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Education policymaking is important to women's (and men's) lives, generally speaking, because the education system is a main source of socialization. Women must be educated if they are to be equal actors in the economic system and if they are to serve as influential citizens. Therefore, in any country, non-sexist education policymaking is crucial; yet, in the case of Spain and its transition to democracy, non-sexist education policymaking was imperative because the Franco dictatorship had promoted traditional women's identities through the classroom. Because education policymaking in Spain was devolved to the regional administrations over the course of the 1980s and 1990s, a ‘democratic transition’ to a more ‘sexfair’ system partially depended on sub-national institutions and actors. In this paper, I examine how regional women's policy agencies, education ministries, and activists have impacted the achievement of non-sexist education outcomes. The paper is a comparative case design that reviews the national case and two regional cases – split longitudinally into six cases. The cases show that the decentralization of education policymaking was not an immediate opportunity for women. Actually the national women's policy agency, after having been encouraged by European Community policy, laid down the groundwork for non-sexist education. Thus, the central administration and the international level were essential to education outcomes for women. In more recent times, however, sub-national actors and institutions have served as an open door to education success – especially as they have begun to pursue education programs that are culturally specific to their region's populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on children, education and, in particular, physical education in Immanuel Kant?s thought. It weaves together two underexplored aspects in Kant?s works into a sociopolitical interpretation of his conception of agency. On the one hand, the paper explores Kant?s familiar ? and frequent ? use of childhood and child-rearing images: ?leading strings? (Leitbande), ?go-cart? (Gängelwagen), ?immaturity? (Unmündigkeit), for example. On the other hand, it connects this language to Kant?s actual theories about childhood and the education of children in, particularly in his Pädagogik and Antropologie, but also in his ethical works as well as in lesser-known writings. The paper puts these ideas in a historical context by exploring the influence the radical educational reformer Johann Bernhard Basedow had on Kant. Common to both Basedow?s and Kant?s thought is radical anti-paternalism and ? perhaps surprisingly in Kant?s case ? the appreciation of children?s embodied budding agency. This analysis gives us a sense of how Kantian (or any similar) political rhetoric, which attributes intrinsic dignity to agents, is actually squared with the empirical reality in which many often don?t yet enjoy it. Kant?s particular emphasis on the importance of education also shows how teleological views in which children are not yet agents and at the same time automatically future agents are misguided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Identity politics can be understood as a struggle between the need for social cohesion at the level of the state and the imperative of cultural integrity for the various groups that make up the state's population. In the aftermath of the Balkan wars of the mid-1990s, one of the greatest peace-building challenges faced by both Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) and Croatia is to navigate this tension. Due to its prominent role in the construction of national identity, education is a crucial arena in which this struggle plays out. The schools of BiH and Croatia are caught in the midst of national conflicts, which have moved from the battlefield into the classroom, and are now being waged over the children's identities. This paper examines identity politics in the context of education in these two states using interview and focus group data, which were collected over the past three years in ethnically-divided Mostar, BiH and Vukovar, Croatia. These data allow for an examination of how the tension between ethnic and civic national identity is experienced by students, parents and teachers. The paper begins with a brief discussion of how education was used in the former Yugoslavia to construct a unified state identity, and then explains how agreements reached at the end of the wars affect national identity construction within education in BiH and Croatia. Next, the data are used to demonstrate how individuals understand their state and national identities. The paper concludes with a discussion of how the struggles over the identities of the states themselves affect the options available to their citizens. I contend that the individual-level identity issues in these two states cannot be resolved until the identities of these newly formed states are forged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public and constitutional debate over affirmative action has focused on the justice of the policy, obscuring an equally central debate over which groups are to be included. The American historical context of racial injustice has led courts, scholars, and citizens alike to entrench a restrictive black-and-white categorization of race that has incorporated the other "official minorities" partially and incoherently. The rise of mixed-race identity and multiculturalism discourse have at once strengthened the foundations of the racial justice policy agenda and exposed the contradictions of this very policy agenda. This paper analyzes the "who" question of affirmative action (that is, how do universities and governments go about deciding who the recipients of affirmative action will be?) and how one strand of "colorblind" entrepreneurs is beginning to contradictions in who is and isn't counted as affirmative action beneficiaries. The paper updates the existing research on affirmative action's racial classifications by examining the Supreme Court's 2003 Grutter v. Bollinger and Gratz v. Bollinger decisions on affirmative action at the University of Michigan along with the Court's 2007 Parents v. Seattle decision on voluntary school integration policies. I argue that the increased attention to the "who" question exposes affirmative action's legal vulnerabilities. The "social construction of race" analysis has the potential to wound affirmative action policy from not only those who want to bolster affirmative action and school integration policies but also from those who want to dismantle them. Supporters of affirmative action are partly responsible for this vulnerability. The taken-for-granted, quiet method by which affirmative action beneficiaries were casually expanded via bureaucratic channels leaves gaping contradictions waiting to be exploited by critics of affirmative action. On the other hand, pro-affirmative action legal entrepreneurs have insulated affirmative action well from its predicted demise thus far by rooting the policy in the diversity rationale. The constitutional status of affirmative action and school integration policies may be at a crossroads. The diversity rationale has thus far insulated affirmative action from its predicted demise before the Supreme Court. The Court's continuing scrutiny of affirmative action policy methods has paradoxically bred new strains of affirmative action that appear to be resistant to judicial attack. Whether the same is the case for school integration policy remains to be seen. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is one section of a larger study investigating the relationship between schools and student ideas about citizenship. Earlier chapters outline the educational theories behind citizenship education, the federal, state, and local policies prescribing citizenship education, and the specific programs individual schools produce to address citizenship education. The purpose of this chapter is to present the students' attitudes on citizenship as articulated in their survey responses and attempt to identify sources of these attitudes through statistical analysis. Kids do think about citizenship, however, not exclusively in ways usually focused on in the political science socialization research. In the end, this paper investigates the connection between the messages schools send and the opinions students expressed in their responses to various survey questions regarding citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that liberal education is essential to liberal citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper builds on earlier research that demonstrates a strong relationship between local level electoral structures and Latino bureaucratic representation. This research suggests that over time, descriptive minority legislative representation leads to a greater minority presence in the bureaucracy, but that the type of election determines the magnitude and scope of bureaucratic representation. A question remains however, concerning the direction of influence. Do minority legislators delegate top-level bureaucratic responsibilities to minority agents, who in turn appoint more minorities to lower level positions (a top-down process)? Or, do minorities enter the bureaucracy at the lower levels and move their way up the organization through time, finally gaining access to legislative positions as they acquire organizational influence (a bottom-up process)? I present a research proposal that is designed to disentangle the causal direction of this process by looking at school board, administrative, and teacher representation of Latinos in school districts of two states -- Texas and California -- across a ten-year period. The cross-sectional time series approach would allow for preliminary causality tests, and provide more leverage than previous studies concerning the direction (and magnitude of effects) of minority access to the bureaucracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Charter schools are increasingly being heralded as a solution to the dismal education condition of many schools and school districts across the United States. Despite the proliferation of charter schools and their supporters, the school choice debate remains contentious. This paper seeks to advance the school choice debate by shifting the discussion away from whether charter schools are positive or negative, to explaining why research has found evidence that supports both claims. I ask: what explains the variance in student achievement in different charter schools? To answer this question I analyzed data from all charter and traditional schools in the seven largest urban Texas schools districts. The empirical analysis suggests that school expenditure has a positive and significant impact on student achievement. Urban Texas charter schools appear to respond to competitive pressures for increased academic achievement by increasing teacher salaries and hiring more teachers. Contrary to expectations, however, revenue levels do not seem to impact expenditure levels in the charter schools examined. If expenditure helps explain student achievement levels in charter schools, as this analysis suggests, a deeper understanding of expenditure variation is necessary to more effectively predict when charter schools are likely to have positive impacts on student achievement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attempts by liberals to account for protection of minority group rights have had limited success; this paper argues that this is due, in large part, to the characterization of culture by both liberals and multicultural theorists as a set of practices within a single generation. An emphasis on the necessarily intergenerational nature of cultural practices provides both new problems and the possibility of new avenues of political action for both liberal and subaltern groups living within liberal regimes. By taking seriously Galston's (1995) argument that children must be treated, for the purposes of the distribution of rights, distinctly from their parents, we can see the possibilities of breaking the stalemate that a liberalism of strong value pluralism suggests. When the interests of the state and the group are incommensurable, it seems to make intuitive sense that the child's interests, separate from the parents', should dominate. However, few frameworks exist for describing these interests. This, then, is the direction liberal theory should turn -- the development of meaningful tools for dealing with nascent citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While many accounts of multicultural education rely upon claims about the character of identity, more often than not these accounts of identity remain underdeveloped. The purpose of this paper is to consider what implications a more substantive account of identification has for the practice of multicultural education. To do so, I bring the work of Judith Butler to bear on certain identity claims implied by Rob Reich's conception of multicultural education. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The quality of representation an individual or group receives depends on political sophistication. Those who are more politically sophisticated are significantly advantaged relative to those who are less so. This paper analyzes the causes of sophistication paying particular attention to the variable most commonly identified as the primary cause of differences within the mass public, educational attainment. Using panel data first collected before some respondents attended college, I show that there are virtually no effects of attending and graduating from college on sophistication. Then, I elaborate an explanation of pre-adult political sophistication that I test and find accounts for a substantial portion of the spurious relationship between education and political sophistication. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT: Migration is an international phenomenon that has increasingly significant political, economic, and cultural impacts throughout the global community. In the Chinese case, millions of Chinese have been migrating from the rural to the urban areas as a result of the State's relaxation of the once-rigid residential registration system policy, or hukou system. Before the economic reforms of the late 1970s, hukou served to constrain internal movement in China. Since that time, there has been an erosion of the preventative aspect of this policy, allowing more than 120 million Chinese to make up the "floating population". The State now permits migration for the purpose of economic development, most common from rural to urban areas, but it retains the rural migrants at the bottom of the socioeconomic configuration by refusing them a permanent residential change. Some more recent measures have been taken by the state that scholars have seen as a second reform of this policy in recent years to eradicate the policy altogether. However, it remains to be seen if this dichotomous system which funnels the rural poor into the bottom of the urban economic structure will survive reforms. The purpose of this paper is to first give an overview of how the hukou policy has evolved since its inception in the 1950s, under economic reforms, and under more recent changes. It then looks at how this policy impacts the socioeconomic aspects of internal migrants, focusing primarily on education. It then looks at data from the 1997 Beijing Migrant Census in order to determine to what extent Chinese migrants are able to gain access to the urban social services, primarily the urban public education system. Unless migrant children are able to infiltrate the urban educational system the "invisible wall" between the rural and urban populations is likely to remain and have long-term consequences for socio-economic mobility and for Chinese society as a whole. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We begin our analysis of queer issues and democratic education by exploring political theorist Shane Phelan?s analysis of the normative definitions of citizenship, which she asserts exclude gay/lesbian/bisexual/transgendered people from full citizenship status. This analysis reveals the extent to which full citizenship can be denied even if liberal rights exist, and thus emphasizes how critical cultural transformation is to glbt, or queer, citizenship. After discussing Phelan?s argument, we explore the work of two political theorists who wish to justify and define the role of the state in educating liberal democratic citizens in a multicultural society. Although each argues that the state has an important role in play, neither is able to de-center masculine and parental prerogatives in the way that is necessary for queer citizenship. If the state is to guarantee that students develop into the autonomous adults necessary for liberal democratic society, it must define its educational interest in ways that challenge sexism and homophobia. This argument is strengthened by reading political theory with both critical education theory and sociological and anthropological studies of schools. Because it focuses on the patterns in schools that tend to reproduce inequalities, critical education theory is highly suggestive of the broad critical lens that must be brought to explorations of queer citizenship in education. Researchers who spend significant amounts of time in schools observing and talking with young people and teachers are able to capture the regularities, on many levels, that reproduce social norms, and the conflicts which result when they are contested. Educational researchers also can see and document young people?s agency, even at quite subtle levels that typical indicators of school process ignore, and they can describe how youth interactions function to reproduce or resist dominant norms. Although critical education research is highly suggestive about the relationship between the processes it documents and analyzes at local levels, and the manner in which such processes sediment to become part of socioeconomic hegemonies, this research often fails to consider consequences in terms of wider discussions of liberalism, citizenship, and youth development. Our aim is to make some tentative connections along these lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Borrowing the tools of narrative analysis, an approach now soundly entrenched in the domestic policy arena, the authors propose a case study approach that can be used both to examine the heuristic value of narrative analysis and to help students of foreign policy and national security understand the political basis of , and techniques of influencing, decision making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the bodies of children as constructed in political theorists concerned with developing the capacity for autonomy. Discussion on the education of children for political life; Theoretical construction of children as potential agents in political theory; Invention of the category of the adolescent in the 19th century as a political subject produced by the discourse of childhood.

The article discusses website launched by the Western Political Science Association (WSPA) Virtual Communities (VP) Program which includes pages for VC and linekd to documents to announce upcoming events. Topics discussed include discussion on syllabus workshop and diversification of publishing political science, continued work of VCs in Inclusive Teaching and Pedagogy, and political theory and focus of Pandemic Inequity VC on subject of teaching, research and learning.

The article offers information related to The Western Political Science Association (WPSA) Virtual Communities that has launched a new initiative offering a virtual platform for scholarly, pedagogical, and professional development in political science and related fields. It includes panels, colloquia, workshops, reading or writing groups, pedagogy discussions, mentoring opportunities, peer support groups, networking events.

No federal legislation has directly and effectively addressed the need to educate all children who reside in the United States. One group whose needs are often not met is students with the greatest potential for high academic achievement, often referred to as academically "gifted." Clearly, the needs of gifted students are no more important than disabled, under-privileged, or simply average students. This paper, however, will focus on the need to educate gifted students because of the perceived and real trade-offs between their education and the education of students identified by federal legislation as at risk. Based on this example, we will demonstrate that the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (NCLB), in the absence of adequate funding and other comprehensive federal policies to address the education of all students, has forced trade-offs between those children whose needs are perceived as more or less worthy. Further, this paper maintains that the dominant liberal-egalitarian understanding of liberalism, as instituted in the NCLB, impedes a full appreciation for the educational needs of all children and, thus, contributes to the stigmatization of disabled, poor, and low-performing students. By contrast, this paper argues that a public ethic of care is a superior lens through which to assess and respond to the educational needs of diverse populations of children. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on theoretical perspectives on educational exclusion within the context of social exclusion regarding multicultural families in South Korea. Topics discussed include international marriage between Korean bachelors and foreign women in agriculture sector, educational programs demands in immigrant brides except Korean Chinese and problems in multicultural children's academic achievement.

A number of scholars have analyzed the relationship between human rights violations and mainstay explanatory factors, such as democracy and gross domestic product per capita. However, less attention has been paid to the relationship between education spending and human rights violations. Education provides citizens with the tools to actively oppose oppressive regimes and fight for reform. In this paper I analyze the relationship between education spending, represented as percentage of gross national income, and personal integrity rights violations for the years 1980-2000 using an ordered probit analysis. Democracy, gross domestic product per capita, population size, presence of civil or international war, population size, British colonial history, and the dependent variable lagged one year are also included in the model. I find that countries that commit a larger percentage of their gross national income to education expenditure have lower levels of personal integrity rights violations. These findings are positive first step in an analysis of a new explanatory factor in the human rights literature that may be causally prior to many of the accepted explanatory factors such as economic development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I discuss the racial disparities in New York City's most selective public high schools and explore how egalitarians should regard them. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

None ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I suggest that anarchist theories of power and anarchist struggles are ever more important theories and practices to remain attentive to, and to actively engage, in our present times of "change." I take as my example current anarchist struggles that attempt to re-frame what "political equality" and "political change" constitutes in the public realm following Obama's election and the recent financial crisis. Specifically, I turn attention to the political struggles surrounding the "reform" of the educational system with the present financial crisis, and recent protests by anarchist students at the New School in New York City to the "reform" measures planned for the University. This essay asks how student anarchists re-framed the more popular "debates" surrounding education and "equality" in the U.S. public sphere, and opened-up new ways for thinking about what "we" want "our" educational futures to look like in the present-future. In order to conceptually root and inform my analysis of anarchist theories of power, I turn to Emma Goldman and her essay "Anarchism: What it Really Stands For." Moreover, in order to provide a historically informed understanding of anarchist theories of equality and education in particular, I turn to a brief history of the modern school movement provided by historian Paul Avrich. In which ways do anarchist networks and activist efforts at the New School reflect anarchist approaches to learning and "equality" in the school and community at large? In which ways might we generate more useful social networks of anarchist thinkers and activists, both in the U.S. and globally, to more concretely organize as active agents of organized dissent in our, ever more disappearing, "public" educational system(s)? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article seeks to understand the management of corporatized universities. It explores the top level management of public universities, including their strategies and priorities. The author argues that higher education plays a relevant role in the reconfiguration of post-1973 capitalism. He adds that quality education, research and development and opportunities are relevant to higher education, and that corporatization has no clear link with the priorities of higher education.

The article discusses gender equality in Muslim countries. It is noted that gender equality involves various factors, such as individual identity and gender norms. According to the World Values Survey, sex is the greatest predictor when it comes to gender role values. Other factors that impact gender equality is religiosity and education.

The article discusses a research on Dalton's theory of citizen politics in Spain and also highlights 15-M Movement in Spain. It mentions that the increase in Internet usage in Spain and political participation shows that increased availability of information lead to an increase in political knowledge among individuals. It mentions that education is linked to citizen's level of political knowledge and interest. It mentions that post-material values include aesthetic values.

The article focuses on Gabriel Sanchez, associate professor of political science at the University of New Mexico, and Tony Affigne, member of Western Political Science Association. It mentions that Affigne teaches ethnic politics. It mentions Sanchez's book "Hispanics and the U.S. Political System". It mentions Affigne holds doctorate degree in political science and public policy from Brown.

An introduction is presented in which the author focuses on the expectations of American Government students and also shares advice for teaching American Government in Texas.

This study investigates the consequences of forced migration resulting from civilian conflict in Nepal. We use primary data collected through a public opinion survey of displaced Nepali women and test the effects of a variety of factors on the social costs of war. We focus specifically on the physical and social consequences of war and their impact on the health and education of women and children. The results offer new findings on the impact of civil war - that detachment of families from cultural practices and rituals are as significant as the impact of physical threat in damaging health and education of a society. Social costs of civil war go beyond the immediate need to rebuild and reconstruct physical infrastructure. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article applies neoinstitutional organization theory to uncover the central role of university officials in institutionalizing aggressive, race-based affirmative admissions procedures at three selective public universities from the late 1970s until the early 1990s. During this second stage of affirmative action, admissions and diversity officials at UC-Berkeley, UT-Austin, and UW-Madison began institutionalizing the diversity justification, the method of individual assessment, and the targeting of peculiar subsets of "official minorities." At a time of increasing judicial and executive scrutiny and skepticism of affirmative action, university officials began building a model of diversity management from the discourses of identity politics and multiculturalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Macedo and Arendt on the tension between commonality and plurality. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this essay is to discover the possibility of a democratic inquiry into politics or a public political science by fully embracing John DeweyÂ’s educational philosophy and political theory. I discuss a combination of ethical criteria rooted in DeweyÂ’s philosophy, especially his concern for the continued growth of the members of a political community, as well as an expansion of the bounds of community. In Part I, I explain the relevance of DeweyÂ’s thought for political philosophy and political science. I examine the differences between interactional and transactional views of the subject-matter of inquiry in order to reveal DeweyÂ’s aesthetic account of individual experience. In part II, I define democratic inquiry in terms of an educational theory of politics. I also address links between the interactional view and an actor-centered theory of negative liberty, and between the transactional view and an education-centered theory of positive freedom. In part III, I argue that the three modes of educational politics, being educated, educating, and the state of education, stand in need of justification and require us to rethink what we mean by responsibility. In the last part, I return to a more explicit discussion of doing inquiry into politics, of engaging in democratic discovery. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]