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Kara Walker is best known for her depictions of sexualized violence and gendered racism during slavery in the form of black paper silhouettes. Scholars such as Salamishah Tillet argue that Walker's art, along with art by some of her post-civil rights contemporaries, offers 'aesthetic interventions' to problematic racial histories as part of a larger project of memory reclamation and justice. Walker's A Subtlety, Or the Marvelous Sugar Baby, an Homage to the unpaid and overworked Artisans who have refined our Sweet tastes from the cane fields to the Kitchens of the New World on the Occasion of the demolition of the Domino Sugar Refining Plant is another such interventionist project. Debuting in the Williamsburg neighbourhood of Brooklyn, New York in May of 2014, A Subtlety explores how a figure like mammy 'survives as a cultural force that influences and reflects a national conscience' (Wallace Sanders [2008]. Mammy: a century of race, gender, and southern memory. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 12). And yet, to say that the historical rootedness of the title, sugar sphinx sculpture, and molasses-covered walls and cherub-faced small figures throughout the installation were ambiguous to some spectators, is an understatement. Hundreds of photographs and videos were uploaded to social media sites with people making gestures towards the figure that some critics deemed highly inappropriate. This paper explores how A Subtlety both understands and undermines representations of Black women's bodies and how Black artists in the African diaspora contend with complex cultural signs of the past in the present. Utilizing studies of Black feminist theory and visual culture, I argue that Walker's A Subtlety – and her art more broadly – offers theoretical and geographic space to ponder where Black pleasure and collective memory can exist in systems of misogynoir, as well as in the Black nostalgic imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1993, The New York Times Magazine published a story entitled 'The anguished politics of breast cancer.' The image on the cover was a self-portrait of artist and model Matuschka showing the physical consequences of a radical mastectomy. The picture elicited heated reactions, and the protagonist became an icon of the Women's Health Movement. Twelve years later, another model and photographer, Lynn Kohlman, published Front to back, which included portraits of her body after treatments for breast and brain cancer. Although free of the marks of pink ribbon culture, Kohlman's work was framed within the dominant discourse of breast cancer in the twenty-first century, characterized by individualism, positive thinking, and the idea of consumer's choice. This paper discusses Matuschka's and Kohlman's cancer photography within a comparative diachronic framework, focusing on the turn-of-the-century politics of representation. We argue that, despite their common traits, their respective productions are signs of a radical shift in the cultural paradigm of breast cancer. Through an analysis of the studium of their photographs and the preferred meaning that they suggest, we conclude that Matuschka's project feeds into the feminist battle for equity in health initiated by the early Breast Cancer Movement, whereas Kohlman's strengthens the postfeminist stance that is prevalent in the current panorama of neoliberal capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that consumers of popular culture engage in practices of 'ethical cultural consumption', whereby the consumption of cultural texts is imagined as having the potential to 'do good' both individually and socio-politically. The paper explores data from an online questionnaire and drawing activity with girls aged 5–10 and their parents on the experience of costume playing as Rey from the contemporary Star Wars trilogy. Imagined as a 'girl who can do anything', Rey represents a new kind of popular feminist hero and role model for girls, enabling a degree of critique of normative gendered role models for children. 'Being Rey' also represents a deterministic project through which parents aim to cultivate the 'right' kind of girls, seeking to instil the resilience to 'cope' with unknown futures. More than a purely individual project, we argue that parents invest in an individualized idea of doing 'good' through consumption, drawing on a notion of the consumer as a political actor with the power to affect social change. Investigating the project of participating in and consuming culture 'ethically' allows for an exploration of what it means to 'be political' and 'do good' as a consumer in neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper begins with a theoretical-political positioning regarding globaliz­ation, as a multidimensional phenomenon, loaded with power relations with unequal and ambivalent impacts producing dramatic exclusions but, at the same time, opening possibilities for profound changes in the gender order and in social subjectivities. The effects of globalization on social movements have also been multiple and ambivalent, producing fragmentation and particularization but at the same impelling new ways of articulation, more flexible and inclusive, as well as mobilizations at a global level oriented to 'dispute' its hegemonic contents and struggle for an alternative globalization. In the second part, the paper analyses the new dynamics of intervention of feminist movements that follow from this new reality. The Social World Forum is a privileged space for this analysis, due to the convergence of new tendencies and new ways of existence of feminisms, expressing the new conflicts and challenges faced by feminisms in the collective construction of alternative proposals towards globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural studies, as a cultural and political re-articulation of common sense, knowledge and community practices, aims at opening up new cultural space for criticisms, reflections and action. Originating from the women's movement and later flourishing in the academy as well, feminism espouses similar aims to cultural studies. Both cultural studies and feminist/gender studies have a strong sense of intervening into everyday life politics. This paper is an attempt to discuss how feminism and cultural studies interface with each other, largely based on examples of gender-related everyday life politics taken from the feminist movement in Hong Kong. It will examine issues concerning the conflict of consumption and female subjectivities, the reconceptualization of home and housewives, and the representation of everyday life for women and history writing. It is argued that by blurring, negotiating or deconstructing the boundary or division between positions, identities and domains—such as subject and object, housewives and workers, private and public, personal and political, consumption and production—the re-articulation of knowledge about 'victim', 'exploitation', 'home' and 'history' in the feminist movement will not only provide the movement with new impetus and insight to reconsider its strategies in fighting for more cultural, social and economic space for women and other marginal groups at large in Hong Kong, but will also 'metabolize' the newly developed discipline of cultural studies in Hong Kong by providing a platform to strengthen the dynamic arm of cultural studies education and research. Based on her feminist and teaching experiences in Hong Kong, the author has highlighted activism and pedagogy as the two important dimensions of feminism and cultural studies in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I argue that we are currently witnessing the emergence of neoliberal feminism in the USA, which is most clearly articulated in two highly publicized and widely read ‘feminist manifestos’: Sheryl Sandberg's Lean In (a New York Times best-seller) and Anne-Marie Slaughter's ‘Why Women Still Can't Have It All’ (the most widely read piece in the history of the Atlantic). Concentrating on the shifting discursive registers in Lean In, I propose that the book can give us insight into the ways in which the husk of liberalism is being mobilized to spawn a neoliberal feminism as well as a new feminist subject. This feminist subject accepts full responsibility for her own well-being and self-care, which is increasingly predicated on crafting a felicitous work–family balance based on a cost-benefit calculus. I further pose the question of why neoliberalism has spawned a feminist rather than a female subject. Why, in other words, is there any need for the production of a neoliberal feminism, which draws attention to a specific kind of inequality and engenders a particularly feminist subject? While this new form of feminism can certainly be understood as yet another domain neoliberalism has colonized by producing its own variant, I suggest that it simultaneously serves a particular cultural purpose: it hollows out the potential of mainstream liberal feminism to underscore the constitutive contradictions of liberal democracy, and in this way further entrenches neoliberal rationality and an imperialist logic. Indeed, neoliberal feminism may be the latest discursive modality to (re)produce the USA as the bastion of progressive liberal democracy. Rather than deflecting internal criticism by shining the spotlight of oppressive practices onto other countries while overtly showcasing its enlightened superiority, this discursive formation actually generates its own internal critique of the USA. Yet, it simultaneously inscribes and circumscribes the permissible parameters of that very same critique. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper examines football as a site of social contestation for Iranian women. The recent political controversy regarding women's attendance at football matches is indicative of this social conflict. I start by contextualizing this episode within a feminist framework of analysis. I then look at the development of Iranian women's participation in football as rioters, fans, players, referees, coaches, sports-writers and administrators of the game. Examples of women footballers from other cultures are provided in order to foreground commonalities and differences. Finally, I demonstrate how this movement is catalysng both Iranian feminism and the wider working-class social movement confronting the mullah-bourgeoisie. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that cultural memory in the USA, both academic and popular, for largely ephemeral feminist and queer practices is dauntingly limited. In this case, the prevalent conceptions of feminism as juvenile and/or dead must be engaged for future possibilities. The use of history to discipline feminism is not only related to structures of cultural memory that animate the mass-mediated public sphere, but masculinist desires which privilege male agents as the judges of feminist and queer practices. This paper turns to the anomalous political practices of Jill Johnston, Village Voice critic and author of Lesbian Nation . Johnston as the forever-juvenile 'trickster' has not fallen prey to the discourses heralding feminism's death. Through an examination of her politics of reinscription, mobility and interstatiality, much can be learned about cultural memory and minoritarian political practices. The ephemerality of politics in the public sphere can be even momentarily arrested and available for future political possibilities through practices of reinscription. Not only is ephemerality arrested, but also new contexts for reading events, acts and histories are created. Through this reinscriptive politics, mobility is produced which can at particular moments escape the death sentence of molar politics with new understandings of eventfulness and change. History from this perspective is not filiative; it is contagious and corrosive and always open to multiple lines of investigation and articulation for future possibilities. Her interstitial politics cut across the dominant logics of histories and movements and produce something other than the taken for granted. This interstatiality is crucial in producing new contexts for political practice. Through her performances and politics of reinscription, a better understanding of the connections between masculinist desire and cultural memory can be developed. This practice, even if only provisionally, can interrupt the practices of cultural memory which privilege the discursive practices of masculine agents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]