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Most 'progressive' Latin American governments, which have come to power over the past decade or so, continue to rely on agriculture and resource extraction as the primary generators of wealth. Scholars argue that this 'neoextractivism' is made politically possible by directing some profits toward the funding of progressive social programs. The Brazilian Amazon's vast wealth of extractive resources and its large economically depressed population make it the emblematic site for neoextractivism. Its biodiversity and inhabited landscapes, however, mean that the neoextractive program encounters concerted resistance from the global environmental community as well as from traditional, indigenous, and migrant smallholders. In response, neoextractivism must deploy another form of progressivism--environmentalism. The author uses the case of agroindustrial soy production in the Brazilian Amazonian state of Pará to demonstrate how the emergence of environmental governance there facilitates neoextractivism by 'greening' it. Through an analysis of the mechanisms and effects of two programs, implemented through partnerships between nongovernmental organizations and corporations, to manage soy expansion into the Amazon, it is demonstrated that these programs have questionable environmental benefits at best and at worst work to reenforce the hegemony of international environmental organizations, to green the image of agri-business multinationals, and to destabilize strategies of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research suggests that people living in deprived areas of the UK are more likely to be exposed to hazardous environments than those in more affluent areas, but the mechanism behind this trend is not clear. Discrimination in the siting of undesirable land uses has often been blamed, leading to claims of environmental injustice. However, environmental inequalities may also arise through post-siting processes that lead to selective migration: the presence of an undesirable land use may devalue local property, encouraging affluent households to move away and deprived households to move in to surrounding areas. Ascertaining the underlying process at work is important as this has significant implications for guiding policies aimed at delivering environmental justice. We investigated the distribution of municipal landfill sites in Scotland and local exposure to their airborne emissions. Geographical information system techniques were used to construct a wind-weighted, emissions-weighted, and distance-weighted model with which small-area exposure to landfills could be classified. This model gave the exposure classification a degree of realism not generally incorporated in similar studies. We found clear evidence of environmental inequality: socially deprived areas of Scotland are disproportionately exposed to municipal landfills and have been since at least 1981. We then asked which came first, the deprivation or the landfill? Our results suggest that both disproportionate siting and postsiting market dynamics may play a role: area deprivation may have preceded disproportionate landfill siting to some extent, particularly in the 1980s, but landfill siting also preceded a relative increase in deprivation in exposed areas. Areas that became exposed to a municipal landfill in the 1980s were subsequently 1.65 times more likely to be classified as deprived by 2001 than areas that remained unexposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer, a multilateral environmental agreement, has successfully eliminated the use of most ozone-depleting chlorofluorocarbons. As a result, a number of observers have pointed to the possibility of transferring successes-and even linking regulations-between the Montreal Protocol and Kyoto Protocol, the international but stalled climate-change agreement. We argue that there is need for caution on this issue. The Montreal and Kyoto protocols are the outcomes of vastly different political contexts, from public civil society approaches to what we call 'the private turn': the current loss of faith in state sovereignty, the rejection of multilateralism, and an embrace of private knowledge about economic damage over public knowledge about the protection of citizens and natural resources. From this broader perspective we show that the differences between the Montreal and Kyoto protocols are therefore more than `command-and-control' versus `market-based' solutions. These differences also reflect an even deeper divide over what `counts' as knowledge in political decision-making processes. We illustrate these points through a case study of the current knowledge controversies around the phase-out of methyl bromide under the Montreal Protocol. We explain how the methyl bromide phase-out has stalled because the phase-out approach is incompatible with the current political regime, thus supporting the argument that neoliberal forms of governance cannot solve global environmental problems. This case, therefore, shows us that the challenges we face are more than atmospheric: to save the Earth we must create new ways to govern ourselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 21 September 2006 UK über-entrepreneur and Virgin Group Chairman Richard Branson pledged approximately £1.6 billion, the equivalent of all the profits from Virgin Atlantic and Virgin Trains for the next ten years, to fighting climate change. Since then, Branson has restated his commitment to action on global warming, including investment in technologies for sequestering carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. In this paper, I critically examine and engage with Branson's announcements as a specific entrée into a dialog about so-called 'green capitalism'. I am particularly interested in the role of the entrepreneurial subject in environmental policy and environmental action. There are glaring problems associated with green capitalism as a mash-up of environmentalism with capitalism. One of these is the tethering of environmentalism to a political economy whose mantra is growth for growth's sake, or, in Marx's terms, accumulation for accumulation's sake. This has been discussed by some as the problem of capitalism's ecological metabolism or 'metabolic rift'. Yet, while accumulation for accumulation's sake may well be anathema to progressive environmentalism and sustainability, I argue that this is not only an objective, quantitative problem but also one of the qualitative dimensions of produced nature and the cultural politics of environmentalism. Appreciation of this can be gleaned by reexamining Marx's discussion of the role of the bourgeois subject in the relentless drive to reproduce and expand capital accumulation via anarchic, entrepreneurial investment. Green capitalist orthodoxy relies on this source of innovative dynamism, but in the process obscures or overlooks the fact that accumulation for accumulation's sake is by definition guided by the anarchic and amoral search for profitable realization of surplus value. Moreover, in order for green capitalism to succeed, its legitimacy must be secured. I argue that this legitimacy derives in part from specific performances of green capitalism by entrepreneurial elites, also made evident by Branson and his commitments to climate action. All of this raises questions about the political, cultural, and ecological character of green capitalism, issues brought to the fore by Branson's brand of climate activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ideal of environmental justice is a far reach for Israel, a country with severely limited land area, an overriding concern with security, and a significant minority population. Nevertheless, it is urgent that policy makers take steps in that direction, both for the health of the nation and for moral rightness. After a survey of theoretical approaches to environmental justice, the author offers an operative definition and theory appropriate to the Israeli situation. This approach, embodying all facets of the theory, is applied to a case study of the Arab town of Sachnin, and the policy implications that it indicates are explored. Specific steps that could help progress toward the ultimate goal of environmental justice are suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental performance is a matter of major concern both for policy makers and for firm managers. In this paper we interpret firms' environmental performance as their ability to reduce polluting wastes while maintaining observed levels of inputs and desirable outputs. Making use of data envelopment analysis techniques, we compute waste-specific environmental efficiency measures for a sample of ceramic-tile producers located in the eastern Spanish region of Valencia. Our results show that there exists substantial room for improving environmental performance, which would have highly beneficial consequences for the local environment. In a second stage of analysis, we find that affiliation to the regional Technological Institute, ITC, which aims to promote technological innovation within the ceramic-tile industry, improves tile firms' environmental efficiency. In addition, firms located in the local industrial district of the Plana Baixa enjoy what we have broadly defined as ‘environmental spillovers’, which enhance their environmental performance. Also, ceramic-tile firms which outsource the management of wastes show better environmental performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on the effect of sustainable transition management to the society. He pointed that the way to contend environmental crises is through fundamental changes in the socio-technological structure of the way individuals live and work. The author relates the topic to the adopted methods of transition management under a government-sponsored programs in the Netherlands and in Great Britian. He pointed on how transition management creates social systemic change and affects technology.

In this paper we examine the role of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) in debates about environmental science and knowledge, using empirical evidence from in-depth interviews with a range of NGOs involved in the waste debate in the United Kingdom. We discuss theoretical issues of scientific boundary-work and the construction of expertise and socially distributed knowledge, and then apply these to our empirical evidence. Our conclusions are that NGOs continue to subscribe to the notion of the preeminent authority of science in environmental debates, but also work partly in a more diverse, highly networked world of knowledge production which requires them to be pragmatic and versatile in how they legitimate knowledge from various sources. Hence, scientific knowledge is highly contingent in its authority, and dependent upon continual (re)negotiation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I interrogate the relationship between environmental science and local governance in the United Kingdom. Effectively linking science and policy is critical to sustainable planning, and within the rhetoric of evidence-based policy it is often assumed that science conducted in a locality will feed linearly into the governance of that locality. This assumption is unpacked through the detailed study of an end-user-oriented environmental research project. I argue that the reproduction of separate scientific and political spheres prevented the research from being relevant to the governance of that locality. Theoretical and practical approaches to the spatialities of the research-policy interface are considered in order to politically reconstruct the local as a meaningful field of environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Assessments of environmental and territorial justice are similar in that both assess whether empirical relations between the spatial arrangement of undesirable hazards (or desirable public goods and services) and sociodemographic groups are consistent with notions of social justice, evaluating the spatial distribution of benefits and burdens (outcome equity) and the process that produces observed differences (process equity). Using proximity to major highways in New York City as a case study, we review methodological issues pertinent to both fields and discuss choice and computation of exposure measures, but focus primarily on measures of inequity. We present inequity measures computed from the empirically estimated joint distribution of exposure and demographics and compare them with traditional measures such as linear regression, logistic regression, and Theil's entropy index. We find that measures computed from the full joint distribution provide more unified, transparent, and intuitive operational definitions of inequity and show how the approach can be used to structure siting and decommissioning decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its many promises, devolved governance may pose great challenges to environmental conservation, especially in the context of newly democratized polities where local communities tend to be dominated by place-bound clientele networks that pursue developmental interests at the expense of conservation. In this paper the authors examine how a conservation movement in Huben Village of Yunlin County in Taiwan has successfully been organized to save the endangered bird species Fairy Pitta (Pitta nuymphia) against gravel extraction activities that were backed by local clientele networks of politicians and business interests. The case illustrates how challenges of devolved governance can be addressed not necessarily by centralized authority but by connecting grassroots victims of environmental degradation with broader conservation movements supported by networks of civic organizations that transcend narrow geographical interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]