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In many Global South countries, experiences with CBNRM to date suggest that members of marginalized groups are often less likely to participate in CBNRM compared to members of the dominant groups. This study provides evidence on two institutional features of CBNRM that may help to narrow this gap: (1) targeted benefits that are funded from the proceeds from CBNRM and earmarked for participants belonging to marginalized groups, and (2) mandated representation of marginalized groups on the local decision-making bodies that govern CBNRM. Evidence from a framed vignette experiment with respondents in rural Nepal suggests that these two institutional features have positive effects on intentions to join CBNRM-related groups, attend meetings, and speak up at meetings among members of marginalized ethnic and caste groups, ultimately narrowing gaps in intentions to participate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its developing country status, Mexico ranks 10th worldwide in total greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. However, Mexico's vulnerability to climate change impacts is a major motivating factor behind its announced intended contributions at COP21 to cut its baseline emissions by at least 25% in 2030. We analyze the macroeconomic impacts of the Climate Action Plan (CAP) process undertaken in the Mexican border state of Baja California (BC). We adapt a state-of-the-art regional macroeconometric model to analyze the BC economy-wide impacts of 22 GHG mitigation policy options recommended in the Baja California CAP. The combined effects include an average annual increase of 1680 new jobs (or about 0.11% of the average annual employment in the baseline economic forecast) and a Gross State Product (GSP) increase of $9.85 billion pesos in NPV over the 2015–2030 planning horizon. Although the main objective of GHG mitigation is to reduce atmospheric concentrations, and hence future potential damages of these pollutants, the stimulus to the BC economy from the implementation of its CAP represents a valuable co-benefit. Moreover, it is a tangible one that will take place in the near-term, in contrast to the more long-term and more uncertain benefits associated with reducing climate change damages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developing countries have been recently addressing the respiratory health impact of agricultural burnings with innovative environmental policy. In Acre state, Brazilian Amazon, mechanization is subsidized, enabling smallholders to comply with a cap on burned area. To appraise amendments in the policy, a statistical Hicks-Kaldor test was developed and applied to stakeholders' stated choice surveys coupled with an econometric estimate of fire's effect on health. The test unveiled the trade-off between urban dwellers' health and smallholders' production. It also avoided the large disparity of groups in size and in goods valued to result into instability of efficiency assessment across six alternative group weighting schemes. The amendments that increased joint welfare required a great expansion of mechanization supply. Such change, which is not presently feasible at state level, could be piloted at municipal level by relying on the private sector and smallholders' organizations, and also on subsidized credit and power tillers. • A statistical Hicks-Kaldor test, robust to stakeholders' disparities, is devised. • It is applied to a policy replacing agricultural fires with subsidized tractors. • A health and welfare trade-off is unveiled by alternative stakeholder weightings. • · The test proved highly stable across six alternative group weightings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International transfers in climate policy channeled from the industrialized to the developing world either support the mitigation of climate change or the adaptation to global warming. From a purely allocative point of view, transfers supporting mitigation tend to be Pareto-improving whereas this is not very likely in the case of adaptation support. We illustrate this by regarding transfer schemes currently applied under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Kyoto framework. However, if we enrich the analysis by integrating distributional aspects, we find that international adaptation funding may help both the developing and developed world. Interestingly this is not due to altruistic incentives, but due to follow-up effects on international negotiations on climate change mitigation. We argue that the lack of fairness perceived by developing countries in the international climate policy arena can be reduced by the support of adaptation in these countries. As we show – taking into account different fairness concepts – this might raise the prospects of success in international negotiations on climate change. Yet, we find that the influence of transfers may induce different fairness effects on climate change mitigation negotiations to run counter. We discuss whether current transfer schemes under the UNFCCC and the Kyoto framework adequately serve the distributive and allocative objectives pursued in international climate policy. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

In this study I analyzed the role of environmental policies and energy cost savings on the pattern of switching to natural gas by stationary sources in Chile. According to the data most of the switching was induced by the lower cost of natural gas, although environmental policies played a small role and showed that sources were more sensitive to the cost of energy than to the environmental regulation. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

We investigate the effect of the informal sector and a range of governance indicators on both global and local pollutants for a panel of 58 countries during 1996–2011. The analysis employs a fixed effects-instrumental variable generalized method of moments approach. We find that the size of the informal sector has a significant impact on environmental quality, which is conditional on the level of economic development. For developing countries, the informal sector has a significant positive impact on local pollutants, whereas for the developed countries the informal sector has a significantly negative effect on global pollutants. The findings also reveal that the impact of governance depends on the type of governance measure, the level of economic development and type of pollutant. Control of corruption emerges as the single most important factor especially in the non-OECD countries in improving environmental quality. We argue that the efficacy of an environmental policy for a country with a large informal sector will be low if the policy measures do not address governance, size of the informal sector and environmental policy targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]