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Concern regarding the mounting U.S. trade deficit with China (which is designated a nonmarket economy country according to U.S. trade laws), combined with China's refusal to allow its exchange rate to float, has led some in Congress to introduce legislation proposing to make countervailing duty laws applicable to China and other nonmarket economy countries. This legislation seeks to provide for the assessment of additional duties on imports whose production and/or importation are found to be subsidized by a public entity in their country of origin and are injurious to a U.S. producer of similar merchandise. Antidumping, another kind of trade remedy action, addresses products sold in the United States at less than their fair value (as defined by law) in a similar manner. Although antidumping (AD) and countervailing duty (CVD) laws and procedures generally parallel each other, CVD laws contain no specific provisions for investigations on imports from nonmarket economy (NME) countries, while the AD statute does provide such guidelines. Initial administrative attempts in 1983 to apply countervailing remedies to allegedly subsidized imports from several NME countries led to determinations by the International Trade Administration (ITA) of the Department of Commerce (the U.S. agency charged with determining the existence and extent of subsidies) that subsidies within the meaning of the countervailing law, cannot be found in nonmarket economies. These ITA determinations were challenged in the U.S. Court of International Trade (CIT), which held that they were "not in accordance with the law," reversed them, and remanded the cases to the ITA. On appeal, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit reversed, and reinstated the ITA's original determinations -- thus affirming that the ITA has the discretion not to apply the CVD law to NME countries. The ITA has reevaluated this decision, at least with regard to the People's Republic of China, arguably in response to pressure from Congress. In a countervailing investigation on coated free sheet paper (CFS), the ITA reversed its position with regard to China, and on October 18, 2007 made a final affirmative determination of subsidies, finding that Chinese producers/exporters received net countervailable subsidies ranging from 7.40 to 44.25 percent. The investigation continues at the International Trade Commission, where a final injury determination is expected in mid-January. Legislation seeking to apply countervailing action to NME countries has been introduced in the 110th Congress. This legislation includes S. 364 (Rockefeller); H.R. 571 (Tancredo), H.R. 708 (English); H.R. 782 (Ryan/Hunter) H.R. 2942 (Ryan/Hunter) and related bill S. 796 (Bunning/Stabenow); H.R. 1229 (Davis/English) and related bills S. 974 (Collins/Bayh) and S. 1919 (Baucus, introduced August 1, 2007). The Bush Administration has also taken some recent steps to address the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence over the past decade of intensified U.S. competition with the People's Republic of China (PRC or China) and the Russian Federation (Russia)-often referred to as great power competition (GPC) or strategic competition-has profoundly changed the conversation about U.S. defense issues from what it was during the post-Cold War era: Counterterrorist operations and U.S. military operations in the Middle East-which had been more at the center of discussions of U.S. defense issues following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001-are now a less prominent (but still present) element in the conversation, and the conversation now focuses more on the following elements, all of which relate largely to China and/or Russia: • grand strategy and geopolitics as a starting point for discussing U.S. defense issues; • the force-planning standard, meaning the number and types of simultaneous or overlapping conflicts or other contingencies that the U.S. military should be sized to be able to conduct-a planning factor that can strongly impact the size of the U.S. defense budget; • organizational changes within the Department of Defense (DOD); • nuclear weapons, nuclear deterrence, and nuclear arms control; • global U.S. military posture; • U.S. and allied military capabilities in the Indo-Pacific region; • U.S. and NATO military capabilities in Europe; • new U.S. military service operational concepts; • capabilities for conducting so-called high-end conventional warfare; • maintaining U.S. superiority in conventional weapon technologies; • innovation and speed of U.S. weapon system development and deployment; • mobilization capabilities for an extended-length large-scale conflict; • supply chain security, meaning awareness and minimization of reliance in U.S. military systems on components, subcomponents, materials, and software from non-allied countries, particularly China and Russia; and • capabilities for countering so-called hybrid warfare and gray-zone tactics. The issue for Congress is how U.S. defense planning and budgeting should respond to GPC and whether to approve, reject, or modify the Biden Administration's defense strategy and proposed funding levels, plans, and programs for addressing GPC. Congress's decisions on these issues could have significant implications for U.S. defense capabilities and funding requirements and the U.S. defense industrial base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence over the past decade of intensified U.S. competition with the People's Republic of China (PRC or China) and the Russian Federation (Russia)-often referred to as great power competition (GPC) or strategic competition-has profoundly changed the conversation about U.S. defense issues from what it was during the post-Cold War era: Counterterrorist operations and U.S. military operations in the Middle East-which had been more at the center of discussions of U.S. defense issues following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001-are now a less-prominent element in the conversation, and the conversation now focuses more on the following elements, all of which relate largely to China and/or Russia: ™ grand strategy and geopolitics as a starting point for discussing U.S. defense issues; ™ the force-planning standard, meaning the number and types of simultaneous or overlapping conflicts or other contingencies that the U.S. military should be sized to be able to conduct-a planning factor that can strongly impact the size of the U.S. defense budget; ™ organizational changes within the Department of Defense (DOD); ™ nuclear weapons, nuclear deterrence, and nuclear arms control; ™ global U.S. military posture; ™ U.S. and allied military capabilities in the Indo-Pacific region; ™ U.S. and NATO military capabilities in Europe; ™ new U.S. military service operational concepts; ™ capabilities for conducting so-called high-end conventional warfare; ™ maintaining U.S. superiority in conventional weapon technologies; ™ innovation and speed of U.S. weapon system development and deployment; ™ mobilization capabilities for an extended-length large-scale conflict; ™ supply chain security, meaning awareness and minimization of reliance in U.S. military systems on foreign components, subcomponents, materials, and software; and ™ capabilities for countering so-called hybrid warfare and gray-zone tactics. The issue for Congress is how U.S. defense planning and budgeting should respond to GPC and whether to approve, reject, or modify the Biden Administration's defense strategy and proposed funding levels, plans, and programs for addressing GPC. Congress's decisions on these issues could have significant implications for U.S. defense capabilities and funding requirements and the U.S. defense industrial base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a paper on the issues for U.S. Congress of U.S. international investment agreements prepared by the U.S. Congressional Research Service. It reviews the role of foreign direct investment (FDI) and bilateral investment treaties (BITs) in driving the global economy. The article also speculates that the conclusion of the Model BIT review may produce momentum to conclude negotiations with China and India or to start investment negotiations with other U.S. trading partners.

Some Members of Congress charge that China’s policy of accumulating foreign reserves (especially U.S. dollars) to influence the value of its currency constitutes a form of currency manipulation intended to make its exports cheaper and imports into China more expensive than they would be under free market conditions. They further contend that this policy has caused a surge in the U.S. trade deficit with China in recent years and has been a major factor in the loss of U.S. manufacturing jobs. Although China made modest reforms to its currency policy in 2005, resulting in a gradual appreciation of its currency (about 19% through December 1, 2009), some Members contend the reforms have not gone far enough and have warned of potential punitive legislative action. Although an undervalued Chinese currency has likely hurt some sectors of the U.S. economy, it has benefited others. For example, U.S. consumers have gained from the supply of low-cost Chinese goods (which helps to control inflation), as have U.S. firms using Chinese made parts and materials (which helps such firms become more globally competitive). In addition, China has used its abundant foreign exchange reserves to buy U.S. securities, including U.S. Treasury securities, which are used to help fund the Federal budget deficit. Such purchases help keep U.S. interest rates relatively low. For China, an undervalued currency has boosted exports and attracted foreign investment, but has led to unbalanced economic growth and suppressed Chinese living standards. The current global economic crisis has further complicated the currency issue for both China and the United States. China halted its gradual appreciation of its currency beginning around July 2008; since then it has kept the exchange rate of the renminbi (RMB) or yuan (the base unit of the RMB) to the dollar constant at about 6.83 yuan per dollar. Because China’s currency is largely tied to the dollar, and since the dollar has depreciated against a number of major currencies in recent months, China’s real (inflation adjusted) trade-weighted exchange rate has depreciated (by 9.5% between February 2009 to October 2009). Some analysts contend that this has induced other countries (especially in Asia) to intervene in currency markets (i.e., to depreciate against the dollar) to help their exporters remain competitive with Chinese exporters. Additionally, the U.S. federal budget deficit has increased rapidly since FY2008, causing a sharp increase in the amount of Treasury securities that must be sold. While the Obama Administration has pushed China to appreciate its currency, it has also encouraged China to continue to purchase U.S. securities. Legislation has been introduced in the 111th Congress to address China’s currency policy. China’s currency policy appears to have created a policy dilemma for the Chinese government. A strong and stable U.S. economy is in China’s national interest since the United States is China’s largest export market. Thus, some analysts contend that China will feel compelled to keep funding the growing U.S. debt. However, Chinese officials have expressed concern that the growing U.S. debt will eventually spark inflation in the United States and a further depreciation of the dollar, which would negatively impact the value of China’s holdings of U.S. securities. But if China stopped buying U.S. debt or tried to sell off a large portion of those holdings, it could also cause the dollar to depreciate and thus reduce the value of its remaining holdings, and such a move could further destabilize the U.S. economy. Chinese concerns over its large dollar holdings appear to have been reflected in a paper issued by the governor of the People's Bank of China, Zhou Xiaochuan, in March 2009, which called for replacing the U.S. dollar as the international reserve currency with a new global system controlled by the International Monetary Fund. China has also signed currency swap agreements with six of its trading partners, which would allow those partners to settle accounts with China using RMB rather than dollars. However, China will not likely be able to move away from its dependency on U.S. dollar assets until it is willing to make the RMB a tradable currency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a large and growing difference between the official trade statistics released by the United States and the People's Republic of China. According to the United States, the 2008 bilateral trade deficit with China was $266.3 billion. According to China, its trade surplus with the United States was $170.8 billion—$95.5 billion less. This paper examines the differences in the trade data from the two nations in two ways. First, it compares the trade figures at the two digit level using the Harmonized System to discern any patterns in the discrepancies between the U.S. and Chinese data. This comparison reveals that over two-thirds of the difference in the value of China's exports to the United States is attributable to five types of goods. The second approach to examining the differing trade data involves a review of the existing literature on the technical and non-technical sources of the trade data discrepancies. This report is updated annually, after the release of official trade data by China and the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a large and growing difference between the official trade statistics released by the United States and the People's Republic of China. According to the United States, the 2006 bilateral trade deficit with China was $232.5 billion. According to China, its trade surplus with the United States was $144.3 billion -- $88.2 billion less. This paper examines the differences in the trade data from the two nations in two ways. First, it compares the trade figures at the two digit level using the Harmonized System to discern any patterns in the discrepancies between the U.S. and Chinese data. This comparison reveals that over two-thirds of the difference in the value of China's exports to the United States is attributable to five types of goods. The second approach to examining the differing trade data involves a review of the existing literature on the technical and non-technical sources of the trade data discrepancies. This report will not be updated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the Navy's Medium Landing Ship (LSM) program, which aims to procure a class of 18 to 35 amphibious ships to support the Marine Corps in implementing the Expeditionary Advanced Base Operations (EABO) concept. It discusses the topics include the Navy's budget requests, the EABO concept's relevance to potential conflict scenarios with China, and the potential impact of Congress's decisions on the program.

The article offers information about the global context of actions taken by various governments to support their semiconductor industries. It highlights the importance of considering these broader dynamics in shaping and influencing U.S. policy efforts to promote and protect its own semiconductor capabilities. It discusses the need for collaboration with partners while potentially restricting the development of semiconductor capabilities of strategic competitors like China.

The article discusses the significance of the American Army's Multi-Domain Task Force (MDTF) as a response to Congress's concerns about the national security threat posed by Russia and China. It discusses that MDTF is described as an organizational designed to operate in a multi-domain environment, which will offer security to air, water and land region of America and counter anti-access/area denial networks to ensure American forces' freedom of action.

The article discusses the comprehension of the data concerning the trade and economy of the U.S. Topics discussed include the growth of the trade of the U.S. in goods relative to its gross domestic product (GDP), the emergence of China as a major center for the supply chain worldwide, and the reduction of the trade deficit of the U.S. with China in 2009.

The article focuses on the political and security issues related to Taiwan and its strained relations with the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the U.S. Topics include the modern history and current events of Taiwan, U.S. policy towards Taiwan, and the challenges faced in U.S.-Taiwan relations.

The article discusses the interrelated trade laws, regulations, and policies that the government of China has adopted since 2020 to enhance its control over a wide range of commercial activity, within and outside China. Topics include attempts to create parity with U.S. authorities, laws and regulations of the Chinese government that strengthen its control over economic activity in areas that it considers important to China, and catalogue of prohibited and restricted technologies.

The article presents a research paper from the U.S. Congressional Research Service on China's long-term economic challenges. Economists are of the opinion that China's sustained economic growth is possible only through continued implementation of economic reforms. There are also issues with negative economic and social outcomes such as wide-spread pollution, widening income inequality and inefficiencies in many government sectors.

The article presents a research paper from the U.S. Congressional Research Service on China's merchandise trade patterns. It mentions that trade and investment liberalization and other economic reforms are the root of China's current economic success. In 2009, China overtook Germany and became the world's largest merchandise exporter and the second-largest merchandise importer after the U.S. Tables describing China's import and export patterns are presented.

The article presents a research paper from the U.S. Congressional Research Service on plans by the Chinese government to reform and restructure the economy. Various government officials have publicly stated the need to balance economic growth and several social goals. The article explains the Central Government Five-Year Plans (FYP) which involve, among others, consolidating inefficient sectors and promoting energy saving measures.

The article presents a research paper from the U.S. Congressional Research Service on foreign direct investments (FDI) in China. The surge in FDI in China during the early 1990s are attributed to the trade and investment reforms and incentives implemented by their government. Tables on industrial output by foreign-invested firms in China and Chinese exports and imports due to foreign-invested enterprises are presented.

The article presents a research paper from the U.S. Congressional Research Service on the topic of China's economic status. It presents the history of economic development in China. It discusses China's economy prior to the key economic reforms under Mao Zedong, the introduction of the reforms in 1979, and China's economic growth from 1979 to 2012. Tables on China's annual real gross domestic product (GDP) growth and average GDP growth compared to other global economies are presented.

The article presents a research paper from the U.S. Congressional Research Service on China's economic conditions. It discusses the history of China's economy from its inefficient and isolated roots to becoming the second-largest economy in the globe. Also discussed are China's economy during the 2008 global economic crisis, the factors affecting China's economy, and the implications of China's economic rise on the U.S.

The article discusses other sectors of Chinese society that are utilized by the government and the political culture. It cites media's role in shaping public opinion according to the policy and preferences of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), while state-owned corporations have thrived economically under protectionist policies and the technical knowledge of global markets. The article also looks at the support given by the government to public policy research institutes.

The article discusses securities exchange officials from the United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC or China) announced an agreement on a preliminary auditing framework. Topics include agreement comes after nearly 20 years of efforts by the U.S. government to gain auditing access in China; China could still hinder PCAOB access, citing the sensitivity of corporate data to the PRC government, and past PRC approaches toward similar agreements.

The United States currently maintains the following economic sanctions against China: ! limits on U.S. foreign assistance; ! U.S. "No" votes or abstention in the international banks; ! ban on Overseas Private Investment Corporation programs; ! ban on export of defense articles or defense services; ! ban on import of munitions or ammunition; ! denial of Generalized System of Preferences status; ! substantial export controls on dual-use items, particularly satellites, nuclear technology, and computers; ! export and licensing restrictions on targeted entities found to have engaged in proliferation of missiles and weapons of mass destruction (or related technology); and ! Presidential authority to restrict Chinese military companies and Chinese government-affiliated businesses from developing commercial activities inside the United States. Human rights conditions in China and the threat of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction resulting from China's lack of export controls or lack of cooperation with international export control standards continue to be the main foreign policy or national security issues that hold these economic restrictions in place. The influence of Congress on U.S. policy toward China, once significant because so much hung on the annual possibility that favorable trade terms could be suspended, has more recently been diffused. Sanctions that remain in place today can all be modified, eased, or lifted altogether by the President, without congressional input (though some changes would require that the President notify Congress). Congress and the Administration each recognize the importance of China's emerging ability to consume and to produce, and China has become an increasingly important trading partner of the United States. At the same time, because of the unrelenting tension between the United States and the Peoples Democratic Republic of Korea over the latter's interest in developing nuclear weapons capability, and because of China's longstanding relation with North Korea as a primary trading partner and benefactor, the United States' relations with China are crucial. This paper will be updated as events warrant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the trade laws, regulations and policies adopted by China since 2020 that are of interest to the U.S. Congress. The aim of the trade measures is to improve Chinese control over commercial activity and reach economic and national security-related policies of the U.S. and other countries. The use of market restrictions is said to be manifested in the measures. Among the issues to be considered by Congress are state control, market restrictions and anti-competitive practices.

The article presents a research paper from the U.S. Congressional Research Service on the impact of China's economic rise on U.S. policy. The U.S. is challenged to convince China of its stake in maintaining the international trading system and of the importance of further economic and trade reforms. Opinions range from engaging China through diplomacy to aggressive use of the World Trade Organization for dispute settlement procedures.

The article presents a research paper from the U.S. Congressional Research Service on China's foreign direct investment (FDI) outflows. In 2000, China's leaders initiated a "go global" strategy with investments and encouraged Chinese firms, primarily state-owned enterprises, to invest overseas. Data on China's annual FDI outflows from 2002 to 2012 show a significant rise, marking China as a significant source of global FDI outflows.

In an era of renewed great power competition, China's military modernization effort, including its naval modernization effort, has become the top focus of U.S. defense planning and budgeting. China's navy, which China has been steadily modernizing for more than 25 years, since the early to mid-1990s, has become a formidable military force within China's near-seas region, and it is conducting a growing number of operations in more-distant waters, including the broader waters of the Western Pacific, the Indian Ocean, and waters around Europe. China's navy is viewed as posing a major challenge to the U.S. Navy's ability to achieve and maintain wartime control of blue-water ocean areas in the Western Pacific--the first such challenge the U.S. Navy has faced since the end of the Cold War--and forms a key element of a Chinese challenge to the longstanding status of the United States as the leading military power in the Western Pacific. China's naval modernization effort encompasses a wide array of platform and weapon acquisition programs, including anti-ship ballistic missiles (ASBMs), anti-ship cruise missiles (ASCMs), submarines, surface ships, aircraft, unmanned vehicles (UVs), and supporting C4ISR (command and control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance) systems. China's naval modernization effort also includes improvements in maintenance and logistics, doctrine, personnel quality, education and training, and exercises. China's military modernization effort, including its naval modernization effort, is assessed as being aimed at developing capabilities for addressing the situation with Taiwan militarily, if need be; for achieving a greater degree of control or domination over China's near-seas region, particularly the South China Sea; for enforcing China's view that it has the right to regulate foreign military activities in its 200-mile maritime exclusive economic zone (EEZ); for defending China's commercial sea lines of communication (SLOCs), particularly those linking China to the Persian Gulf; for displacing U.S. influence in the Western Pacific; and for asserting China's status as the leading regional power and a major world power. Consistent with these goals, observers believe China wants its navy to be capable of acting as part of a Chinese anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) force--a force that can deter U.S. intervention in a conflict in China's near-seas region over Taiwan or some other issue, or failing that, delay the arrival or reduce the effectiveness of intervening U.S. forces. Additional missions for China's navy include conducting maritime security (including antipiracy) operations, evacuating Chinese nationals from foreign countries when necessary, and conducting humanitarian assistance/disaster response (HA/DR) operations. The U.S. Navy in recent years has taken a number of actions to counter China's naval modernization effort. Among other things, the U.S. Navy has shifted a greater percentage of its fleet to the Pacific; assigned its most-capable new ships and aircraft and its best personnel to the Pacific; maintained or increased general presence operations, training and developmental exercises, and engagement and cooperation with allied and other navies in the Indo-Pacific; increased the planned future size of the Navy; initiated, increased, or accelerated numerous programs for developing new military technologies and acquiring new ships, aircraft, unmanned vehicles, and weapons; begun development of new operational concepts (i.e., new ways to employ Navy and Marine Corps forces) for countering Chinese maritime A2/AD forces; and signaled that the Navy in coming years will shift to a more-distributed fleet architecture that will feature a smaller portion of larger ships, a larger portion of smaller ships, and a substantially greater use of unmanned vehicles. The issue for Congress is whether the U.S. Navy is responding appropriately to China's naval modernization effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a detailed chronology of events relevant to China related to COVID-19 pandemic from December 2019-January 2020. Topics include Chinese leader Xi Jinping and World Health Organization Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus meet in Beijing; Dr. Li Wenliang is hospitalized with symptoms of the novel coronavirus; and Wuhan suspended public transportation and bars residents from leaving the city.

The article presents a report which provides a background on mobile technologies, and addresses the race to 5G, focusing on three leading countries including the U.S., China, and South Korea. It discusses factors affecting 5G deployment, and U.S. actions to support 5G deployment, such as actions related to small cells and national security. It also discusses near-term policy considerations for Congress related to the deployment of 5G networks.

The article highlights the significant U.S. bilateral trade deficit with China in 2014 and its implications for the U.S. Congress. Topics covered include the disagreement over the accuracy of the Sino-U.S. trade imbalance, the sources of discrepancies between Chinese and U.S. trade data, and the possibility that the U.S. Congress will encourage the responsible U.S. agency and China's customs services to review and adjust their trade compilation procedures.

The article characterizes the Chinese Communist Party's military. It explains that the Chinese Communist Party's Central Military Commission (CMC) has the unified command over the country's armed forces made up of active and reserve forces, the People's Liberation Army (PLA), the paramilitary force, the People's Armed Police Force (PAP) and a militia. The general departments under the PLA, which include staff, political, logistics and armament and their responsibilities are also discussed.

The article discusses the shift in international security environment and presents challenges to world order. Topics discussed include the reference to the seizure and annexation of Crimea by Russia, China's territorial land grabbing in the South China Sea territories and the unipolar moment of the post-Cold War era with U.S. domination. Also mentioned were the statement of Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel on the world's unpredictability, the Al Qaeda terrorist organization and North Korea.

The article discusses the global events since late 2013 as of mid-2015 and their effects on the U.S. Department of Defense's (DOD) plans and programs and their issues for the U.S. Congress. Among the global events are Russia's annexation of Crimea, Ukraine in March 2014, the actions of China in the East and South China Seas, and the regional security challenges from such countries as Iran and North Korea.

The article presents an overview of China's maritime territorial and exclusive economic zone (EEZ) disputes in the South China Sea (SCS) and East China Sea (ECS). Topics covered include the dispute over the Paracel Islands, the dispute over the Spratly Islands, and the dispute over Scarborough Shoal. Also mentioned is the dispute regarding the rights of China within its EEZ.

An appendix is presented of major military contacts and incidents since 1993, from the Congressional Research Service (CRS) report entitled "U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress" dated July 29, 2014.

The article presents the second part of the Congressional Research Service (CRS) report entitled "U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress" dated July 29, 2014. Topics discussed include the congressional oversight exercised on various aspects of military exchanges with China, the leverage to pursue U.S. security objectives, and the various U.S. security interests including tension reduction over Taiwan, weapons nonproliferation and counterterrorism.

The article presents the Congressional Research Service (CRS) report entitled "U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress" dated July 29, 2014. Topics discussed include the U.S. policy issues regarding military-to-military (mil-to-mil) contacts with the People's Republic of China (PRC), a record of major contacts and crises since 1993, and the various issues for Congress including congressional oversight, leverage to pursue U.S. security objectives and U.S. security interests.

The article presents the first part of the Congressional Research Service (CRS) report entitled "U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress" dated July 29, 2014. Topics cited include the cooperation in the Cold War in the 1980s, the suspension of military-to-military contacts and arms sales by the U.S. after the Tiananmen Crackdown in June 1989, and the reengagement of U.S. President Bill Clinton's administration with the People's Republic of China (PRC) leadership in the fall of 1993.

The article provides an overview of the issues influencing the trade relations between the U.S. and China. Topics discussed include factors that caused the integration of the economies of the U.S. and China, major Chinese economic and trade policies that are of concern to U.S. stakeholders, market forces driving a significant share of China's economy and the involvement of state-owned enterprises (SOE) in the Chinese economy.

The article discusses major problems and long-term challenges that could be faced by the economy of China for sustained growth. Topics covered include economic imbalances and incomplete transition process to a free market system, industrial policies, centrally-controlled banking system and state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Also mentioned are environmental challenges such as pollution, absence of a rule of law, government corruption and decentralized structure with no economic regulatory body.

The article discusses the participation of the U.S. Congress in the military relationship between the U.S. and the People's Republic of China focusing on national security. Topics covered include several legislation including the Foreign Relations Authorization Act, the Arms Export Control Act, and the Joint Defense Conversion Commission. Also mentioned are restrictions in the military engagement with the People's Liberation Army, financial assistance and concerns with Taiwan.

The article discusses the military engagement between the U.S. and the People's Republic of China. Topics covered include the interaction with the People's Liberation Army from the Cold War to military exercises under the administration of U.S. President Barack Obama, the alternatives in the bilateral relationship addressing the concerns of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and the Taiwan Relations Act. Also mentioned is the number of military visits for consultation.

The article discusses the 2014 legislative program of the U.S. administration on its military relationship with the People's Republic of China. Topics covered include the participation of the U.S. Congress in policy evaluation, the priorities of the U.S. Department of Defense on the military exchange with the People's Liberation Army and restrictions imposed on the military and civilian collaboration. Also mentioned are the detailed interaction between the U.S. and China.

The article presents an overview of maritime territorial disputes involving China in the South China and East China Sea. It discusses the island groups being claimed by China, dispute between China and the U.S. regarding China's rights within its exclusive economic zone law and incidents in which China has challenged or interfered with operations by U.S. ships and aircrafts.

The article focuses on policy and oversight issues facing members of the U.S. Congress as a result of the maritime territorial and exclusive economic zone disputes involving China in the South China Sea and East China Sea. It discusses the implication of China's control of its near-seas areas for the U.S., the U.S. strategy for the salami-slicing strategy of China and observations of the international community on China's actions.

The article presents an overview on the naval modernization effort of China as of June 5, 2014. Topics discussed include weapon acquisition programs like anti-ship ballistic missiles, land-attack cruise missiles and manned aircraft, as well as naval reforms and improvement such as education and training, personnel quality and logistics. The move aims to defend or assert its territorial claims in the South China Sea and East China Sea and displace influence of the U.S. in the Western Pacific.

This article focuses on the involvement of China in maritime territorial and exclusive economic zone (EEC) disputes in the East and South China Sea since late 2013 and its implications for the U.S. It discusses concerns of the international community on China's actions, territories being claimed by China, the dispute of China with the U.S. over the former's right under international law to regulate activities of foreign military forces within EEZ.

The article discusses the state of relations of the Central Asian states with the Western countries in a report dated March 21, 2014. Topics include the interest of the European Union (EU) in Central Asia, Russia's role in the independence of the states, and the objectives of China in the region which include ensuring border security, non-belligerent neighbors, and access to trade and natural resources.

This publication provides a U.S. Congressional Research Service report on regional developments in Central Asia and implications for U.S. interests, as of March 2014. Topics include Russia's and China's roles in fostering pro-Western orientations, how regional tensions and conflicts stand in the way of peace and independence, and the political developments in the region. Also discussed are trade and investment policies, U.S. assistance and the 113th Congress legislation.

The article discusses U.S. policy approaches to challenges related to weapons of mass destruction (WMD) proliferation issues involving the People's Republic of China (PRC). Topics addressed include the PRC's increase of its partial participation in international nonproliferation regimes and its supply of WMD-related goods and technology such as nuclear and missile technology to Pakistan, Iran, and North Korea. Also mentioned are concerns over PRC's enforcement of sanctions.

The article discusses the security problem associated with the People's Republic of China's (PRC) role in weapons of mass destruction (WMD) proliferation and U.S. policy approaches. Topics addressed include sanctions imposed by the U.S. on PRC entities for chemical weapons and missiles transfers to Iran and Pakistan and a reliance on PRC's influence on North Korea to dismantle the latter's nuclear weapons. Also mentioned are counter-terrorism, missile defense and satellite exports issues.