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This article explores the impact of the 'hostile environment' on racialised migrant women's experiences of pregnancy and childbirth in England, arguing that the 'hostile environment' functions as a technology of 'stratified reproduction.' First coined by Shellee Colen, the concept of stratified reproduction describes the dynamic by which some individuals and groups may be supported in their reproductive activities, while others are disempowered and discouraged. This paper locates the stratified reproduction produced by the 'hostile environment' as intertwined with wider gendered and racialised discourses around British citizenship which have been 'designed to fail' racialised residents of the UK. Drawing on interviews with racialised migrant mothers in the north of England, this paper analyses how the proliferation and intensification of immigration controls interacts with gender, race, class, and other social regimes to differentially allocate the resources necessary for a safe and healthy pregnancy and childbirth, and how this is experienced materially by pregnant migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Radicalisation has become a highly influential idea in British policy making. It underpins and justifies Prevent, a core part of the UK's counter-terrorism strategy. Experts have theorised the radicalisation process, often beset by a weak evidence base and mired in fundamental contestation on definitions and explanatory factors. Experiential experts have been active contributors to these debates, presenting a challenge to the low-ranking role often given to experiential knowledge in evidence hierarchies and a contrast to policy areas in which it remains poorly valued. This paper draws on interviews with radicalisation experts to examine the dynamics of this pluralisation in practice. With a focus on credibility contests, it explains how experiential experts can claim authoritative knowledge and the challenges they face from those who prioritise theory-driven empirical data as the basis for contributions to knowledge. The paper draws out the implications for understandings of expertise of this newly conceptualised, evidence poor and highly applied topic area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the origins and traces the history of the Social Fund, an ideologically-motivated social policy departure of the Thatcher era. It identifies the controversy, in research communities amongst others, which surrounded the establishment of the Fund, and considers the evidence of recurring difficulties in its practical operation over a thirty-year period. It then turns to the Coalition administration in Westminster’s decision to divest itself of responsibility for key parts of the Fund, devolving such obligations to local authorities in England, the Parliament in Scotland and the Assembly in Wales. The paper sets out a comparison of the approaches being developed to discharge the Fund’s prior responsibilities in the three nations. It concludes that the essential policy thrust lies in a determination to roll back central state obligations in poverty relief and income maintenance which had hitherto been accepted by all post-war administrations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Ministry of Justice Green Paper on Breaking the Cycle contains proposals for the re-formation of the criminal justice system in England and Wales during the period 2010 to 2015. Even though the document includes a brief profile of the offender population, it does not engage critically by locating the profile within a neoliberal political, social, and economic explanatory context. It used to be the responsibility of the probation service to provide relevant information to the courts to explore and explain offending episodes. However, recent modernizing transformations have damaged this historic function and it is a considerable omission the Green Paper neither discusses nor rectifies. This has significant implications for both criminal and social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper reports the number of sex workers in Scotland and England who are in contact with specialist services for sex workers. Then, using methods and multipliers derived from the frequently quoted Kinnell study (1999) the paper provides various updated estimates of the wider population of sex workers. We point out the limits of our estimates and the methodological difficulties of estimating the size of this hidden population. The paper argues that many claims about sex work made by politicians and the media are misleading especially where they conflate sex work with trafficking and abuse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reform of adult social care is a major preoccupation within England. It is presented as the inevitable consequence of the changed expectations of people who use services; in addition, the detail of policy is portrayed as being in accordance with what those people specify they want from social care. However, there appears to be little recognition of the complexities and contradictions that characterize much of the policy. Of these, the inadequacy of the resource base of adult social care is most significant; consequently, rationing of scarce resources will continue to be a priority. The paper also highlights problems in other areas, including the rhetoric that accompanies policy change and the evidence base for that change, the lack of connection between issues of independence and protection, the partial understandings of partnership that appear to characterize it and the inadequate conceptualizations both of the nature of those people who require social care support and of the character of that support. In discussing these issues, the paper emphasizes that there remain continuities in the context of policy, while noting the continual focus on discontinuity within government documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports the number of sex workers in Scotland and England who are in contact with specialist services for sex workers. Then, using methods and multipliers derived from the frequently quoted Kinnell study (1999) the paper provides various updated estimates of the wider population of sex workers. We point out the limits of our estimates and the methodological difficulties of estimating the size of this hidden population. The paper argues that many claims about sex work made by politicians and the media are misleading especially where they conflate sex work with trafficking and abuse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period 2010–2013 was a time of far-reaching structural reforms of the National Health Service in England. Of particular interest in this paper is the way in which radical critiques of the reform process were marginalised by pragmatic concerns about how to maintain the market-competition thrust of the reforms while avoiding potential fragmentation. We draw on the Essex school of political discourse theory and develop a ‘nodal’ analytical framework to argue that widespread and repeated appeals to a narrative of choice-based integrated care served to take the fragmentation ‘sting’ out of radical critiques of the pro-competition reform process. This served to marginalise alternative visions of health and social care, and to pre-empt the contestation of a key norm in the provision of health care that is closely associated with the notions of ‘any willing provider’ and ‘any qualified provider’: provider-blind provision. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

New relationships between service users and the welfare state have emerged as a result of governmental strategies of public service reform in which participation has appeared as the cure for a putative welfare dependency. A new public has been invoked in technologies of governance which have conflated responsible citizenship with participation in the marketplace and have aimed to change the behaviour of welfare service users accordingly. This paper investigates the ability of welfare service users to resist, or amend, the disciplinary intentions of these discourses, to constitute ‘counter-publics’, and to formulate their own visions of public services. Drawing on research with English social housing tenants engaged in participation with their quasi-public landlords, and applying a theoretical framework based on the work of feminist and queer theorist Judith Butler, the paper explores the behavioural effects of participation on tenants and evidences their use of consumerist and communitarian discourses to construct alternative perceptions of a ‘public’, and re-imagine their relationship with public services. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A central element in the privatization of council housing has been the development of stock transfer policy. A variety of perspectives on this process have been explored including the impact on accountability relations; however, the tenants’ experience is almost completely absent from this literature. The paper develops a case study that draws on the experience of the tenants involved in a stock transfer. In the process stock transfers, and related accountability relations, are shown to be contested with tenant-led campaigns challenging this neoliberal inspired policy. The case study illustrates the power and financial resource asymmetries in transfer campaigns with a range of anti-democratic tactics employed by those pursuing the transfer. On the basis of a critique of neoliberalism, the stock transfer process is seen as an attack on the previous democratic control of council housing, which is replaced with ‘governance by experts and elites’ and private sector inspired corporate governance forms of accountability. Thus the paper seeks to answer two questions; how democratic is the transfer process and what are the long-term implications for democratic accountability in the social housing sector. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the value of photography walking tours for exploring meanings and experiences of community. The work is part of a larger visual research project which sought to examine the everyday lives of residents in a neighbourhood identified as ‘disadvantaged’, with the tour being organized as an opportunity for residents to identify what they valued about their local environment and what they considered to be problematic. The dynamics involved in gathering this photographic record are one element of the discussion as is analysis of the ways in which the participants constructed and re-constructed their sense of community through the different examples they selected for photographing. The paper is thus concerned with the ways in which visual data bring different insights to understandings of which practices, services and resources are embedded in meanings of community in working-class neighbourhoods and, in turn, how such data might have value for informing policy and practice about the experiences of inequality in contemporary England. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper is based on research amongst women living in England who are on the margins of the labour market. It analyses why current policy works so inadequately for this group of women, whose existence is often marked by poverty and social exclusion. It emphasizes the significance of the reality of women's lived experiences and the nature of local labour markets, and discusses how and why policy fails to respond to these. Women lack bespoke support and are channelled into 'women's jobs', perpetuating gender inequalities in employment and reinforcing precarious relationships with the labour market. In addition, the effect of the key ideas underpinning policy, in particular 'welfare dependency' and a 'work first' orientation, is to distort the responses to women claimants and to ignore the needs of non-claimant women returners. In conclusion the paper argues that current policy both overlooks the specificity of women's labour market disconnection and contributes to its reproduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When children are killed or seriously harmed from abuse or neglect, there is pressure to 'learn the lessons' to prevent similar events. England has a long-established system of locally-based multi-agency reviews for this, but the recurrence of tragedies and repetitive findings raise questions about its effectiveness. Reflecting and building on our research into reviews completed between 2017 and 2021, we analyse the complexity that routine criticisms of inter-agency working disguise, and argue that reviews are shaped by their multiple, competing functions. The stated purpose is to improve practice. Within this are other overt but ambiguous goals: establishing what happened, accountability, reassurance and commemoration. Then there are covert functions: to dissipate public outrage, deflect attention from underlying causes, and distort understandings of the work by making it seem straightforward. Reviews would benefit from paying more attention to the dynamics of frontline practice and the local actions to implement the lessons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The context of this article is the use of employer sanctions, in the form of raids and fines on businesses found to be employing people who do not have permission to work in the UK, as a method of in-border immigration control. Drawing on qualitative interviews with undocumented migrants and ethnic enclave employers in London, this article examines the impact of sanctions from the perspectives of those who have been or are most likely to be affected. More specifically the article sheds light on individual experiences of and strategies against immigration enforcement raids, and the effect of raids on the labour market, conditions of work and more widely, on local community relations. The paper concludes that there is a disjuncture between the real impact of sanctions and at least some of the stated policy aims. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article presents personal stories from a participatory biographical arts-based study with a specific category of racialised migrants: individuals seeking asylum, in the North East of England. Responding to the important questions posed by this special issue, the article explores individual experiences of navigating the UK's hostile environment with a focus on the threefold punitive 'threat' of dispersal, detention, and destitution (Bloch and Schuster, 2005). Adopting an intersectional lens, the discussion highlights the impact of such policies and their compound effect of creating (un)safe and exclusionary everyday spaces, while also outlining the potential for resistance as illustrated by participants' actions and their creative (re)actions as part of the study's arts-based approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper concerns the use of photo-elicitation interviews in constructing migrant narratives of health and well-being. It argues that photo-elicitation can be particularly effective in producing nuanced understandings about relationships among culture, place and health. It explores how, through this method, subject-centred understandings of health and well-being are able to challenge dominant discursive constructions that tend to ‘other’ and potentially stereotype minority groups in explanations of health behaviour. The paper includes discussion of issues of power and representation in research with marginalized populations, which further elaborates the value of photo-elicitation in developing a non-essentializing view of minority groups. The paper concludes with comment on the potential value of this method in the formulation of health and social policies aiming to incorporate the views and needs of marginalized or minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As subjects of the parental right to choose (DES, 1988), parents are called upon to fulfil certain duties and responsibilities when choosing a secondary school for their child, with the expectation that they might navigate the school system ‘successfully’ and become ‘better informed consumers’ (DCSF, 2008). To comply with these rules of citizenship parents are encouraged to make use of a variety of information on schools as part of a realistic and informed choice, one that is consummate with their role as consumer-citizens. Such ‘cognitive mapping’ is evident in school brochures and websites where choice is assembled on the basis of visual iconography and narrative terrains. This leads to a consideration of how choice is visually mediated and communicated through the circulation of symbols and the structure of narratives. To explain these phenomena, I analyse and compare the ways in which two all-girls faith secondary schools attempt to (further) define themselves, culturally, historically and pedagogically, in a crowded field of choice. I conclude the paper with a discussion of the benefits and insights generated through a visually orientated approach to the study of school choice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper will focus on the place of black history in heritage sites in England and discuss how visual methodologies can be used to develop a more inclusive approach to heritage. It will argue that visual archives, from portraits of the aristocracy to asylum portraits, are an essential part of the research process for heritage site staff who are assessing how they connect to (potential) visitors. The paper highlights examples that illustrate the advantages and disadvantages of using the visual record for historical recovery and suggests how visual methodologies can be used to encourage greater participation with historic environments. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the UK the number of state social workers supplied by independent employment agencies has increased significantly since the mid-1990s. Although state sectors of welfare such as education and health have always relied upon a steady supply of locum staff, there is no such tradition within social work. This paper explores some of the ethical tensions that have become apparent with the expansion of contingency social work. Questions remain about the ‘opportunity cost’ of agency social work, as well as subsequent problems of recruitment, access to training, collegiate relations and any impact upon service users. The paper notes tensions that persist between a push for more flexible labour, the ethics of practitioners and the needs of service users. Recent policy responses which aim to push responsibility back to local authorities and social work managers are also questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper uses the notion of the body to frame an archaeology of sexual violence policy in England and Wales, applying and developing Pillow's ideas. It argues that the dominant construction is of sexual violence as an individualized crime, with the solution being for a survivor to report, and with support often instrumentalized in relation to criminal justice objectives. However, criminal justice proceedings can intensify or create further trauma for sexual violence survivors. Furthermore, in addition to criminalizing the violent body and supporting the victimized one, there is a need for policy to produce alternative types of bodies through preventative interventions. Much sexual violence is situated within (hetero)sexual dynamics constructing a masculine aggressor and a feminine body which eventually yields. Prevention must therefore focus on developing embodied boundaries, and narratives at the margins of policy could underpin such efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whilst there has been a resurgence of interest in community in many fields in the UK this has been singularly missing in relation to domestic violence. Relatively little is known about informal community networks and their responsiveness to survivors of domestic violence and the intersections of these with formal agency networks. This paper argues that (mis)understandings of domestic violence, a focus on agency/state responses and the traditional association of discourses of caring with women have all been important contributory factors here. Drawing on an empirical study on the informal support of survivors in the north of England in the mid 1990s and current research with survivors in the south of England this paper reviews the evidence for arguing that, whilst community-based work against domestic violence raises particularly complex challenges, it is nevertheless essential to explore this as an additional strategy in tackling domestic violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1977 homelessness legislation in England has offered limited statutory accommodation rights to unintentionally homeless people who are judged to be in priority need and able to demonstrate a local connection. Using data generated in interviews with homeless people and staff working to support them, this paper considers the impact of current homelessness policy and practice and explores how decisions about intentionality, priority need and local connection serve to exacerbate the social exclusion experienced by single homeless people with multiple support needs. It is concluded that a more genuinely inclusive welfare state will only emerge when, and if, policymakers and wider society are able to abandon their current fixation with using welfare policy to punish ‘irresponsible’ behaviour and refocus instead on providing services to adequately meet the basic needs of marginalised people. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Despite media and political rhetoric to the contrary, there is persuasive evidence to suggest an association between deprivation and those involved in the English riots of 2011, which continues to be downplayed when developing responses to crime and crime prevention policy. This study explores empirical evidence from two major cities in the North West of England, which highlights an association between deprivation and rioting in both criminal charge and sentencing data allowing further exploration of some of these issues. The paper argues that to mask the rioting as ‘mindless criminality’ is to ignore wider social-structural inequalities and to silence important messages contained in the rioting behaviour from disenfranchised youth and communities about the inequalities they suffer. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article considers how minoritisation features in Domestic Homicide Reviews (DHRs) in England and Wales and identifies critical learning in relation to addressing minoritisation. Five themes were identified: i) the invisibility of race, culture and ethnicity; ii) perceptions and experiences of services; iii) use of stereotypes and the culturalisation of domestic violence and abuse (DVA); iv) lack of interpreters; and v) DHR recommendations. Our analysis illustrates that statutory sector services should strengthen their responses to Black and minoritised victims by ensuring proper recording of cultural background is used to inform practice; engage professionally trained interpreters with an awareness of DVA; resist framing DVA as endemic to minoritised cultures; and enhance trust and confidence in public services within minoritised communities. The best examples of DHRs challenged service narratives and usually sought expertise from a specialist Black/minoritised DVA service or community organisation (frequently minoritised women's rights organisations). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of market reforms has transformed the National Health Service (NHS) from a single national healthcare provider to a complex conglomeration of national and private organisations providing healthcare under the umbrella of the NHS brand. Private and state-run organisations compete to provide services to increasingly knowledgeable and entrepreneurial healthcare consumers. As a result, the NHS has become more and more business-like and is subject to the same consumer drivers that can be identified elsewhere in society. Healthcare consumers are not typical ‘customers’, however, since most consume NHS services out of necessity and the state funds the care they receive. Yet it is this ‘necessity’ of consumption that makes contracts to provide services on behalf of the NHS such a valuable commercial opportunity for private providers. This paper examines how consumer culture has influenced attitudes towards health and dying and is contributing to the creeping commodification of healthcare consumers themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of community cohesion as a British policy priority has represented a discursive shift in approaches to race relations, the emphasis on ethnic diversity downplayed in favour of commonality, shared values and the promotion of national identity. Central to community cohesion has been a focus on ‘contact’ as a way of overcoming ‘parallel lives’, and the need for communities to take responsibility within processes of contact and dialogue. The political focus, echoing past assimilationist discourses, has been on an alleged lack of integration on the part of Muslims; by contrast little attention is paid to how white working class young people view the contact central to cohesion strategies. This paper draws on case study evidence from Oldham and Rochdale, Greater Manchester to interpret the limited support the young white respondents have for cross-ethnic contact, and the relevance of class experience to these views. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Dominant discourses regarding concerns with anti-social behaviour in England and Victoria, Australia, reveal counterposed perspectives; the former positioning anti-social behaviour as an issue of law and order and an extension of concerns with crime and victimization, and the latter emphasizing concerns with the vulnerability of the perpetrator. These opposing perspectives inevitably give rise to markedly different policies and interventions. In England, an emphasis on the needs of the victim prioritizes the prevention of particular behaviours, whilst interventions in Victoria seek to address the needs of the perpetrator that are seen to contribute to or result from anti-social behaviour. To illustrate this contrast, the paper highlights the particular effects of these contradictory discourses on young people, and in doing so suggests a need to be wary of the impact of resultant approaches on those who may be most susceptible to committing anti-social behaviour, or to having their behaviour labelled as such. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Children and Young Persons Act 2008 sets out parliamentary legislation that will allow local authorities in England and Wales to outsource their 'corporate parenting' function of social work services for children in public care to private or independent Social Work Practices (SWPs). The champions of private SWPs in the New Labour administration have found allies amongst the social work profession, including its professional body the British Association of Social Workers. This paper will briefly examine the case for SWPs and comment on the recent debate within social work. It is argued that, whilst these developments are consistent with current trends for the commodification and marketization of children's services, opposition to and organized resistance towards SWPs should focus on the implications of the contracts for vulnerable children with complex needs. The commentary concludes by identifying some of the key issues that may be helpful for independent evaluation when the initial piloting phase reaches its conclusion in 2012. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Personalized learning' has become a popular term within education policy and practice in England, and is part of wider moves towards the 'personalization' of public services and the promotion of personal responsibility within social policy discourse -- including education, welfare, health and adult social care. In analysing personalization in education policy as a discursive formation, this paper visits some of the tensions, ambiguities and apparently 'uncommon' trajectories in contemporary education policy, including its association with the 'de-schooling' movement. It is argued that personalization cannot be understood simply as the most recent incarnation of the neoliberalization of education policy, nor as a politically neutral set of learning practices. In conclusion, unpacking personalization as a generative discourse enables us to understand the continuities and contradictions in New Labour social policy without relying on the sometimes heroic, revelatory and emancipatory intentions of critical analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People with learning disabilities in England and Scotland have experienced an increased risk of illness and death during the COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing on data of a longitudinal qualitative study with 71 disabled people and 31 disability organisations, this article examines the experiences of 24 people with learning disabilities in England and Scotland during the pandemic, reflecting on what rendered them vulnerable and placed them at risk. Qualitative interviews were conducted with participants and key informants at two timepoints; June–August 2020 and February–April 2021. Findings emerged across four key themes: failure to plan for the needs of people with learning disabilities; the suspension and removal of social care; the impact of the pandemic on people's everyday routines; and lack of vaccine prioritisation. The inequalities experienced by people with learning disabilities in this study are not particular to the pandemic. We explore the findings in the context of theoretical frameworks of vulnerability, including Fineman's conceptualisation of a 'vulnerability paradigm'. We conclude that the structured marginalisation of people with disabilities, entrenched by government action and inaction, have created and exacerbated their vulnerability. Structures, policies and action must change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK Government's introduction of the Coronavirus Job Retention Scheme (CJRS) in March 2020 was pitched as unprecedented. Yet, during the 1970s and 1980s, UK governments also operated wage subsidy job retention schemes. Indeed, despite their professed liberal market orientation, Thatcher's radical right Conservative governments presided over the expansive Temporary Short Time Working Compensation Scheme (TSTWCS) between 1979 and 1984. Drawing upon the work of Gallas (2016) , we contend this embrace of wage subsidy schemes by Conservative governments almost 40 years apart emanate from a class politics focused on securing the subordination of labour. In our analysis, the TSTWCS is understood as a mechanism to dampen disquiet with the early Thatcher Government's project to restore employer dominance. And the CJRS is a mechanism to preserve the labour market relations of domination and exploitation successfully embedded by the Conservatives in the 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social care provision across high-income countries has been transformed over the last ten years by personalisation – a policy agenda to give people with eligible support needs more choice and control over their support. Yet the ideological underpinnings of this transformation remain highly mutable, particularly in the context of reduced welfare provision that has unfolded in many nations advancing personalisation. How the policy has manifested itself has led to an expectation for people to self-build a life as individual consumers within a care market. This article draws on a study exploring how people with learning disabilities in England and Scotland are responding to the everyday realities of personalisation as it is enacted where they live and show the relationality inherent in their practices. We propose that the personalisation agenda as it currently stands (as an individualising movement involving an increasing responsibilisation of individuals and their families) ignores the inherently relational nature of care and support. We propose that social care policy needs to recognise the relational ways in which people build their lives and to advocate a redistribution of responsibility to reduce inequalities in the allocation of care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a Foucauldian perspective, we explicate the systems of power which shape the lives of women in or at risk of 'food poverty'. We develop a theoretical framework of power for analyses of contemporary food poverty, which we apply to data from focus groups with women on low incomes in two cities in the north of England. Our data underlines the repressive power of the state as well as the broader chronicity of state surveillance. We argue that, while disciplinary and pastoral power may characterise the majority of food banks, alternative logics of mutual aid are evident within some food aid providers. We underline the power of governmental discourse in constituting gendered subjectivities and find that the most potent form of coercion is derived from self-regulation. The article closes by exploring possibilities for praxis via discursive resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2012 Health and Social Care Act, introduced by the coalition government, has been seen as fundamentally changing the form and content of publicly funded health care provision in England. The legislation was hugely controversial and widely criticized. Much of this criticism pointed to the ways in which the reforms undermined the funding of the National Health Service, and challenged the founding principle of free universal provision. In this commentary we take issue with the argument that the Act represented a radical break with the past and instead suggest that it was an extension of the previous Labour government’s neo-liberal reforms of the public sector. In particular, the Act invoked the principles of ‘new professionalism’ to undermine professional dominance, and attract private providers into statutory health care at the expense of public providers. In turn, this extension of new professionalism may encourage public distrust in the medical profession and absolve the state of much of its statutory health care obligation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The involvement of prisoners on license in the recent London Bridge and Streatham, London attacks have triggered a series of policies aiming to restrict community release. These aim to address not only the point at which prisoners in England and Wales are released, but also the level of engagement prisoners can have with the community before release. They have been introduced with little consultation of the available evidence and, seemingly, with little consideration of those who will be directly impacted as a result of their implementation. This commentary considers how announced changes in policy relating to the use of Release on Temporary Licence (ROTL) with prisoners, represent a response which is not only disproportionate to the scale of the problem but may also negatively impact upon prisoner rehabilitation. It draws upon evidence surrounding the impact of early release and evidence surrounding the practices which work to promote desistance from crime to highlight the flaws in these new policies, but also the importance of maintaining community engagement in the rehabilitation of people with convictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a critical reflection on Birmingham Black Sisters' (BBS) experiences of fighting racism and sexism during the 1980s, having lain dormant for three decades and now attempting to regalvanise, the article explores some of the key tensions they faced and reflects on the possibilities for future activism. The article is based on both individual contributions from BBS members, who loosely maintain contact today, as well as BBS archives (minutes and reflection) and material from a publication of one of the male dominated organisations with which BBS was involved. The views expressed here, however, are the sole responsibility of the authors. We first outline the political context in which BBS was formed in the 1980s, why we came together and what we achieved. We then highlight some of the contradictions this presented, and how these unfolded then, and their impact on us today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As child sexual exploitation (CSE) has risen towards the top of the UK's political agenda, the concept of vulnerability has become a central frame through which to understand and address the issue. This article analyses problems with the concept of vulnerability as it is commonly understood in relation to CSE, taking first steps towards developing an empirically-grounded account of the notion which is more sensitive to the lived realities of victimhood for sexually exploited young people. Drawing on data from participatory qualitative research into life stories of 'moving on' from CSE in a large Northern city in England, the article illustrates how vulnerability is shaped through individual factors, situational dynamics and structural forces, connected by human agency through time. It argues that to respond effectively to vulnerability within the field of CSE, we need to move beyond discussion of 'risk factors' and denial of agency, towards an understanding of intersectional social divisions, social marginality, 'critical moments' and how these shape the investments and actions of vulnerable young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adult social care policy and provision in England has changed from a state to a market model over the past 50 years, yet its future is far from settled. Dissatisfaction with funding, the range and quality of provision, and with workforce conditions is widespread. Some major providers have collapsed or withdrawn from the market. For some the solution is to strengthen the market model, others hark after a return to state controlled provision. This article outlines a further option, a radical new model for commissioning and delivery that challenges the dominant balance of power. It identifies some of the problems associated with the current position but questions the feasibility of a simple 'renationalisation' of provision. The key to change is identified as a new approach to commissioning consisting of four dimensions: commissioning small and local; commissioning holistically; commissioning personally; and commissioning ethically. All of these involve significant challenge to the way decisions are currently taken. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the winter of 2018, high profile debates about 'rough sleepers' intensified following reports about men who died in freezing conditions. Government since pledged to cut the number of rough sleepers by half by 2022 and eliminate it by 2027. This commentary reviews two pieces of legislation which could support this target: the Care Act 2014 and the Homelessness Reduction Act 2018. It argues that policies offer opportunities to improve outcomes for rough sleepers, given historic failings to provide for this social group. However, financial and institutional barriers remain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intensified globalisation, upheaval, conflict and inequality are creating new patterns of global migration and mobility in the 21st century. As a result, the dynamics of urban diversity is changing: global cities like London are increasingly characterised by the super-diversity of their residents, including increasing complexities of legal status. 'New' diversity interacts with 'old' ethnic diversity to create complex patterns of difference, the impact of which is felt at local level, including sites of service provision. This article draws on research on barriers to service access for Latin Americans in London, to examine the intersections between super-diversity and super-austerity. Latin Americans constitute a new migrant group in London with considerable internal diversity. The article discusses the interlocking challenges they face in accessing services. I argue that focusing on barriers to service access for this particular group provides a window onto new inequalities in super-diverse austerity Britain and the production of precarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article suggests that the policy re-framing of the prostitution of children as a separate phenomenon from the prostitution of adults is obscuring the commercial nexus between men who buy sex with children and the third party profiteers (pimps) who frequently supply the children they buy. It suggests that this is making both groups of perpetrators invisible. It argues that coercion is endemic to the sex trade and explores the gendered strategies of coercive control used by pimps to entrap both children and women. The article suggests that the wider sex trade creates a 'conducive context' for the sexual commodification of children, and that the commercial sexual exploitation of children and adults can only be effectively challenged by policy and law aimed at reducing demand for all forms of prostitution. It focusses on law and policy in England and Wales, which differs from the rest of the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adult social care policy in England is premised on the concept of personalisation that purports to place individuals in control of the services they receive through market-based mechanisms of support, such as direct payments and personal budgets. However, the demographic context of an ageing population and the economic and political context of austerity have endorsed further rationing of resources. Increasing numbers of people now pay for their own social care because either they do not meet tight eligibility criteria for access to services and/or their financial means place them above the threshold for local authority-funded care. The majority of self-funders are older people. Older people with complex and changing needs are particularly likely to experience difficulties in fulfilling the role of informed, proactive and skilled navigators of the care market. Based on individual interviews with older people funding their own care, this article uses a relational-political interpretation (Deneulin, 2011) of the capability approach (CA) to analyse shortfalls between the policy rhetoric of choice and control and the lived experience of self-funding. Whilst CA, like personalisation, is seen as reflecting neo-liberal values, we argue that, in its relational-political form, it has the potential to expose the fallacious assumptions on which self-funding policies are founded and to offer a more nuanced understanding of older people’s experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of anti-social behaviour became prominent in the UK in the 1990s when the Labour government constructed it as an important policy challenge and deployed a series of high profile interventions against it. But anti-social behaviour faded significantly from the political agenda once Tony Blair’s premiership ended in 2007 and its diminution appeared complete when the most high profile of interventions, the Anti-social Behaviour Order or Asbo, was replaced by the more mundane-sounding Injunction in 2014. This commentary argues, however, that far from the anti-social behaviour control regime softening as government priorities shifted elsewhere, legislation passed in 2014, allied to technological innovation, has increased the potential for those whose presence is considered problematic to be ‘eliminated’ from public spaces. This has particular significance for young people, whose discursive association with disorder and greater tendency to congregate in groups make them likely to be the targets of enhanced exclusionary practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a long history of voluntary and other organisations, along with the state, providing social services for children in England. But crucial assessments and decision-making about the care and protection of children have been undertaken by local authorities within the context of democratic accountability and transparency. This is changing. The government is opening up children’s social work services, including child protection investigations and assessments, decisions about initiating care proceedings in the courts to have children removed from their families, and decisions where children should then live, to the market and to the private sector with companies such as G4S and Serco expanding into children’s social services. Nowhere else in the world are profit-driven companies given these powers. This article traces how this radical change is moving forward at pace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

David Cameron’s ‘Big Society’ agenda is best understood in terms of ideological and policy continuities with earlier Conservative and New Labour governments. But where previous post-1979 governments have sought to renegotiate the role of the state mostly through privatisations and marketisations of public services, the ‘Big Society’ agenda also proposed the replacement of the state by individual voluntarism and community enterprise. The accompanying political narrative portrays an atomised ‘broken Britain’ but at the same time insists that untapped community spirit can take the place of the state. This article examines the disjuncture between Big Society narratives and urban policy responses to the 2011 Tottenham riots. By comparison with previous local regeneration initiatives in Tottenham there was very little emphasis on community development. Instead explicit goals of gentrification in the Plan for Tottenham echo Thatcher-era approaches to ‘place shaping’ and exemplify a wider re-emphasis on property-led regeneration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the domestic violence sector as a case study, this article examines how the Big Society agenda, coming alongside public spending cuts, is affecting the independence and ability of women’s organizations to engage in progressive policy shaping. By situating the analysis of the Big Society agenda within the broader context of international civil society strengthening programmes, the article considers how the processes currently unfolding in England, share certain similarities to what has happened globally wherever neoliberal policies aimed at instrumentalizing civil society for service delivery have been implemented. It contends that the policies of the Big Society agenda, which are aimed at strengthening the ‘capacity’ of civil society, are instead creating a situation where the independence and ability of civil society organizations to engage in progressive policy making is weakened. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of ‘intergenerational cultures of worklessness’ has become influential in UK politics and policy, and been used to explain contemporary worklessness and to justify welfare reforms. Workless parents are said to pass on to their children attitudes and behaviours which inculcate ‘welfare dependency’. In its strongest version, politicians and welfare practitioners talk confidently of ‘three generations of families where no-one has ever worked’; even though no study, bar this one, has investigated whether such families actually exist. Solid evidence for intergenerational cultures of worklessness is elusive so this study tested the idea via interviews with twenty families in Glasgow and Middlesbrough that had been long-term workless. Theories of intergenerational cultures of worklessness feel like ‘zombie arguments’ – resistant to evidence and social scientific efforts to kill them off. Regardless, the findings of this critical case study are offered as a fresh batch of ammunition with which to try to do so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the continuities in alcohol policy over the past decade under both Labour and Coalition governments. It is argued that these continuities reflect a neoliberal mentality of government whereby market mechanisms are maintained even when the outcomes produced are deemed undesirable. Policies to address these outcomes have focused on the individual citizen, conceived of as a potentially rational decision-maker. If exhortations to behave in the desired fashion do not reap results then measures are targeted at specific individuals or groups of individuals considered flawed consumers. The continuity is examined in light of recent commentary that has identified a trend in policymaking reflecting a loss of confidence in individual rationality and market outcomes, described variously as post-liberalism or neocommunitarianism. It is suggested that the stability of the broader underlying structures of thought that circumscribe contemporary policy discussions should not be underestimated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent public health policy has emphasized the promotion of behavioural change and the achievement of healthy lifestyles as central to tackling deeply ingrained health inequalities in the UK and beyond. These approaches contrast with more upstream structural strategies that aim to address material determinants of health. A current exemplar of the behaviourist approach is the use of social marketing as a methodology in public health. Social marketing is posited as a strategy for creating ‘social good’ through importing the methods of commercial marketing into health and social policy in a range of settings, in this instance, public health. In contrast to the traditional public health goals of serving society and improving the wellbeing of populations, those of social marketing, as with other recent strategies in health and social policy, start with the management of behaviours and lifestyles, responsibility for which is placed with the individual. It is argued that this reflects a broader ‘behavioural turn’ in public health methodologies that increasingly obviate the significance of social and relational determinants of health. Qualitative data collected with a sample of public health professionals (n = 17) are discussed to examine the adoption of these new methodologies in a specific locality in the UK. The wider implications of these practices for public health strategies both nationally and internationally are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When local government authorities began to develop criminal policies with the police in the 1980s, crime prevention was advocated as an inclusive, holistic approach to crime control that had the potential to challenge the prevailing justice paradigm. To date this new prevention paradigm has not been realized in England and Wales. The police and courts are being relied upon more than ever, and relatively few crime prevention initiatives are directed towards the underlying social and economic determinants of crime. Moreover, in the past 15 years crime prevention partnerships have increasingly resorted to administrative and civil law powers such as fixed penalty notices and injunctions. Rather than provide an alternative to the enforcement approach of the criminal justice system, in England and Wales crime prevention has so far proven to be an addition to, even an extension of criminal justice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]