, favoring cooperation and peaceful engagement with China. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To criticize the convergence argument that different types of capitalism converge into a neoliberal one, this paper shows that the legacy of “developmental state” still remains strong in Korea despite some changes after the 1997 financial crisis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the extent to which neoliberal reforms constrain partisan tax policy in South America. I find that partisanship is a good predictor of tax revenue but the interventionist left collects less tax revenue than the pro-market right. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last few years, support for U.S. foreign policy in many nations around the world has diminished, perhaps no more so than in Latin America. This has been most evident with the recent election of numerous presidential candidates in Latin America who have run, and have been elected, on anti-American foreign policy platforms. Venezuela's President, Hugo Chavez Frias, is arguably the staunchest critic of American foreign policy and is perceived by many inside the Bush administration as the greatest challenge to Washington's interest in the region. Why has this dramatic change in Latin American policy occurred? I will argue that the reason for this shift in Latin America, as exemplified by Chavez, can be attributed to the aggressive neoconservative foreign policy advocated by the Bush administration in the post 9/11 era. President Bush's choice to engage in unilateralism and "nation building," coupled with a neo-conservative economic model, has led to dramatic changes in how the United States is perceived in Latin America and, as a consequence, has damaged U.S. influence in the region. In my paper I argue that in addition to the mass protests that accompanied President Bush's recent tour of Latin America, the willingness of the governments in the region to turn away from neoliberal economic models of development and more towards Chavez led trade initiatives that promote cultural, political, and social integration is strong evidence to suggest that support for U.S. policy in the region has diminished. These initiatives which stress hemispheric integration like the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA) and Petrosur, further complicate U.S. policy in Latin America and are strong indicators of Washington's damaged influence in the region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why and how nations cooperate is crucial to the study of international cooperation. The literature has been focused on why nations cooperate by looking at structural factors such as hegemony (i.e. Krasner), regimes (i.e. Young) or domestic aspects focusing on the idea of two level games (i.e. Putnam) played out through legislative ratification procedures (Milner, Simmons), veto players (Mo, Tarar). This focus has been at the expense of systematically analyzing the factors that explain the distributive aspect involved, ie. who gets what in negotiations. This paper seeks to contribute to the literature of why and how nations cooperate by analyzing how nations have used the 1982 Law of the Sea agreement to divide overlapping ocean space. Using an extensive dataset drawn from more than 200 international agreements, the paper sheds light on what contributes to cooperation as well as the actual distributive aspect of the negotiations. Theoretically, the paper is nested in the literature of domestic sources of international cooperation. While neorealism, neoliberalism and regime theory have contributed to our understanding of the emergence of cooperation, it is clear that in order to explain distributive outcomes one has to look to the domestic level. International negotiations often have significant distributive consequences for domestic actors, therefore creating an incentive for the parliament, interest groups and powerful companies, to seek to influence the outcome. Recent years have seen the proliferation of theories of how domestic politics influence international collaboration (Putnam and Bayne 1984; Putnam 1988; Evans, Jacobson and Putnam 1993; Simmons 1994; Mo 1994, 1995; Milner 1997, Milner et. al 2000, Martin 2000). But a generalizable theory has not emerged as to who and what helps or hinders constrains international cooperation. Scholars have pointed to an electoral connection (Putnam and Bayne 1984), ratification procedures (Milner 1997, Martin 2000) and role of veto players (Mo 1994, 1995, Tarar 2001) as influencing the outcome. The Law of the Sea is a great case to test theories of international cooperation as it provides us with more than 200 agreements where nations have agreed to divide overlapping 200-mile Exclusive Economic Zones. The creation of the 200-mile EEZ gave nations control over the resources found within these zones, and was thought to solve significant conflicts over control over common resources. But the 200-mile limit also created conflict where countries were less than 400-miles apart as that meant their EEZs overlapped. But many of these conflicts have been solved; to date more than 200 such agreements exist. This paper tests different theories of international cooperation empirically and is thus a contribution to the literature on international cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine representations of crime in Youngstown, Ohio as a springboard for analyzing neoliberal economic and social policies which established the prison as a tool of population management. During the heyday of the steel industry in the 1950s and 60s, mobsters from Pittsburgh and Cleveland fought for control of the city. Their power struggles often turned violent and Youngstown earned the reputation as “Crimetown” or “Bombtown, U.S.A.” In the late 1980s and 90s, Youngstown experienced another wave of violent crime perpetrated by street level offenders who came of age in the wake of the mill closings of the 1970s and early 80s. In the 1990s, a number of prison developments testified to the limited options open to Youngstowners. .x000d.This paper will explore race in crime coverage and will argue that race played a critical role in legitimizing an economic model that abandoned industrial cities and a set of social policies that turned to prisons into warehouses for excess populations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tries to explore the concept of capital accumulation through crafts, self-employment, and micro enterprises. In particular I will delineate emergence of black women entrepreneurs in the urban contexts, these women proved to be the most imaginative and success tasting black capitalists. Whites have had "affirmative action," so long built into the system that they sanctimoniously talk of as free enterprise. This they translate as ability, individual initiative, and skillful business techniques as though they were endowed with them at birth and ordained with clever means of making money. Coming to the modern period, the story revolves around many enterprising such as Mary Kay, Oprah Winfrey, Sylvia to a new wave of immigrants. .x000d.I will then examine the linkages and interconnections between labor, race and democracy with reference to industrialization and postwar development. The paper will try to grapple with the examination of capital accumulation revolving around Fordist to the deindustrialization of the post Fordist era; how industrial capital relegates black capitalism to the periphery, and how that impacted the subsequent division of labor from globalization through neoliberal globalization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a domestic nature to water policy but water policy is not purely a domestic policy concern. This paper looks to explain the differential policies taken by states in regard to the use of water resources, focusing in particular on the actions taken by individual states in the Aral Sea Basin region (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turmenistan, and Uzbekistan)..x000d.Neorealists, such as John Mearsheimer, would contend that water resources would be used strategically, either to balance other states in the region or to increase a state’s power against other states in the region. Neoliberal institutionalists, such as Ann-Marie Slaughter, would claim that individuals inside and outside of government would join together in horizontally-oriented institutions to combat the problem confront the states of the Aral Sea Basin. Neorealist thought would portend more hostile types of interactions. .x000d.The hypothesis of this paper is that the Aral Sea Basin states, in regards to water policy, traditionally acted in a way that was more concordant with neorealist thought. The data is overwhelmingly in support of states acting in a way accordant with the tenets of neorealist scholars, operating at the state level of analysis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, the shift from state-led to market oriented economic policies has been one of the most important policy changes in sub-Saharan Africa. Fronted by international financial institutions, African governments have implemented market oriented policies with varying policy outcomes ranging from ‘half hearted’ liberalization to comprehensive economic reforms. What accounts for the variation? This paper argues that ideas (held by domestic elites) - defined as constituting both a set of policy ideas and values- matter, and can be shown to exert causal influence over and above the impact of international actors, interests, and institutions on policy outcomes in Africa. I illustrate this point by examining the shift in economic policies in Kenya. In the country, limited economic reforms in the 1990s (under President Moi) which had stalled by the end of the decade received a major boost in 2003 when the NARC government under President Kibaki came to power. I seek to explain the policy shift by focussing on how ideas, interests, and institutions interacted to produce the policy changes. The paper also explores the conditions under which ideas are likely to be influential. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organized labor has emerged in the last decade as the only force able and willing to carry out sustained challenges to Mayor Daley and his City Council allies in both the policy process and the electoral process. This paper provides a narrative of this conflict, and also includes an examination of internal labor movement conflict and determination of strategy, the context of available allies for labor, and the context of the city’s particular culture of race and machine politics. As such, it contributes to an emerging scholarship of comparative urban analysis that is committed to understanding what contexts and strategies contribute best to labor revitalization, and to a larger challenge to growing economic inequality and urban neo-liberalism. (See Turner and Cornfield, eds., Labor in the New Urban Battlegrounds.) The paper is a wedding of investigative journalism with political analysis rooted in the social movement literature’s “political opportunity” concept, and the urban politics literature’s “regime” concept. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite work by Political Scientists and others on transitions to and consolidation of political democracy, there is no clear consensus on what types of political behavior are within the realm of the democratic arena and which are external to it. The problem is confounded by the fact that in many "third wave" countries, large sectors of society are effectively excluded from full participation in formal democratic institutions, despite nominal political rights. The ambiguity lies not only as to what types of participation are democratic, but who can meaningfully participate in them. Using the Bolivian case, this paper argues that the social enfranchisement that was forgone in exchange for political democratization has worked as a short term fix, but in the long run has exacerbated deep-seeded political, economic, and social inequalities. Neoliberal economic reforms have exacerbated these inequalities but have also provoked a powerful backlash from various civil society organizations committed to rolling back neoliberal policies of the 1980s and 1990s. This paper maintains that a broadening of the democratic arena in not only political, but also economic and social terms is necessary for the country to achieve democratic stability. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the political development and neoliberal reform of welfare in Mexico, Argentina, Brazil and Chile in the 20th centry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the adverse effect on rural inequality following the arrival of the neoliberal market in land a remote Ecuadorian community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paper discusses the impact of 9/11 and the War on Terrorism on the neoliberal ideology of globalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to specify the conditions under which liberal and realist theories of institutional effects on conflict and cooperation in rivalry hold. Liberalism and Neoliberalism arguments suggest that pooled resources, economic interdependence and access to third party dispute settlement mechanisms should reduce levels of hostility between states. In the rivalry context, these theories suggest that cooperative institutions should also prevent and or reduce the longevity of the rivalry. Realist and Neorealist arguments suggest that institutions have either no effect or that the effects of institutions reflect the systemic power distributions of states and therefore might serve as a resource acquisition tool for the state. In the rivalry context, neorealist arguments might perceive RTAs as a comptetive resource to secure economic and political power. Therefore states could compete for influence in the organization or at least deny a rival unilateral access to these resources. We expect to find that support for both arguments. In keeping with the liberal theories, we expect RTAs to act as preventative tools for states to avoid experience rivalries. We also expect to find support for the realist argument that state behavior in RTAs will reflect systemic power structures and may provide another venue for continuation of the rivalry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With close to three decades of data on the neoliberal economic model it is clear the record is uneven at best. This paper offers a comprehensive analysis of provincial-level economic development across the 31 states of Mexico and 23 provinces of Argentina, testing the proposition that the outcome of the neoliberal model in emerging democracies is in part a function of the subnational political transitions that a country experiences. Using an innovative subnational data set spanning two countries and over 15 years, and including provincial-level economic, political, and social indicators, we find ample support for the idea that those provinces and states that are best able to transition quickly and relatively peacefully to multi-party democracies will enjoy greater chances of economic success than those provinces that either remain under one-party rule or those with prolonged, violence-filled political transitions. These findings offer yet another indication that in order to more fully understand Latin America's "dual transition" and its effects, scholars must explore the unevenness of these transitions as they played themselves out at the subnational level. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To the extent that neoliberalism is understood as the end of the social welfare state, solutions and possible alternatives to neoliberalism are always gauged in such a way as to suggest the centrality of resocializing the economy as a mode of individual conduct. This paper takes issue with the binary opposition between the “social” and the “economic”, and by utilizing the literature on the anthropology of the gift reveals the ways in which the “social” and the “economic” are in fact co-constituted ideas. This co-constitution, I argue is a central mode of articulating identity and its alternatives in Western thought. From this perspective, the “social” appears as the constitutive other of “economic” transpersonal relations, a fixation that resonates in debates over the problems with individualization and the promises imagined via collectivism. Without understanding the limits of our imaginary geography, I argue that it is not possible to create alternatives to and within neoliberal capitalism. As a solution, this study concludes with remarks about another way of visioning alternatives to neoliberalism by arguing for the centrality of thinking through a pure impossible outside exemplied by Derrida’s notion of the Gift. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-WWII international system has witnessed the emergence of several pseudo-states. From a systemic perspective, pseudo-states (e.g., Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, South Ossetia) represent anomalies that have been ignored by the realist, neoliberal, or constructivist paradigms. The ethnic/civil conflict and rivalry research programs have also been oblivious of the dynamics of pseudo-statism..x000d.The paper addresses two questions: 1. when are we more likely to observe the emergence of pseudo-states? and 2. What processes cause these entities to survive? .x000d.Rare events logistic regression results provide strong evidence that pseudo-states are more likely to emerge in newly formed states, which lends credence to the idea that post-WWII state formation processes have often been incomplete. The findings also suggest that pseudo-states are more prone to emerge during periods of systemic change. Moreover, the phenomenon of pseudo-statism seems to be more frequent in the post-Cold War period rather than during the Cold War. Contrary to the general findings of the qualitative literature, the degree of ethnic fractionalization and prior war do not seem to have a statistically significant impact on the emergence of pseudo-states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many studies explore explanations of electoral volatility, but most focus on country-level volatility, overlooking important and divergent explanations of volatility at the party level. In this paper, I first show that patterns of system and party level volatility do not parallel one another, and then use that finding to argue that the two types of volatility require different explanatory models. I find that while system-level volatility decreases with the age of party system, party-level electoral volatility increases with the age of the party. Moreover, while political scandals, neo-liberal economic reforms, and polarization/extremism do not affect system-level volatility, these variables do affect party-level volatility. The results also suggest a non-linear and interactive relationship between ideological extremism, incumbency, and volatility. I test these hypotheses on 24 legislative elections in 8 Latin American countries during the 1980s and 2000. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In studying black urban politics, few have paid critical attention to the influence of neoliberalism on black mayoral regimes, black public opinion, black political behavior, and black political ideologies. Further, while scholars have paid increased attention to the roots of support for black political ideologies such as black nationalism, they have not attempted to study the roots of support for policies attached to black nationalism at the local level. In this paper I bring these two lines of inquiry together by studying the spatial determinants of support for "black empowerment" in Detroit in the late nineties, using the case of two referenda designed to alternatively award (and reject) an African American businessman a casino. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As civil war has become the most dominant form of armed conflict, conflict analysts have focused on applying the dominant theoretical frameworks to understand the conditions associated with the initiation and the termination of intrastate conflict and the creation of durable peace. Neorealists find that there are similarities between the anarchical international system and the lack of a central authority within war-torn societies. Neoliberal institutionalists disagree. In their view, neorealists simply neglect to discuss what happens in the aftermath of civil wars. Constructivists claim that both neorealists and neoliberals focus only on explaining states’ materially based interests and are unable to explain the sources of states’ motivations for international moral action, which is generally defined as “an international action as one that advances a moral principle rather than a selfish.” .x000d..x000d.This paper aims to clarify which school of thought offers the best explanation for the conditions associated with the termination of intrastate conflicts and the creation of a durable peace, particularly the role of international organization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analysis South Africa's neoliberal transition through an analysis of the domestic and international context in which negotiations took place. It proposes a theoretical analysis of the state and the international in shaping policy debate. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1978 and 2005, after implementing neo-liberal reforms, conservative parties in Latin America have collapsed or declined, while in post-conflict Central America the right continues to dominate politics. The paper examines this development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neoliberal market reformers stress the "market building instincts" of private owners to justify rapid forms property transformation under illiberal political conditions. They expect private owners to demand the institutions of the self-restraining state to protect property from various forms of expropriation and to enforce contracts. Legacy theorists counter that political and economic insiders are more likely to capture such privatization programs and subsequently demand exemption from the rule of law rather than application of it. We employ a "path contingency" approach to show that under illiberal, competitive authoritarian conditions, privatization recipients and other private economic agents are unlikely to demand the basic institutions of market democracy where they don't exist. Yet, this is by no means a stable set of affairs. Political inequality and its attendant rent-seeking behavior will likely delay or distort growth and can contribute to economic and political instability. Political crisis may follow as competitive authoritarian regimes face societal frustration and energized, united political oppositions. Such crises are moments of uncertainty and flux. Crises provide private economic agents in particular an opportunity to reconsider their ties to an illiberal regime. They will be most likely to do so where the sources of wealth from the economy depend on the decentralized transactions of numerous independent agents spread across multiple sectors. They will be least likely to do so where the sources of wealth come primarily from resource rents controlled by the incumbent regime. This paper examines these propositions during illiberal regime crises in Serbia, Georgia and Azerbaijan. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following an interpretative approach to the study of culture, this paper examines dance-forms as a site of expression as well as a commodity for consumption in the neoliberal global capitalism. We argue that with globalization, specific cultural-forms shift and adjust to the needs of neoliberal market economy and evolve to convey meanings dissimilar to their original context. We explicate multiple meanings Tahitian dance could convey in post-globalized Hawaii and examine the role of market forces in shaping those meanings. Based on personal experiences of many Tahitian dance shows in Honolulu, Hawaii, I examine Tahitian dance as a site of globalization that is greatly eroticized, sexualized and commoditized to meet the neoliberal capitalist interest of drawing tourists for sustaining the political economy of the State. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does neoliberal economic reform permit states to more efficiently allocate resources? This paper examines this question by analyzing the effect of privatizing state enterprises on state spending in Brazil from 1980 to 2000. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My paper discusses the impact of Neoliberalism in the reversal of social and economic rights in Latin America throughout the 1980s and 1990s. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the expansion of the neoliberal economic order, the flexible labor market paradigm has questioned the efficiency of the welfare state labor market institutions. Furthermore, the flexible labor market policy has been recommended as a universal solution to unemployment issues in developing countries. This essay poses a challenge to such a free-market orthodox view that a more flexible labor market system contributes to improving unemployment conditions in developing countries. To this end, this study utilizes the Panel Corrected Standard Error(PCSE) regression model and Generalized Least Square (GLS) Random Effect model with the time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) dataset of ten OECD countries. Contrary to the orthodox view, the empirical findings of this research suggest that in developing countries flexible labor market policy can result in higher unemployment rates. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While scholars have studied how state formation contributes to movement development, these studies have examined western democracies (Tarrow: 1998) or indigenous movements (Yashar: 1996). Neither account theorizes how state development combined with neoliberal restructuring creates spaces for movements to continuously develop. I understand neoliberal reforms as what Peck and Tickell call ‘roll-out’ and ‘roll-back’ neoliberalism (2002). ‘Roll-back’ neoliberalism’s emphasis on removing the state from the economy and ‘roll-out’ neoliberalism’s incorporation of state agencies and NGO’s under the rubric of World Bank initiatives create spaces for movements to claim autonomy from the state, develop their own institutions and allows them to constantly negotiate their presence with the state. I argue these points through my case study of the MST (Landless Workers Movement) in Brazil. My study juxtaposes the development of neoliberal social programs within Brazil through current neoliberal reforms with the MST’s institutional development. Neoliberal reforms have created spaces where the movement’s financial system, as in their cooperatives, and representative institutions have grown while the Brazilian state’s effective reach has lessened. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay considers critical theories of neoliberalism. Since its rise in the 1970s and especially its boom in the 1990s, there is no shortage of critiques. Many claim that neoliberalism produces terminal conditions for citizenship, not citizens, but entrepreneurial drones who invest instead of participate. For others, neoliberalism means victory of “McWorld," the end of history and democracy. I argue against all of these claims that neoliberalism is essentially monolithic. Contrary to the critics, it does not eviscerate political possibilities outside the purview of the economy. While maintaining my critical position, I suggest that neoliberalism introduces new power relations, and rationalities of government. Taking as a point of departure Wendy Brown’s argument that neoliberalism generates political conditions that crush liberalism under the thumb of the market, I agree that neoliberalism is not revised liberalism. However her hegemonic portrayal obscures opportunities for critical engagements. These become visible when we consider differences between liberal and neoliberal political rationalities. While liberalism works through a politics of exclusion, neoliberalism operates through a logic of inclusion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Rwandan genocide will long be remembered as one of the bloodiest genocides of the 20th century. However, while the genocide was occuring, the Clinton Administration remained idle. While sheer ignorance may at first seem like a plausible explanation for the Clinton Administration's inaction to the escalating violence on the Rwandan countryside, facts surrounding the situation indicate otherwise..x000d.The reasoning behind the Clinton Administration's inaction, from an international relations theory perspective, seems to contain evidence from the divergent realist and neo-liberal paradigms. On one account, the lack of a security dilemma posed by the violence in Rwanda, coupled with the lack of relative gains for U.S. interests by intervening in Rwanda, can offer some explantion for inaction. Yet, other factors centering around domestic political concerns such as lagging public opinion support and low presidential approval during the the first midterm election of the Clinton Presidency can also offer explantion..x000d.The evidence supports the idea that the Clinton Administration adopted a neo-liberal approach in addressing the Rwandan genocide as domestic political calculations were at the core of inaction. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining the literature on the critiques of neoliberal policies, a lack of foreign direct investment led to an increased reliance of contractionary economic policies to promote economic growth. Neoliberal policies of debt service led to a reduced capacity of the state to provide for its citizens. Trade liberalization led to a weakened domestic manufacturing base. Financial liberalization has led to economic vulnerabilities from speculative activity, and comparative advantages did not occur. Karl Polanyi's critique of economic liberalism has increasingly been used by the critics of neoliberalism. They have argued that developing states need more leeway to regulate economic policy than neoliberal economic policies allow. Using data from the Economic Freedom in the World Database and the World Economic Outlook Database, relationships between economic liberalization and various economic indicators are examined. The quantitative analysis indicates that the critiques of neoliberalism does not apply uniformly during the 2000 to 2005 period. While greater liberalization is found to be associated with lower unemployment and income inequality (regardless of development), states were found to deliberalize after recession. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The state has never held the mythical power that many contemporary political scientists and philosophers have attributed it. The true impact of globalization has not been to weaken states, but to create and establish new political elites within it. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Robert Putnam documents the decline of individual participation, but the causes he cites for this decline fail to account for the ideological shift that has led many toward neo-classical liberal individualism and withdrawal from participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the EU?s new constitution, Javier Solana was appointed as the EU?s first foreign minister. Realist, neoliberal and constructivist theories are tested to determine which theory best captures this development in EU foreign and security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The foundations of neoliberalism as a development doctrine is examined, with special attention given to preconditions necessary in order for free-market "reforms" to function. Assumptions, often unquestioned, of neoliberal development are questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to compare the trends in pay inequality in Argentina during the height of neoliberalism under former president Carlos Menem and more recently under Kischner’s nationalist reform movement (1994-2008). The observed trends are illuminated using a different measurement of inequality, namely, the between component of Theil’s T Statistic (Theil’s T). It differs greatly from other studies in that the data used are from detailed national data sets, so they are more consistent (monthly time series over 10 to 15 year period), more reliable (less opportunity for disproportionate misreporting), and more complete (data include salaries of all people employed in the formal economy). The use of Theil’s T Statistic permits the use of these semi-aggregated data, and its fractal nature allows me to draw general inferences about overall inequality in Argentina. Furthermore, by using Theil’s T, I will be able to decompose the overall trends in inequality into their sectoral and regional components, which provides specific information about the nature of changes in the economic structure of the country of study over time relating changing trends in inequality to the macroeconomic forces at play. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the third wave of democracy in Latin America, a number of countries in the region have adopted neoliberal economic reforms that have largely done away with the state-run economies that were common in the 1960s and 1970s. In recent years, howev ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]