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The article discusses problems preventing economic growth in Indonesia, focusing on economic policy. Topics include the policies of Indonesian President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), the impact of falling demand for commodities on Indonesia's economy, and attempts to spur manufacturing growth in Indonesia. The effect of bureaucracy on foreign investment is addressed.

The article focuses on the aim of President Joko Widodo to upskill the people of Indonesia that could help the country in realizing its goal of growing the economy by 6.5% in 2022. Topics covered include constitutional amendment that boosted the budget on education, factors contributing to the difficulty facing people in Indonesia in finding jobs, and how making it easier for foreign companies to invest in Indonesia would help address the ailing manufacturing sector and would benefit education.

The article discusses political factors which tend to affect economic growth in Indonesia. Topics explored include the 2019 Indonesian presidential election featuring incumbent President Joko Widodo and former National Armed Forces General Prabowo Subianto, the gross domestic product (GDP) growth previously promised by Widodo, and the need to improve the manufacturing sector of the country.

The article discusses Indonesia's economy. An ongoing global financial crisis has not affected Indonesia as much as some other countries. Exports account for about a quarter of the country's output. Finance minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati cites various government reforms as instrumental in fostering a resilient Indonesian economy.

The article reports that foreign firms are doing more business in Indonesia. When Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono became president of Indonesia last year, he vowed to make the country a place where foreigners could do business. True, there have been hints of progress of late. More broadly, the government has launched a vigorous anti-corruption campaign. Foreign businessmen have been impressed, if the latest investment figures are anything to go by. That is despite there remaining plenty of evidence that the authorities are still inclined to behave in an arbitrary and unpredictable manner. Ministers contradict each other and announce things that come as a surprise to the firms they affect. Above all, the government shows no sign of trying to handle the cases in a principled, consistent manner..

This article looks at the challenges facing the economy of Indonesia as of December, 2004. Measured against the darkest days of the Asian crisis, Indonesia's economy is doing quite well. But one number lags well behind the others: investment. Almost all the current growth comes from consumption. Investment, which before the crisis hovered around 30% of GDP, has since fallen to about 20%. Last year's figure of 18% was the lowest since the early 1970s. What is more, investment has shifted away from the factories that once supported a burgeoning manufacturing industry. The World Economic Forum ranks Indonesia 69th out of 104 countries for its international competitiveness, far behind regional rivals such as Malaysia, Thailand or China. Spending on infrastructure is another concern. It plummeted from almost $16 billion in 1996 to $3 billion in 2001. Despite the obstacles, plenty of companies succeed in making money in Indonesia. Banks, for example, are back in the black as they diversify away from the corporate loans that brought them so much trouble during the crisis.

The article explores how a weak economy and rising religiosity would affect the chances for re-election of Indonesian President Joko Widodo in the 2019 election. Topics covered include the performance of Widodo in his first year as president, the approach of Muslim Indonesians to certain aspects of their religion, the protest staged by Muslims against the government and the views of some Indonesians on the faltering economic conditions and the possible opponents of Widodo in the 2019 election.

The article argues that the path of various developing economies in countries such as Turkey, Indonesia, and Peru are set to diverge as of 2017, and it provides a Morgan Stanley Capital International (MSCI) emerging-market index graph, as well as information about capital flow and a change to the U.S. Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System's monetary policy. America's trade policy shift is addressed, along with macroeconomic management and the economic conditions in Brazil and Taiwan.

The article explores the role of the island of Java in the Indonesian economy and politics. The island is inhabited by the Javanese, an ethnic group known for their politeness. Java generates 58 percent of the country's gross domestic product (GDP). Leaders of many political parties are members of the ethnic group.

The article discusses electrification and electric power plants in Indonesia. The energy policy of Indonesian president Joko Widodo is examined, the alleged necessity of expanding the power generation capacity of privately-owned power plants is emphasized, and information is offered on the history and future of foreign investment in the Indonesian energy sector.

The article focuses on the election of Indonesian President Joko Widodo on October 20, 2014 and how members of former Indonesian President Susilo Bambang's leadership are obstructing Widodo. Topics include the slowdown of economic growth in Indonesia between 2010 and 2014, Widodo's efforts to decrease government subsidies, and why Indonesian Parliament voted to end direct elections in cities and provinces in 2014.

The article discusses economic conditions and politics in Indonesia as of February 2013. Topics include investments in manufacturing, a decline in exports, government attempts to control the Indonesian mining and oil industries, and the attitudes of foreign investors. The Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is mentioned.

The article examines domestic social, economic and political conditions in Indonesia and contrasts them with Indonesia's foreign policy objectives and goals on the international stage. A number of topics are addressed including the religious intolerance and violence that takes place in Indonesia, the robust economic performance of the country, and its leadership of ASEAN.

The article discusses the business climate in Indonesia. According to Fauzi Ichasan of Standard Chartered Bank several obstacles exist to business formation including poor infrastructure and rigid labor laws. Demand for electric power has grown 6% annually, and efforts to make more power available have not kept pace.

This article reports on the 2009 presidential election in Indonesia and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The article discusses Yudhoyono's views on the economy, the oil and fuel industry, and democracy. Information is also provided on the roles of Muslims and Islam in Indonesia, as well as the country's polls leading up to the election.

The article focuses on politics in Indonesia. The country will hold legislative elections on April 9, 2009 and a presidential election on July 8, 2009. Incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is considered a prohibitive favorite to be re-elected and his Democratic party is expected to finish first in the legislative election. Yudhoyono is given credit for sheltering the country from the worst effects of the financial crisis and recession.

The article discusses Indonesia's economy and its parliamentary elections. According to the article, economic indicators suggest that the fourth-quarter slowdown in the country was much less than elsewhere in South East Asia. The President of Indonesia Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's policy of raising government-subsidised fuel prices and his stimulus package are explored. The country still faces a weak rule of law, the poor investment climate, labour militancy, and protectionism.

This article reports that while the separatist war in Aceh, Indonesia is technically over, its people seem to have settled for autonomy rather than independence from Indonesia. Former commander of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), Irwandi Yusuf, has won an election as governor, however in April 2007, the signs for peace are not good. The worry is that things will worsen when the international aid pledged after the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami dries up.

This article discusses actions the new Indonesian president Bambang Yudhoyono must take in the near future. On the face of it, the new government has little room for manoeuvre to alleviate dire want. Most of Indonesia's loans come from foreign governments, and most of those consider an ongoing IMF programme a prerequisite for debt restructuring, so there is little hope of forbearance from the country's biggest creditors. As bleak as all this sounds, there is some scope to raise revenue. Indonesia could run higher deficits without sending the financial markets into a panic--although Mr Yudhoyono might first want to establish a reputation as a sound fiscal manager. The government could certainly collect more tax. But the fastest and most obvious way for Mr Yudhoyono to free up money is by rationalising the government's current expenditure. Mr Yudhoyono also seems to want to be all things to all people. His cabinet contains an odd blend of generals and civilians, opposition politicians and allies, technocrats and hangers-on.

The people of Riau, Indonesia, say that their province, which lies opposite Singapore on Indonesia's side of the Malacca Strait, has oil below ground and oil above. But it is neither crude oil from Indonesia's biggest fields nor palm oil from its biggest plantations that has really brought prosperity to Riau over the past two years. It is Indonesia's new "autonomy" or devolution law, which confers a quarter of central-government revenue on the country's districts and provinces, plus a hefty slice of the income from local natural resources. All this makes Riau a poster child for the devolution law, which the government of the day pushed through parliament in 1999, in the hope of buying off Indonesia's most restive components and thus keeping the country in one piece. As the province's economy has boomed, its separatist movement--true, never very strong--has dissipated. But Riau is also a showcase of the many unexpected tensions the new system has brought on.The devolution law hands the regions many of the central government's former responsibilities, like health care, education and public works, but only a quarter of its revenue.

The article reports on the state of the economy of Indonesia as of December 2001. When Indonesia's new president, Megawati Sukarnoputri, named her cabinet in August, her economic line-up was hailed as a dream team. However, academics, lawmakers, trade unions, journalists and just about everyone else denounce privatization as theft of the national patrimony. Since much lending is tied to progress on privatization, failure to make any headway would have a double impact on the budget.

Discusses efforts in Southeast Asia to combat piracy, in light of the hijacking of the Malaysian tanker 'Selayang' by pirates. Topic of the threat of piracy to ships and their crews; Discussion of the Malacca Strait, which is favored by pirates; View that the deterioration of economics and politics in Indonesia is at the root of the increase of piracy in the region.

The article reports on new challenges for newly elected Indonesian president Abdurrahman Wahid in the wake of weakening economy coupled with political turbulence and social unrest in many parts of the region. The country's currency rupiyah has depreciated significantly over the past two weeks. Despite having secured a ceasefire with the separatist guerillas in Aceh province, the president can not still take a sigh of relief in the face of mounting tension among conflicting groups.

The article discusses the claim that boosting tourism is one of Indonesian President Joko Widodo's top priorities as of 2015, and it mentions the views of tourists regarding the Batavia district of Jakarta, Indonesia. According to the article, close to 10 million foreign travelers will visit Indonesia in 2015. The beaches and bars in Bali, Indonesia are examined, along with the economic conditions in Indonesia in the wake of an economic slowdown in China. Mansion restoration plans are assessed.

The article discusses deregulatory measures taken by the administration of Indonesian president Joko Widodo, also known as Jokowi. The measures are meant to encourage foreign investment and include reducing restrictions on some imports and cutting taxes for exporters who deposit foreign-exchange revenue in Indonesia. According to the author, these measures have not sufficiently encouraged economic growth or prevented the decline of the Indonesian currency known as the rupiah. Decentralisation in Indonesia is also discussed.

The article discusses an increase in the number of people who are concerned about Indonesian President Joko Widodo's leadership style as of 2015, and it mentions a decline in the nation's currency, as well as information about loans and the state of Indonesia's economy. Foreign investments in Indonesia are examined, along with Joko Widodo's efforts to reassure foreigners in the wake of an Asian financial crisis in 1997-98 and the Global Financial Crisis of 2008.

The article looks at economic conditions in Indonesia, as of 2014. It notes the country has had significant economic growth in recent years, with a rise in per capita income and a drop in the poverty rate. It says the income growth is going disproportionately to wealthier Indonesians, however, reflected in an increase in its level of income inequality as measured by Gini coefficient. Topics include government spending and labor productivity in different economic sectors.

The article focuses on the economic conditions in Indonesia in 2014. Topics include the financial turmoil of emerging markets in 2014, the value of the rupiah Indonesian currency compared to the U.S. dollar, and the monetary policy set forth by the Indonesian central bank. Information is provided on Indonesian Parliament's decision to give import/export restriction power to government authorities.

The article discusses Indonesia's plans for Parliamentary elections in April 2014 and a presidential election in June 2014, focusing on Jakarta, Indonesia's Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo who is allegedly the front-runner in the nation's presidential race. Indonesia's gross domestic product (GDP) growth is assessed, along with the nation's oil, coal, and copper reserves. Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is examined, as well as a reported lack of investor confidence in Indonesia.

The article focuses on Indonesia's economy in 2013. Topics include the rise in economic nationalism in the country, the decrease in rates of foreign investment in the Indonesian economy, and the increase in inflation. Information is provided on the Indonesian gross domestic product (GDP) deficit and Indonesian President Susilo Banbang Yudhoyono's failure to improve the country's infrastructure.

The article mentions the inhibited economic growth of the "BRIC" emerging economies of Brazil, Russia, India, and China in 2012 and discusses the growth of economies in Indonesia and the Philippines. Topics include the raising of government revenue by the two countries, infrastructure investment, and the president of the Philippines Benigno Aquino III. The Association of South-East Asian Nations is mentioned.

The article examines the growth of Indonesia's automotive market and economy. Topics include why the government fears that the country is in a credit bubble, how an increase in car ownership has caused President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to sign into law legislation that facilitates the building of highways on the islands of Java and Sumatra, and why car loans accounted for seventy percent of all new car purchases in Indonesia.

The article looks at Indonesia's economy as of 2012. Topics discussed include its 6.5 percent growth in 2011, the upgrade of its credit rating at the end of 2011 by ratings agencies Fitch and Moody's, and how government underspending and corruption could be the reason behind Indonesia's financial improvement. Difficulties around buying land and 2012 factory worker protests over the overturning of a ruling that would raise their minimum wage are also mentioned.

The article discusses consumer boom in Indonesia and suggests that the country may become an economic leader and part of BRIC, an economic grouping containing Brazil, Russia, India, and China. The author suggests that the economic growth is the result of commodities such as coal, gas, and palm oil exported to other countries and will not fix long-term problems. Also discussed is consumption by the Indonesian middle class and a lack of infrastructure which causes problems for businesses.

The article reports on competition and a regulatory dispute involving he business of importing and screening motion pictures in Indonesia. The Group 21 firm enjoyed an effective monopoly until Blitz Megaplex began expanding in the early 21st century. The involvement of the Indonesian tax authority, which is attempting to collect back taxes on the royalties on imported films, is also described.

The article discusses social media in Indonesia. The large number of Indonesians who are members of the online social network Facebook and microblog service Twitter is cited. It is noted that less than 20 percent of Indonesians have Internet access. The effects of expansion of that number on Internet industry finance and efforts by Internet companies to derive revenue from social media in Indonesia through means other than Internet advertising are considered.

The article discusses the Indonesian coal industry, which is said to be booming. Although China is a net exporter of coal, many coastal Chinese cities find it more economical to import coal from Indonesia. Statistics on the growth of Indonesian coal production are provided, along with information on the country's construction of coal-burning power plants.

The author offers opinions on Indonesia. The country is praised for its economic, social, and political development since the fall of the dictator Suharto in 1998. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is urged to take further actions to address the problems of the country's high poverty rate and endemic political corruption.

The article examines increased investment by Asian industrial corporations in Indonesia's natural resources. India's Reliance Power has purchased a coal mine in that country for $650 million and Japan Petroleum Exploration purchased half of an offshore natural gas field for $360 million. Foreign investment in Indonesia was over $10 billion in 2007, almost all of it from Asia.

A correction to the article "Always with them," that was published in the September 16, 2006 issue is presented.

The article reports that fuel prices in Indonesia are set to rise. Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has said he will raise government-controlled fuel prices. His aim is to cut a crippling fuel subsidy--at current prices, around $11 billion in 2005--and stabilize Indonesia's ailing currency. Tinkering with fuel prices proved problematic for Yudhoyono's predecessors. It seems certain, however, that he will introduce a compensation scheme for the 15.5 million poorest households. Modelled on similar programs in 20 other countries, each family will receive 300,000 rupiah ($29) every three months.

This article discusses the poor performance of Indonesia's economy and currency as of September 2005. This was supposed to be the year the Indonesian economy came into its own. The popular new Indonesian president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, had initiated an investment drive and cracked down on corruption. Foreign investors were taking an interest, for the first time since the Asian crisis of 1997-98. Yet in late August the rupiah plunged to its lowest level in four years, pulling shares down with it. What has gone wrong? The short answer is fuel subsidies. For a long time, the government has fixed the price of petrol and other fuels well below the international rate, and paid for the difference itself. As the price of oil has risen, so has the government's bill. But the authorities are reluctant to raise prices, for fear of public protests. Mr Yudhoyono did risk raising prices by 29% in March, while promising not to raise them again this year. But the international oil price has risen faster still, causing the cost of the subsidy to balloon. The government might end up spending as much as $13 billion on it this year--over six times what it originally budgeted.

Discusses the impact of a war between the United States and Iraq on Southeast Asian economies. If the U.S. ignores the protests coming from the region and presses on, Vietnam will have less to complain about than most. It is gathering a windfall from oil exports, thanks to a high price stoked in part by fears of war. It is also enjoying a boom in tourism, as skittish travelers seek out safe destinations.The same factors apply in the rest of Southeast Asia, but with the opposite effects. Singapore imports all its oil. Thailand and the Philippines import most of theirs. The high oil price is already fuelling inflation and singeing confidence in all three countries. Even Malaysia and Indonesia, which export oil, will suffer in the longer run from the slowing world economy. Various governments had already advised their people not to travel to Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and the Philippines after the bombing in Bali last October. A war in Iraq would make things worse by raising fears of further terrorism or unrest in the region, especially in Muslim-majority countries such as Malaysia and Indonesia.

Discusses economic conditions in Southeast Asia as of September, 2001. Worldwide slump in export demand which could raise unemployment in the countries; Positive outlook for Singapore; How former political instability in Indonesia, Thailand, and the Philippines could affect the economic recovery of the countries.