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The present study seeks to examine the position of conservative workers between relations of production and daily political practices in the context of hegemony. The study will first touch upon the economic-political character of the mode of capital accumulation in Turkey. In the context of core-periphery dualism, relations in the base forced social classes in Turkey to become a part of the global network of production and neoliberal hegemony of the new world order. Under conditions of dependent semi-peripheral capitalism, the working class is situated in the public sphere, in the habitus of a politically excluded social status in line with efforts for conservatizing daily life. Political tendencies of conservative workers manifest themselves through criticisms targeting modernism rather than the capitalist mode of production. While turning out as a hegemonic ideology bringing along practices of submissiveness on the part of individuals in the process where capitalism reproduces itself, the conservative thought also socializes an epic and pastoral culture sphere that bars the development of class consciousness in wage workers. Hence, while proletarianization in production relations and depreciation of labor expands, there emerges control over daily life in civil society. The subject of this control is the typology of conservative workers conceptualized as the paid believer in the light of a field survey conducted in Ankara, the capital city of Turkey. The significant findings of the research confirm that the category of paid believer adapts to practices of control at the workplace under the influence of hegemonic ideologies. Consequently, in daily life, the category of the paid believer has a pragmatist essence that combines with submissiveness and fatalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) between Mexico and Canada by examining the forms of disposability and job insecurity of Mexicans employed in Canadian agribusiness. We argue that the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program has exacerbated the precarity and disposability of Mexican workers by restructuring family dynamics and care chains. This article represents a critique of the SAWP as a model of regulated labor migration, serving as a basis for analyzing the consequences of the proletarianization of the Mexican peasantry and its use as disposable labor for export. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 1980s, indigenous Mixtecos of the Montaña region, in the southern state of Guerrero, Mexico, have become new members of the Mexican migrant working class in New York City (NYC). This article examines the contemporary history of proletarianization via migration of the Mixtecos of the Montaña. It shows to what extent the region became a supplier of migrant labor, and how its inhabitants transitioned from peasants and semi-proletarians of Mexico’s northwest agribusinesses to transnational migrant proletarians, as a result of major regional transformations related to state violence and drug cartel penetration. Indigenous Mixtecos have endured social inequality, racism, and state violence from post-revolutionary to contemporary neoliberal governments in Guerrero. Before their migration to NYC, they have gone through different rounds of proletarianization which differ from the Mexican mestizo migrant flow. The article aims to contribute to unravel such particularities, which have been subsumed as part of a homogeneous pattern in the history of Mexican migration and proletarianization in NYC.Based on ethnographic research conducted for my doctoral dissertation (2014) and using oral history, the article traces, through the life story of a Mixteco migrant worker, the different rounds of dispossession in the history of proletarianization of Mixteco indigenous migrants from the Montaña. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]