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The happy face advantage, the faster recognition of happy than of negative, angry or fearful, emotional expressions, has been reliably found and is modulated by social category cues, such as perceived gender, that is, is larger on female than on male faces. In this study, we tested whether this pattern of results is unique to human faces by investigating whether ambient examples of face pareidolia can also evoke a happy face advantage that is dependent on perceived gender. "Face pareidolia" describes the illusion of facial structure on inanimate objects, such as a tree trunk or a piece of burnt toast. While it has been shown that these illusory faces have expressions that can be recognized by participants, it is unknown whether they drive the same behavioral biases as real facial expressions. Thus, we measured the speed and accuracy with which the expressions of illusory faces that are perceived as female or male are recognized as happy or angry. We found a robust happy face advantage for illusory faces that were rated as more feminine in appearance. Concomitantly, we also found a robust angry face advantage for illusory faces that were rated as more masculine in appearance. Taken together, these findings demonstrate that illusory faces confer the same behavioral advantages as human faces. They also suggest that both perceived emotion and perceived gender are powerful socioevaluative dimensions that are extracted from visual stimuli that merely resemble human faces. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Although veritable libraries have been written about anger, the practical and theoretical understanding of its effects has been somewhat hampered by the difficulty of experimentally manipulating this emotion. Thus, key questions related to methodological precision and theoretical clarity remain, specifically with regard to whether and how anger induction techniques may interact with various moderators and elicit other co-occurring emotions in the process. Addressing this gap, a meta-analysis of 31 experimental studies in persuasion offers insights regarding the effect of anger elicitation on felt anger and its sensitivity to a host of theoretically meaningful moderators, as well as the relationship between anger induction and the arousal of other incidental emotions. Findings broadly affirm the complexity of anger as a contested emotion and offer new insight into methodological considerations and theoretical nuances of anger elicitations to be taken into account in persuasion research. These results should be interpreted with the caveat of an exclusive focus on persuasion and a Western-centric corpus of studies, further accenting the need to diversify and expand research into emotions. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Emotional expressions are an evolutionarily conserved means of social communication essential for social interactions. It is important to understand how anxious individuals perceive their social environments, including emotional expressions, especially with the rising prevalence of anxiety during the COVID-19 pandemic. Anxiety is often associated with an attentional bias for threat-related stimuli, such as angry faces. Yet the mechanisms by which anxiety enhances or impairs two key components of spatial attention-attentional capture and attentional disengagement-to emotional expressions are still unclear. Moreover, positive valence is often ignored in studies of threat-related attention and anxiety, despite the high occurrence of happy faces during everyday social interaction. Here, we investigated the relationship between anxiety, emotional valence, and spatial attention in 574 participants across two preregistered studies (data collected in 2021 and 2022; Experiment 1: n = 154, 54.5% male, M age = 43.5 years; Experiment 2: n = 420, 58% male, M age = 36.46 years). We found that happy faces capture attention more quickly than angry faces during the visual search experiment and found delayed disengagement from both angry and happy faces over neutral faces during the spatial cueing experiment. We also show that anxiety has a distinct impact on both attentional capture and disengagement of emotional faces. Together, our findings highlight the role of positively valenced stimuli in attracting and holding attention and suggest that anxiety is a critical factor in modulating spatial attention to emotional stimuli. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Neurocognitive models of pediatric irritability suggest a prominent role of anger; however, few studies have investigated anger-related biases and their neural correlates. Resting state functional connectivity (rsFC) of the amygdala was examined in relation to anger attribution bias (AAB) in a sample of young children (5-9 years old; N = 60; 55% White, 26.7% Hispanic) with clinically significant irritability characterized by impairing emotional outbursts (IEOs). Children completed a resting state functional magnetic resonance imaging scan as well as the assessment of children's emotional skills (ACES), which yields three measures of AAB in the context of social situations, social behaviors, and facial expressions. ACES scores were entered into a general linear model to examine associations with rsFC of the bilateral amygdalae. Children with IEOs exhibited significant biases in attributing anger to others across all three ACES domains. Greater biases toward attributing anger in social situations were associated with reduced rsFC of the bilateral amygdalae with the fusiform/lingual gyri and lateral occipital cortex. Alternatively, greater biases toward attributing anger to facial expressions positively predicted right amygdala-precuneus rsFC. Greater bias toward attributing anger to others based on their behaviors was associated with heightened rsFC of the right amygdala with the left middle frontal gyrus. Findings extend previous work implicating functional connections among regions of default mode and frontoparietal networks in pediatric irritability. Longitudinal studies are needed to further investigate the putative role of AAB in the etiology and long-term outcomes of pediatric irritability. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

After an interpersonal mishap-like blowing off plans with a friend, forgetting a spouse's birthday, or falling behind on a group project-wrongdoers typically feel guilty for their misbehavior, and victims feel angry. These emotions are believed to possess reparative functions; their expression prevents future mistakes from reiterating. However, little research has examined people's emotional reactions to mistakes that happen more than once. In seven preregistered studies, we assessed wrongdoers' and victims' emotions that arise after one transgression and again after another. Following two (or more) consecutive transgressions, wrongdoers felt guiltier, and victims felt angrier. However, from one transgression to the next, increases to anger were significantly greater than increases to guilt. Likewise, after transgression repair, anger decreased more than guilt did. In short, we found that anger is more elastic than guilt, which suggests a new perspective on emotions: The sensitivity to which emotions update in response to new circumstances. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Previous work has shown recognition of emotional facial expressions may differentially relate to task demands, such as whether one indirectly or directly encodes the emotional information. Given gender differences in emotion processing and memory, we assessed whether participant gender might moderate these encoding task effects. Using a between-subjects design with a sample of 100 undergraduates, participants made judgments about the gender (indirect) or emotion (direct) of facial stimuli displaying fearful, angry, happy, and neutral expressions. Different task-related effects were observed by gender for faces accompanied by recollection, as measured with the Remember-Know paradigm. Namely, women demonstrated better memory discrimination for emotional facial expressions only for remember responses following indirect encoding, whereas this effect was not significant for men. These results highlight the importance of considering participant gender, type of encoding task, and level of recollection on emotional memory for faces. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Recent work has cast doubt on whether the strength of motivation (strength of avoidance or approach tendencies) experienced while viewing emotion-eliciting pictures is dissociable from felt valence (negative versus positive). The present study extended this work by testing specific discrete emotions (amusement, anger, awe, desire, sadness). Previous work has proposed separate motivational direction (avoid versus approach) from valence. In Study 1, participants ( N = 60) rated the motivational direction or valence they experienced while viewing 100 pictures that each evoked one of the five discrete emotions. We found significant differences between average motivational direction and valence ratings for sadness, anger, and amusement. Critically, underlying these averages, we found that while valence responses were highly consistent, there was large variability in motivational direction, with some people indicating they wanted to approach and others indicating they wanted to avoid while viewing the same picture. Individual differences in motivational direction were largest for sadness, so in Study 2 ( N = 100) we tested whether they were predicted by appraisals of the situation (e.g., ratings of how welcome or useful people believed their help would be). The three appraisals tested accounted for 64% of the variance in motivational direction, after which valence made a very small unique contribution. These findings highlight that motivational direction and valence can diverge. Given the variability in individuals' motivational direction responses, future studies designed to assess the effects of motivational direction on cognitive processes need to tailor stimuli for each participant to ensure they activate the intended motivational direction. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Whole-body movements represent an ecologically valid model for assessing the effect of emotional stimuli valence on approach/avoidance reactions as they entail a change of the physical distance between such stimuli and the self. However, research in this field has provided inconsistent results as the task relevance of the emotional content of the stimuli was not properly controlled, and very often, it is impossible to dissociate the effect of arousal from that of valence. To overcome these limitations, we studied the effect of facial emotional expressions (anger and happiness) on forward gait initiation using an experimental paradigm that allows us to compare the impact of the stimuli emotional content when they are task relevant and when they are not. We found that angry and happy expressions altered forward gait initiation parameters differently only when relevant for ongoing goals. In particular, both the reaction times and the percentages of omission errors increased when the go signal was an angry face compared to when the go signal was a happy face. These results indicate that forward step movements share the same features as reaching arm movements regarding emotional stimuli, that is, facial emotions do not automatically influence behavioral responses. Instead, their effects depend critically on their conscious appraisal. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Gaze direction and emotion expression are salient facial features that facilitate social interactions. Previous studies addressed how gaze direction influences the evaluation and recognition of emotion expressions, but few have tested how emotion expression influences attentional processing of direct versus averted gaze faces. The present study examined whether the prioritization of direct gaze (toward the observer) relative to averted gaze (away from the observer) is modulated by the emotional expression of the observed face. Participants identified targets presented on the forehead of one of four faces in a 2 × 2 design (gaze direction: direct/averted; motion: sudden/static). Emotion expressions of the faces (neutral, angry, fearful, happy, disgusted) differed across participants. Direct gaze effects emerged-response times were shorter for targets on direct gaze than on averted gaze faces. This direct gaze effect was enhanced in angry faces (approach-oriented) and reduced in fearful faces (avoidance-oriented). "Weaker" approach- and avoidance-oriented expressions (happy and disgusted) did not modulate the direct gaze effect. These findings suggest that the context of facial emotion expressions influences attentional processing. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Moral courage is manifested when bystanders intervene to stop or prevent others' norm transgressions, despite potential costs to themselves. Although theoretical models propose a key role of emotions, in particular anger, in the psychological processes underlying moral courage, to date this role is underexplored. In a behavioral study, we proposed a conceptual differentiation between experienced and expressed anger in response to a witnessed moral transgression. By staging the embezzlement of money from project funds in the lab, we tested whether anger arises in response to a witnessed moral norm transgression and scrutinized its unique contribution to predicting who intervenes and who remains inactive in the context of other theoretically relevant emotions (guilt, fear, and empathy). In addition, we investigated the role of bystanders' anger expression in response to the transgression. Lastly, we tested whether experienced and expressed anger reactions were predicted across time from dispositions. Our paradigm allowed us to obtain observational data of behavioral responses and anger expression and experienced emotion reports in response to a realistic moral norm transgression. Results showed that experienced anger increased after the transgression and uniquely predicted intervention. Experienced anger reaction was predictable across time from dispositional sensitivity to observed injustice. Anger expression was only loosely associated with anger experience and intervention, suggesting it may constitute a display of disapproval in itself. The present findings from a realistic moral transgression situation evidence the important role of anger in the psychological process underlying moral courage. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Emotions that differ on the approach-avoidance dimension are thought to have different functions. Based on the motivational dimensional model of affect, we expected high-approach tendency (and not valence) to facilitate sports performance in a gaming context. Moreover, we expected the influence of high-approach emotions on performance to be mediated by higher levels of cognitive and physiological challenge as an approach-related response. To test these hypotheses, 241 men completed 5 matches of a soccer video game FIFA 19. Before each match, approach tendencies and valence were experimentally manipulated by showing films that elicit amusement, enthusiasm, sadness, anger, and neutral states. Approach tendency, challenge/threat evaluations, cardiovascular responses, and game scores were recorded. After watching enthusiastic and amusing videos, gamers displayed stronger approach tendencies, and, in turn, improved performance, compared to negative emotions and neutral conditions. Moreover, enthusiasm produced a stronger approach tendency and promoted better performance than amusement. Elicitation of unpleasant emotions (anger and sadness) had no effect on approach tendencies or gaming-outcomes relative to the neutral conditions. Across all conditions, gamers with higher levels of cognitive and cardiovascular challenge achieved higher scores. These findings indicate that in a gaming context performance is enhanced by pleasant emotions with high-approach tendencies. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Perceiving emotional expressions automatically triggers a tendency to react with a matching facial expression. Although it is considered fundamental for healthy social interactions, the mechanism behind it is unclear. One prevalent explanation suggests that perceiving emotional expressions induces emotions in the observer and that it is these emotions that elicit the facial reactions. This study directly tested this hypothesis, investigating whether emotion elicitation is what drives the effect. Two experiments used a facial stimulus-response compatibility (SRC) paradigm-a widely used measure of the tendency to facially match emotional expressions-in which the irrelevant stimuli were happy and angry body postures. Reaction times were measured using facial electromyography. Experiment 1 replicated the known SRC effect to body postures using a simpler task with only one, prespecified, response. This established a novel variant of the paradigm in which the facial effects cannot be attributed to motor matching or response selection and which focuses specifically on the automatic components of the effect. Experiment 2 then added to this paradigm a habituation protocol and self-report ratings of affective valence. Results indicated that emotional body postures elicited limited emotional reactions, which were further habituated following repeated presentations. However, the facial SRC effect did not undergo such habituation, suggesting that reducing emotional reaction to observed expressions does not reduce the tendency to match those expressions. Our findings do not support the emotion elicitation hypothesis and suggest that automatic facial reactions to emotional body postures are not driven by emotional reactions to the stimuli. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Anxiety can boost the detection of potential threats in many ways. There is evidence that one and the same facial expression can be perceived differently depending on whether it is seen in a neutral or in a threatening situation. The present study investigated how aversive anticipation influences the accuracy of facial emotion recognition and the perceived emotional intensity of faces that had their objective emotional intensity manipulated. Forty-three participants categorized and rated the intensity of morphed faces (20%, 40%, 60%, and 80%) of fearful, angry, and happy expressions. Differently colored picture frames indicated either threat of electric shock or safety. Threat of shock enhanced the categorization accuracy specifically for fearful faces. During threat, 80% fearful and happy faces, and all levels of angry faces (20%-80%) were rated as more intense. In addition, we found that more trait-anxious individuals more frequently erroneously categorized neutral faces as fearful. Thus, state anxiety enhanced accurate fear categorization and boosted the perceived intensity of emotional faces, whereas trait anxiety led to a biased threat perception in nonthreatening faces. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Angry reactions to moral violations should be heightened when wrongs befall oneself in comparison with when wrongs befall acquaintances, as prior research by Molho, Tybur, Güler, Balliet, and Hofmann (2017) demonstrates, because aggressive confrontation is inherently risky and therefore only incentivized by natural selection to curtail significant fitness costs. Here, in 3 preregistered studies, we extend this sociofunctional perspective to cases of wrongs inflicted on siblings. We observed equivalently heightened anger in response to transgressions against either oneself or one's sibling relative to transgressions against acquaintances across studies, whereas transgressions against acquaintances evoked greater disgust and/or fear (both associated with social avoidance) in 2 of the 3 studies. Studies 2 and 3, which incorporated measures of tendencies to confront the transgressor, confirmed that the elevated anger elicited by self or sibling harm partially mediated heightened inclinations toward direct aggression. Finally, in Study 3 we compared tendencies to experience anger and to directly aggress on behalf of siblings and close friends. Despite reporting greater affiliative closeness for friends than for siblings, harm to friends failed to evoke heightened anger relative to acquaintance harm, and participants were inclined to directly aggress against those who had harmed their sibling to a significantly greater extent than when the harm befell their friend. These overall results broadly replicate Molho et al.'s (2017) findings and theoretically extend the sociofunctionalist account of moral emotions to kinship. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

The question of what feeling with another person elicits in the empathizing individual has instigated innumerable studies mainly focusing on the affective valence of empathy and the resulting consequences for prosocial behavior (cf. the empathy-altruism debate). The present research may contribute to this long-lasting debate by examining the cardiovascular reactivity of the empathizing individual. To that effect, the biopsychosocial model of challenge and threat (Blascovich & Tomaka, 1996) was applied and impedance cardiography was implemented while individuals were instructed to feel with a target person who reacted differently to a need-causing event (with anger vs. sadness). Thereby, it is possible to test whether empathizers process coping-related cues when feeling with a target person in need. Results of one experiment (N = 160 women) revealed that empathizing with a sad (vs. an angry) target results in cardiovascular reactivity consistent with relative challenge-an energy-mobilizing state associated with relatively high resources. These findings suggest that coping-related appraisal processes influence how the empathizing individual reacts in terms of cardiovascular reactivity. This, in turn, provides novel insights regarding the affective-motivational outcomes of empathy. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Intergroup exchanges are an integral part of social life but are compromised when one group pursues its interests at another group's expense. The present research investigates whether expressing emotion can mitigate the negative consequences of such actions. We examine how emotions communicated by either an ingroup or outgroup member following an ingroup member's breach of trust affect other ingroup members' feelings of guilt and pride, and subsequent allocation of resources. In both studies, groups of participants played a two-round trust game with another group. In round one, they observed a member of their own group failing to reciprocate a trusting move by the outgroup. In Study 1 ( N = 85), an outgroup member then communicated anger or disappointment, whereas in Study 2 ( N = 164), an ingroup member then communicated happiness or guilt. Comparisons with no-emotion control conditions revealed that expressions of outgroup anger and ingroup guilt increased participants' allocations to an outgroup member in round two. The effect of an outgroup member's anger expression was mediated by participants' diminished feelings of pride about the ingroup action, whereas the effect of an ingroup member's guilt expression was mediated by participants' own feelings of guilt. Taken together, these findings support a social appraisal approach and highlight the roles that pride and guilt can play in shaping intergroup resource allocations. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Disgust has been hypothesized to be uniquely linked to violations of a distinct moral domain (called divinity, purity, or sacred) aimed at preserving one's body from contamination with pathogens and preserving one's soul from violations of what is sacred. Here we examined whether the same emotion-core disgust-occurs when witnessing both types of violation, and we proposed a specific method for doing so. In two studies (N = 160; 240), American and Indian participants indicated their emotional reaction to (stories depicting) sacred or nonsacred violations, each either with or without pathogens. Both Americans and Indians felt "grossed out" (a term for core disgust) by events with pathogens (whether violations of the sacred or not). They felt disgusted and angered, but not grossed out, by violations of the sacred. For both Americans and Indians, grossed out was never the modal emotion when a sacred violation did not involve pathogens. Results were inconsistent with a focus on any single emotion: sacred violations were associated with several different negative emotions. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

The Ultimatum Game (UG) is a canonical social decision-making task whereby a proposer divides a sum of money between himself and a responder who accepts or rejects the offer. Studies consistently demonstrate that unfair offers induce anger, and that rejecting such offers relates to aggression. Nevertheless, the UG is limited in interpersonal provocations common to real-life experiences of anger. Moreover, the psychometric properties of the UG as an anger-induction paradigm have yet to be evaluated. Here, to induce a more intense and genuine anger experience, we implemented a modified UG whereby short written provocations congruent with unfairness levels accompanied each offer. We aimed to test whether this anger-infused UG led to more anger and aggressive responses relative to the standard UG and to establish the reliability and validity of both versions. Participants performed either the anger-infused UG or a standard version, repeated twice, a week apart. They also performed the Taylor Aggression Paradigm, a reactive aggression paradigm, and completed emotion ratings and a trait anger inventory. Results indicate similar decreases in acceptance rates with increase in offer unfairness, and increases in reported anger, across both UG versions. Both versions demonstrated strong test-retest reliability. However, the anger-infused UG led to significantly stronger relations with reactive aggression and trait anger compared to the standard UG, providing evidence for better validity. The development of the anger-infused UG as a reliable and valid paradigm is pivotal for the induction and assessment of interpersonal anger and its aggressive expression in basic and clinical research settings. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

The current research offers an alternative to essentialism for studying cultural variation in emotional experience. Rather than assuming that individuals always experience an emotion in the same way, our starting point was that the experience of an emotion like anger or shame may vary from one instance to another. We expected to find different anger and shame experience types, that is, groups of people who differ in the instances of anger and shame that they experience. We proposed that studying cultural differences in emotional experience means studying differences in the distribution of these types across cultural contexts: There should be systematic differences in the types that are most common in each culture. Students from the United States, Japan, and Belgium (N = 928) indicated their emotional experiences in terms of appraisals and action tendencies in response to 15 hypothetical anger or shame situations. Using an inductive clustering approach, we identified anger and shame types who were characterized by different patterns of anger and shame experience. As expected, we found that the distribution of these types differed across the three cultural contexts: Of the two anger types, one was common in Japan and one in the United States and Belgium; the three shame types were each most prevalent in a different cultural context. Participants' anger and shame types were primarily predicted by their culture of origin (with an accuracy of 72.3% for anger and 74.0% for shame) and not, or much less, by their ethnic origin, socioeconomic status, gender, self-construal, or personality. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2018 APA, all rights reserved).

The ability to rapidly and accurately decode facial expressions is adaptive for human sociality. Although judgments of emotion are primarily determined by musculature, static face structure can also impact emotion judgments. The current work investigates how facial width-to-height ratio (fWHR), a stable feature of all faces, influences perceivers' judgments of expressive displays of anger and fear (Studies 1a, 1b, & 2), and anger and happiness (Study 3). Across 4 studies, we provide evidence consistent with the hypothesis that perceivers more readily see anger on faces with high fWHR compared with those with low fWHR, which instead facilitates the recognition of fear and happiness. This bias emerges when participants are led to believe that targets displaying otherwise neutral faces are attempting to mask an emotion (Studies 1a & 1b), and is evident when faces display an emotion (Studies 2 & 3). Together, these studies suggest that target facial width-to-height ratio biases ascriptions of emotion with consequences for emotion recognition speed and accuracy. (PsycINFO Database Record, ((c) 2018 APA, all rights reserved).)

Emotions shape behavior, but there is some debate over the manner in which they do so. The authors propose that how emotions shape behavior depends, in part, on how people expect emotions to shape behavior. In Study 1, angry (vs. calm) participants made more money in a negotiation when they expected anger to be beneficial. In Study 2, angry (vs. calm) participants killed more enemies in a computer game when they expected anger (but not calmness) to promote performance. In Study 3, excited (vs. calm) participants were more creative when they expected excitement to promote performance, whereas calm (vs. excited) participants were more creative when they expected calmness to promote performance. These findings demonstrate that, at least sometimes, what emotions do depends on what we expect them to do. (PsycINFO Database Record, ((c) 2018 APA, all rights reserved).)

Social perception of emotions is influenced by the context in which it occurs. One such context is a social interaction involving an exchange of emotions. The way parties to the interaction are perceived is shaped by the combination of emotions exchanged. This idea was examined by assessing the extent to which expressions of anger toward a target-which, in isolation, are perceived as signals of high social power-are influenced by the target's emotional reaction to it (i.e., reactive emotions). Three studies show that the angry person was perceived as having a higher level of social power when this anger was responded by fear or sadness than when it was responded by neutrality or anger. Study 1 indicated that reactive emotions have a stronger effect on perceived social power when emotions were incongruent with gender stereotypes. Study 2 indicated that these effects are a result of these emotions serving as reactive emotions rather than a benchmark against which the angry person's power is assessed. Study 3 showed that reactive emotions affect perceived social power by serving as signals of the level to which the high social power suggested by the first person's expression is confirmed by its target. Comparing effects of reactive emotions to anger with reactive emotions to sadness, showed that perceived social power of the expresser is determined by the nature of the expression, with some adjustment caused by the reactive emotions. This underscores the importance of social interaction as a context for the social perception of emotions. (PsycINFO Database Record, ((c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved).)

The majority of emotion perception studies utilize instructed and stereotypical expressions of faces or bodies. While such stimuli are highly standardized and well-recognized, their resemblance to real-life expressions of emotion remains unknown. Here we examined facial and body expressions of fear and anger during real-life situations and compared their recognition to that of instructed expressions of the same emotions. In order to examine the source of the affective signal, expressions of emotion were presented as faces alone, bodies alone, and naturally, as faces with bodies. The results demonstrated striking deviations between recognition of instructed and real-life stimuli, which differed as a function of the emotion expressed. In real-life fearful expressions of emotion, bodies were far better recognized than faces, a pattern not found with instructed expressions of emotion. Anger reactions were better recognized from the body than from the face in both real-life and instructed stimuli. However, the real-life stimuli were overall better recognized than their instructed counterparts. These results indicate that differences between instructed and real-life expressions of emotion are prevalent and raise caution against an overreliance of researchers on instructed affective stimuli. The findings also demonstrate that in real life, facial expression perception may rely heavily on information from the contextualizing body. (PsycINFO Database Record, ((c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved).)

Threatening stimuli prevent attentional disengagement. Less clear is whether threat captures attention in addition to holding it. One way to measure attentional capture is to examine visual prior entry. Visual prior entry occurs when one stimulus is consciously recognized as appearing prior to other stimuli. Using a temporal order judgments paradigm, we examined whether threatening, angry faces would experience visual prior entry. Such a finding would provide evidence for attentional capture by threat. We further examined whether such attentional capture by threat was contingent on feeling afraid. Using Bayesian analyses, we found moderate support for the null hypothesis in 2 experiments (Ns = 44, 63). Angry faces did not capture attention, and there was no effect of feeling afraid because of watching a horror movie (Experiment 1) or anticipatory fear about giving a speech in front of an expert panel (Experiment 2). These studies were supplemented with a meta-analysis that suggests the visual prior entry effect is very small, if indeed it exists. Thus, the visual prior entry effect for threatening faces is likely a much smaller effect than the extant literature suggests. (PsycINFO Database Record, ((c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved).)

Research has suggested that there are benefits to socially sharing anger as an emotion regulation strategy. We hypothesized that these benefits may depend on the frequency with which one is experiencing anger. We used an experience sampling methodology to explore the interaction between frequency of anger and reliance on social expression of anger as a predictor of changes in depression symptoms 4 months later. We found that a strong reliance on social expression prospectively predicted lower depression symptoms when participants endorsed anger infrequently but predicted an increase in subsequent depression symptoms when anger was endorsed frequently. This interaction was specific to anger and did not extend to sadness or anxiety. These results highlight the importance of considering the effectiveness of emotion regulation strategies in the context of specific emotions and the frequency of the experienced emotion in everyday life. (PsycINFO Database Record, ((c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved).)

It is often assumed that negative affect impairs the executive functions that underlie our ability to control and focus our thoughts. However, support for this claim has been mixed. Recent work has suggested that different negative affective states like anxiety and anger may reflect physiologically separable states with distinct effects on cognition. However, the effects of these 2 affective states on executive function have never been assessed. As such, we induced anxiety or anger in participants and examined the effects on executive function. We found that anger did not impair executive function relative to a neutral mood, whereas anxiety did. In addition, self-reports of induced anxiety, but not anger, predicted impairments in executive function. These results support functional models of affect and cognition, and highlight the need to consider differences between anxiety and anger when investigating the influence of negative affect on fundamental cognitive processes such as memory and executive function. (PsycINFO Database Record, ((c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved).)

The approach-avoidance conflict is one in which approaching reward brings increased threat while avoiding threat means forgoing reward. This conflict can be uniquely informative because it will be resolved in different ways depending on whether approach (toward) or avoidance (away from) is the stronger motive. Two studies (total N = 191) created a computerized version of this conflict and used the test to examine questions of motivational direction in anger. In Study 1, noise blast provocations increased the frequency of approach behaviors at high levels of trait anger, but decreased their frequency at low levels. In Study 2, a simpler version of the conflict test was used to predict anger in daily life. As hypothesized, greater approach frequencies in the test predicted greater anger reactivity to daily provocations and frustrations. The discussion focuses on the utility of the approach-avoidance conflict test and on questions of motivational direction in anger. (PsycINFO Database Record, ((c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved).)

Psychological stressors reliably trigger systemic inflammatory activity as indexed by levels of proinflammatory cytokines. This experiment demonstrates that one's specific emotional reaction to a stressor may be a significant determinant of whether an inflammatory reaction occurs in response to that stressor. Based on extant correlational evidence and theory, a causal approach was used to determine whether an avoidant emotion (anxiety) triggers more inflammatory activity than an approach emotion (anger). In an experimental design (N = 40), a 3-way Emotion Condition × Time × Analyte interaction revealed that a writing-based anxiety induction, but not a writing-based anger induction, increased mean levels of interferon-γ (IFN- γ) and interleukin-1β (IL-1β), but not interleukin-6 (IL-6) in oral mucous, F(2, 54) = 4.64, p = .01, ηp(²) = .15. Further, self-reported state anxiety predicted elevated levels of proinflammatory cytokines, all ΔR(²) >.06, ps <.04, but self-reported state anger did not. These results constitute the first evidence to our knowledge that specific negative emotions can differentially cause inflammatory activity and support a theoretical model explaining these effects based on the avoidance or approach motivations associated with emotions., ((c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved).)

Anger is a negative and highly aroused emotion. Previous research has revealed that a high level of arousal can induce the participant in a physical preparation and self-awareness. The aim of this research was to study the influence of anger on the attentional network using the Attention Network Test-Interactions (ANT-I). This test has been developed in order to assess 3 attentional networks: alerting, orienting, and executive control. Here, participants were induced in anger using the autobiographic recall procedure or in a neutral mood before the realization of the ANT-I. As expected, the results showed a better alerting score for the angry group. The possible origin of this alerting gain related to the high level of arousal is discussed. The results obtained should enlighten the interaction between emotion and the functioning of the attentional system. They also may be relevant for applied fields related to anger., ((c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved).)

The current study examined associations between adolescent respiratory sinus arrhythmia (RSA) during an angry event discussion task and adolescents' emotion regulation and adjustment. Data were collected from 206 adolescents (10-18 years of age, M age = 13.37). Electrocardiogram (ECG) and respiration data were collected from adolescents, and RSA values and respiration rates were computed. Adolescents reported on their own emotion regulation, prosocial behavior, and aggressive behavior. Multilevel latent growth modeling was employed to capture RSA responses across time (i.e., linear and quadratic changes; time course approach), and adolescent emotion regulation and adjustment variables were included in the model to test their links to RSA responses. Results indicated that high RSA baseline was associated with more adolescent prosocial behavior. A pattern of initial RSA decreases (RSA suppression) in response to angry event recall and subsequent RSA increases (RSA rebound) were related to better anger and sadness regulation and more prosocial behavior. However, RSA was not significantly linked to adolescent aggressive behavior. We also compared the time course approach with the conventional linear approach and found that the time course approach provided more meaningful and rich information. The implications of adaptive RSA change patterns are discussed., ((c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved).)

Emotional expressions can signal intentions and so possess the power to moderate social inferences. Here, we test whether stereotypes implicitly elicited by a stigmatized racial outgroup member are moderated by facial expression. Participants classified pictures of guns and tools that were primed with pictures of Black and White male faces posing angry, happy, and neutral expressions. Across the 3 measures examined--response latencies, error rates, and automatic processing, facial expression modulated implicit stereotyping (Study 1, n = 71; Study 2, n = 166). A Black angry prime elicited implicit stereotyping, while a Black happy prime diminished implicit stereotyping. Responding after neutral primes varied as a function of the expression context. When viewed alongside more threatening expressions (Study 1), neutral Black targets no longer elicited implicit stereotyping, but when viewed alongside more threatening expressions (Study 2), neutral Black targets primed crime and danger-relevant stereotypes. These results demonstrate that an individual can activate different associations based on changes in emotional expression and that a feature present in many everyday encounters (a smile) attenuates implicit racial stereotyping.

Oxytocin (OT) and a polymorphism (rs53576) in the oxytocin receptor gene (OXTR) have been independently associated with stress reactivity, whereas oxytocin's sister peptide, arginine vasopressin (AVP) and polymorphisms in the vasopressin receptor gene (AVPR1A) have been independently associated with aggressive behavior. In this study, 68 men and 98 women were genotyped for the OXTR rs53576 polymorphism and the AVPR1A RS1 polymorphism. Baseline and poststressor levels of plasma OT, plasma AVP, positive affect, and anger were assessed. Women, but not men, with high levels of poststressor OT and the GG genotype of rs53576 felt the most positive affect after the stressor. Men, but not women, with high levels of poststressor AVP and the 320 allele of the RS1 polymorphism reported more poststressor anger than noncarriers. These data constitute the first evidence that oxytocin and vasopressin receptor genes interact with levels of OT and AVP to predict sex-specific emotional stress responses.

Although there is an emerging consensus that disgust plays a role in human morality, it remains unclear whether this role is limited to transgressions that contain elements of physical disgust (e.g., gory murders, sexual crimes), or whether disgust is also involved in "pure" forms of morality. To address this issue, we examined the relationship between individual differences in the tendency to experience disgust toward physical stimuli (i.e., trait physical disgust) and reactions to pure moral transgressions. Across two studies, individuals higher in trait physical disgust judged moral transgressions to be more wrong than did their low-disgust counterparts, and were also more likely to moralize violations of social convention. Controlling for gender, trait anxiety, trait anger, and social conservatism did not eliminate trait disgust effects. These results suggest that disgust's role in morality is not limited to issues of purity or bodily norms, and that disgust may play a role in setting the boundaries of the moral domain.

Revenge-planning refers to individual differences in the tendency to actively seek out hostile confrontations with others. Building on past theory, we hypothesized that revenge-planning would be related to preattentive vigilance for angry facial expressions. By being vigilant for such expressions, individuals could more readily notice and prepare to confront social challenges. We conducted 2 studies to test this prediction. Across studies, results indicated that participants high in revenge-planning had significantly longer color-naming latencies for masked angry expressions presented in a subliminal Stroop task, regardless of whether the expression was presented inside or outside participants' attentional focus. This phenomenon was specific to revenge-planning and did not extend to the related construct of angry rumination. Such results suggest that preattentive vigilance for angry expressions supports a confrontational social style in which a person actively seeks out hostile social encounters., (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved.)

Previous research has provided inconsistent results regarding visual search for emotional faces, yielding evidence for either anger superiority (i.e., more efficient search for angry faces) or happiness superiority effects (i.e., more efficient search for happy faces), suggesting that these results do not reflect on emotional expression, but on emotion (un-)related low-level perceptual features. The present study investigated possible factors mediating anger/happiness superiority effects; specifically search strategy (fixed vs. variable target search; Experiment 1), stimulus choice (Nimstim database vs. Ekman & Friesen database; Experiments 1 and 2), and emotional intensity (Experiment 3 and 3a). Angry faces were found faster than happy faces regardless of search strategy using faces from the Nimstim database (Experiment 1). By contrast, a happiness superiority effect was evident in Experiment 2 when using faces from the Ekman and Friesen database. Experiment 3 employed angry, happy, and exuberant expressions (Nimstim database) and yielded anger and happiness superiority effects, respectively, highlighting the importance of the choice of stimulus materials. Ratings of the stimulus materials collected in Experiment 3a indicate that differences in perceived emotional intensity, pleasantness, or arousal do not account for differences in search efficiency. Across three studies, the current investigation indicates that prior reports of anger or happiness superiority effects in visual search are likely to reflect on low-level visual features associated with the stimulus materials used, rather than on emotion., (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved.)

Emotional expressions convey important social information. Given the social importance of decoding emotions, expressive faces wield great influence on cognition and perception. However, contextual factors also exert a top-down influence on emotion detection, privileging particular expressions over others. The current research investigates how the psychological meaning implied by the color red biases the processing of anger expressions. Red has been shown to carry the meaning of threat and danger, and in two experiments we find that exposure to red enhances the perception and identification of anger. In Experiment 1, the identification of anger, relative to happiness, was facilitated when faces were viewed on a red background. In Experiment 2, the red-anger facilitation effect was replicated and shown to not generalize to another high arousal negative emotion, fear. These results document a novel influence of color on emotion detection processes.

The goal of the current research was to subject to empirical examination the idea that the experience of anger would narrow the separation between implicit and explicit attitudes. Specifically, the tendency of anger to promote a sense of certainty in one's point of view was predicted to enhance the subjective validity of implicit attitudes, and that this validation of implicit attitudes by anger should increase implicit-explicit attitude correspondence. Consistent with these predictions, across three experiments, anger, as compared with neutral emotion (Experiments 1-3) and sad emotion (Experiments 1-2), was found to increase implicit-explicit attitude correspondence. Appraisals of certainty, but not individual control, mediated the effect of anger on implicit-explicit correspondence (Experiment 3). More generally, these results imply that anger may play an essential, but until now overlooked, role in directing the interplay between spontaneous and deliberative aspects of the self., (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved.)

Expressions of emotion are often brief, providing only fleeting images from which to base important social judgments. We sought to characterize the sensitivity and mechanisms of emotion detection and expression categorization when exposure to faces is very brief, and to determine whether these processes dissociate. Observers viewed 2 backward-masked facial expressions in quick succession, 1 neutral and the other emotional (happy, fearful, or angry), in a 2-interval forced-choice task. On each trial, observers attempted to detect the emotional expression (emotion detection) and to classify the expression (expression categorization). Above-chance emotion detection was possible with extremely brief exposures of 10 ms and was most accurate for happy expressions. We compared categorization among expressions using a d' analysis, and found that categorization was usually above chance for angry versus happy and fearful versus happy, but consistently poor for fearful versus angry expressions. Fearful versus angry categorization was poor even when only negative emotions (fearful, angry, or disgusted) were used, suggesting that this categorization is poor independent of decision context. Inverting faces impaired angry versus happy categorization, but not emotion detection, suggesting that information from facial features is used differently for emotion detection and expression categorizations. Emotion detection often occurred without expression categorization, and expression categorization sometimes occurred without emotion detection. These results are consistent with the notion that emotion detection and expression categorization involve separate mechanisms., (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved.)

A considerable amount of research on functional cerebral asymmetries (FCAs) for facial emotion perception has shown conflicting support for three competing models: (i) the Right Hemisphere Hypothesis, (ii) the Valence-Specific Hypothesis, and (iii) the Approach/Withdrawal model. However, the majority of studies evaluating the Right Hemisphere or the Valence-Specific Hypotheses are rather limited by the small number of emotional expressions used. In addition, it is difficult to evaluate the Approach/Withdrawal Hypothesis due to insufficient data on anger and FCAs. The aim of the present study was (a) to review visual half field (VHF) studies of hemispheric specialization in facial emotion perception and (b) to reevaluate empirical evidence with respect to all three partly conflicting hypotheses. Results from the present study revealed a left visual field (LVF)/right hemisphere advantage for the perception of angry, fearful, and sad facial expressions and a right visual field (RVF)/left hemisphere advantage for the perception of happy expressions. Thus, FCAs for the perception of specific facial emotions do not fully support the Right Hemisphere Hypothesis, the Valence-Specific Hypothesis, or the Approach/Withdrawal model. A systematic literature review, together with the results of the present study, indicate a consistent LVF/right hemisphere advantage only for a subset of negative emotions including anger, fear and sadness, rather suggesting a "negative (only) valence model.", (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved.)

The question as to whether poser race affects the happy categorization advantage, the faster categorization of happy than of negative emotional expressions, has been answered inconsistently. Hugenberg (2005) found the happy categorization advantage only for own race faces whereas faster categorization of angry expressions was evident for other race faces. Kubota and Ito (2007) found a happy categorization advantage for both own race and other race faces. These results have vastly different implications for understanding the influence of race cues on the processing of emotional expressions. The current study replicates the results of both prior studies and indicates that face type (computer-generated vs. photographic), presentation duration, and especially stimulus set size influence the happy categorization advantage as well as the moderating effect of poser race., (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved.)

The emotion anger is typically associated with increased risk taking. However, anger also produces increased probability estimates that emotionally congruent negative events will occur. This latter finding suggests that the general assumption that anger always increases risky decision making may be subject to caveat. The context of a risk-taking opportunity may dictate whether anger leads to greater or lesser acceptance of risk as a function of which component of the emotional state (i.e., affective or conceptual) is salient. In the experiment reported, participants completed one of two versions of a risk-taking measure that differ according to whether they evoke decisions based on affective feelings or more deliberate reasoning. Results demonstrated that angry participants made riskier decisions than their neutral counterparts under conditions less susceptible to the use of affective information, but made less risky decisions under conditions that favored the use of affective information. The importance of studying emotional states as multifaceted and contextualized phenomenon is discussed., (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved.)

The emotion attributed to the prototypical "facial expression of disgust" (a nose scrunch) depended on what facial expressions preceded it. In two studies, the majority of 120 children (5-14 years) and 135 adults (16-58 years) judged the nose scrunch as expressing disgust when the preceding set included an anger scowl, but as angry when the anger scowl was omitted. An even greater proportion of observers judged the nose scrunch as angry when the preceding set also included a facial expression of someone about to be sick. The emotion attributed to the nose scrunch therefore varies with experimental context., (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved.)

Our emotions don't have lives of their own, but mutually influence each other across time. Augmentation and blunting occur when experience of a current emotion increases or decreases the experience of another, subsequent emotion, and play a role in many everyday phenomena. In this study, we investigated patterns of augmentation and blunting between the experience of anger, sadness, relaxation, and happiness in daily life. In general, emotions with similar (opposite) valence showed augmentation (blunting) from one moment to the next. In search for a possible underlying mechanism, we showed that strength of augmentation and blunting was a function of degree of idiosyncratic appraisal overlap between two emotional states. This occurred even to the point that emotions with similar valence blunted one another in cases of small overlap, and emotions with opposite valence augmented one another in cases of large overlap. The findings reveal the dynamic interplay between different emotions across time, and highlight the role of appraisal overlap therein., (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved.)

Extant research suggests that self-distancing facilitates adaptive self-reflection of negative emotional experiences. However, this work operationalizes adaptive self-reflection in terms of a reduction in the intensity of negative emotion, ignoring other important aspects of emotional experience such as emotion duration. Moreover, prior research has predominantly focused on how self-distancing influences emotional reactivity in response to reflecting on negative experiences, leaving open questions concerning how this process operates in the context of positive experiences. We addressed these issues by examining the relationship between self-distancing and the duration of daily negative and positive emotions using a daily diary methodology. Discrete-time survival analyses revealed that reflecting on both daily negative (Studies 1 and 2) and positive events (Study 2) from a self-distanced perspective was associated with shorter emotions compared with reflecting on such events from a self-immersed perspective. The basic science and clinical implications of these findings are discussed., (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved.)

The present study tested the hypothesis that facilitated processing of threatening faces depends on working memory load. Participants judged the gender of angry versus happy faces while event-related brain potentials were recorded. Working memory load was manipulated within subjects by the mental rehearsal of one- versus eight-digit numbers. Behavioral results showed that the relative slow-down to angry compared to happy faces in the gender-naming task (i.e., the negativity bias) was eliminated under high working memory load. Under low (but not high) load, N2 amplitudes were smaller to angry compared to happy faces. Moreover, high load reduced LPP amplitude and eliminated the enhanced LPP to angry compared to happy faces that were present under low load. These results suggest that working memory load improves attentional control, and reduces sustained attention for distracting negative expressions. Taken together, these findings demonstrate that facilitated processing of threatening cues may be contingent on cognitive resources., (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved.)

Testosterone has been shown to relate to power, dominance, social status, and aggression. However, no research has related situationally induced changes in testosterone to subjective emotional experience. Based on the fact that anger relates to power, dominance, social status, and aggression, we predicted that testosterone would be uniquely related to the subjective experience of anger. In this study, salivary testosterone and cortisol were measured both prior to and following an anger-inducing event. In line with predictions, anger was associated with increased testosterone but not cortisol. These results provide the first evidence of a subjective emotional experience linked with changes in testosterone.

The sense of olfaction is often reported to have a special relationship with emotional processing. Memories triggered by olfactory cues often have a very emotional load. On the other hand, basic negative or positive emotional states should be sufficient to cover the most significant functions of the olfactory system including ingestion, hazard avoidance, and social communication. Thus, we investigated whether different basic emotions can be evoked in healthy people through the sense of olfaction. We asked 119 participants which odor evokes one of the six basic emotions (happiness, disgust, anger, anxiety, sadness, and surprise); another 97 participants were asked about pictures evoking those emotions. The results showed that almost every participant could name an olfactory elicitor for happiness or disgust. Olfactory elicitors of anxiety were reported less frequently, but they were still reported by three-quarters of the participants. However, for sadness and anger only about half of the participants reported an olfactory elicitor, whereas significantly more named a visual cue. Olfactory emotion elicitors were mainly related to the classes of culture, plants, and food, and visual emotion elicitors were largely related to humans. This data supports the hypothesis that in the vast majority of people, few differentiated emotions can be elicited through the olfactory channel. These emotions are happiness, disgust, and anxiety., ((c) 2011 APA, all rights reserved.)

The present electromyographic study is a first step toward shedding light on the involvement of affective processes in congruent and incongruent facial reactions to facial expressions. Further, empathy was investigated as a potential mediator underlying the modulation of facial reactions to emotional faces in a competitive, a cooperative, and a neutral setting. Results revealed less congruent reactions to happy expressions and even incongruent reactions to sad and angry expressions in the competition condition, whereas virtually no differences between the neutral and the cooperation condition occurred. Effects on congruent reactions were found to be mediated by cognitive empathy, indicating that the state of empathy plays an important role in the situational modulation of congruent reactions. Further, incongruent reactions to sad and angry faces in a competition setting were mediated by the emotional reaction of joy, supporting the assumption that incongruent facial reactions are mainly based on affective processes. Additionally, strategic processes (specifically, the goal to create and maintain a smooth, harmonious interaction) were found to influence facial reactions while being in a cooperative mindset. Now, further studies are needed to test for the generalizability of these effects.

Two experiments tested the hypothesis that exposure to masked emotional expressions during the performance of cognitive tasks influences effort mobilization. In support of the predictions, participants who processed masked sad faces during task performance under "do your best" instructions showed stronger sympathetic nervous system discharge to the heart (shorter pre-ejection period, higher systolic blood pressure) than participants who were exposed to masked smiling faces or angry faces. Assessed task appraisals suggest that these effects on effort-related cardiovascular reactivity occurred because the masked emotional stimuli influenced the level of experienced task difficulty. The findings are compatible with the effects of consciously experienced affect on effort-related cardiovascular response., (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2011 APA, all rights reserved.)

In the present research, we test the assumption that emotional mimicry and contagion are moderated by group membership. We report two studies using facial electromyography (EMG; Study 1), Facial Action Coding System (FACS; Study 2), and self-reported emotions (Study 2) as dependent measures. As predicted, both studies show that ingroup anger and fear displays were mimicked to a greater extent than outgroup displays of these emotions. The self-report data in Study 2 further showed specific divergent reactions to outgroup anger and fear displays. Outgroup anger evoked fear, and outgroup fear evoked aversion. Interestingly, mimicry increased liking for ingroup models but not for outgroup models. The findings are discussed in terms of the social functions of emotions in group contexts. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2011 APA, all rights reserved).