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The influence of transnational engagements on emigrant villages has attracted noticeable scholarly attention, however, the religious dimension of the link between migration and remittances remains largely unexplored. Providing an ethnographic study exploring the dynamics and meanings involved in the growth of cemevis in villages, this paper aims to contribute to an understanding of this phenomenon, something that has received less attention in studies of migration and transnationalism. Drawing on a multi-sited ethnography of the British Alevi community in London and their villages in the Afşin-Elbistan region in Maraş province in Turkey, the paper discovers how and to what extent these transnational interactions shape places and social and religious spaces in the villages. The paper describes rural cemevis built by migrants as "remittance cemevis' that form a channel between the diaspora and homeland and allow migrant Alevis to expand their role in the village community and influence social and cultural life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on empirical research with British South Asian (BSA) Muslim women in Oldham and focussing on the embodied intersectional nature of discrimination they face, this paper explores British Muslim women's experiences of belonging in local spaces. Through a discursive analysis of place, belonging and identity, this paper argues that BSA Muslim women appear as a visible threat to the nation, occupying a contradictory position of both within the local and national but not part of it. Focused on the context of Oldham, a former mill town in the North of England, findings suggest wider hegemonic discourses of Muslim woman as "Other" are inflected by local dynamics and shape discordant everyday experiences. It is argued that Oldham presents a microcosm with which to view the nations complex relationship with its Muslim minority groups and resonates with the current political landscape of rising right-wing populism and Islamophobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colour-blindness is a prominent concept across disciplines in the US but is less prominent and still an emerging and under-utilised conceptual tool in the European and Swedish context. Existing research measures colour-blind attitudes – defined as the belief that race does not matter. In this paper we examine what happens when we translate these US measurements and understandings of colour-blind attitudes to the Swedish context? We present the results from two quantitative studies conducted between 2009 and 2020 in Sweden. Based on these results, we discuss the possibilities, limitations, and implications of replicating the theoretical concepts from the US in the Swedish context and propose possibilities for measuring colour-blindness quantitatively. The paper thereby not only contributes to the theoretical and methodological discussion on understanding colour-blind attitudes in the European context but also highlights the prominence of colour-blind racial attitudes in Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past twenty years, prominent theorists of citizenship envisaged cosmopolitan openings, the re-making of national identity, and progressive multicultural change. The paper explores perspectives on civic inclusion in Kymlicka's Multicultural Odysseys, Soysal's Limits of Citizenship, and Benhabib's Another Cosmopolitanism. It explores this work in light of two recent political episodes, the formulation of an "anti-separatism" law in France and "anti-ghetto" policies in Denmark. The paper contrast tendencies that theorists of inclusive citizenship envisage with the denial of associational rights in France and the assertion of racial logics in Denmark. It illustrates blinds spots in prominent accounts of civic inclusion, in particular the reliance on a prescriptive account of minority and post-migrant agency, a disembodied logic of human rights, and limited regard for status differentials on the inside of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The academy in Britain has witnessed the rise of a "decolonial turn", which ironically is set against the backdrop of persistent racial disparities amongst staff and students within higher education. Taking the cases of the disciplines of history and geography and drawing from qualitative interviews and focus groups among students and academics in these disciplines, this paper examines "decolonising" as– (a) a "new" language being articulated by various actors within the neoliberal university; and (b) an emergent praxis at the levels of learned societies, university departments and beyond, to address racialized inequalities and coloniality. This paper outlines some key tensions and challenges faced by "decoloniality" at both conceptual and practical levels, and overall suggests the need for an anti-racist collaborative effort to make meaningful "decolonial" changes within higher education in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to research on the migration studies and homelessness, bringing to the fore the severe forms of deprivation among homeless European Union (EU) citizens. Drawing on 30 in-depth interviews with homeless Romanians in the city of Madrid and an extensive ethnographic observation study, the paper places the homeless themselves at the core of the analysis, highlighting their precarious ways of life as they attempt to access their right to housing as homeless European citizens. In aiming to advance new theoretical perspectives, I emphasize notions of resistance against surveillance and active engagement as forms of agency, in the search for solidarity and access to housing assistance. The conclusions highlight that the practices and feelings of the people affected could harmoniously intersect with the attention to mobility in poor urban spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores why the provinces of Ontario and Quebec devised contrasting policies in response to similar incidents of urban violence in the mid-2000s. In both settings, municipal police departments launched aggressive campaigns against so-called "youth gangs." However, Ontario went one step further and created a new "youth policy" to expand out-of-school programs for children and adolescents. By examining the origins of the policies in each province, the paper concludes that Black political actors in Ontario were leading champions of the youth policy, whereas, in Quebec, police chiefs took the driver's seat and advocated for a disciplinary strategy against "street gangs." The contrasts in policy and Black political participation exemplify the distinct racial politics of the provinces. Race-conscious policy in Ontario grows out of a tradition of Black radicalism and multi-racial coalitions. In Quebec, minority nationalism turns race into a proxy for clashes over ethnicity and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All non-citizens face risk of deportation, but a variety of factors unequally stratify this risk. To capture the range of formally unequal statuses produced by migration control systems, we introduce the concept of "differentiated legality." This paper applies this framework to analyze perceived deportation risk reported by 1,976 immigrants from a range of origin countries in the 2016–2017 Collaborative Multi-racial Post-election Survey. Findings show that unauthorized immigrants and immigrants with temporary authorized status worry more than naturalized citizens about being deported. Respondents who know someone who has been deported and who were interviewed in a language other than English express greater fear of deportation, even in models with controls. In addition, system embeddedness – i.e. perceived legibility to the state – may increase deportation fears, even among those with comparatively secure legal statuses. This paper is a significant contribution to understandings of citizenship, legality, and how immigrants experience deportability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of anti-Muslim violence in Buddhist majority states in Asia, increased scholarly attention is paid to anti-Muslim Buddhist nationalism. These studies have paid particular attention to historical legacies within the confines of state borders, be they colonial or post-colonial. However, as this paper shows, the concerns raised in Buddhist anti-Muslim nationalism are not only shaped by local contexts. On the contrary, they are very much informed by global discourses and concerns. Drawing on media and globalization theory, this paper explores the transnational and global aspects of anti-Muslim Buddhist nationalism, arguing that it needs to be understood as a constituent element of global Islamophobia(s). Moreover, the paper shows that Buddhist Islamophobia cannot be reduced to being the result of Western export of Islamophobia globally. Rather, Buddhist Islamophobia has to be understood as a global as well as a globalizing phenomenon, contributing in its own right to global Islamophobia(s). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The strategic mobilization of humor by Hindutva groups online contributes to the mainstreaming of supremacist ideologies that inform extremist behavior. Analyzing the social media recontextualizations of the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition as case studies, this paper examines how online instantiations of Islamophobic humor contribute to the Hindutva revisioning of popular memory. This paper expands the understanding of how Islamophobia is normalized through the shifting affective framing of the Babri Masjid demolition, from shame to schadenfreude, from tragedy to comedy, and from a threat to Indian secularism to a necessary act of paternalistic disciplining. Studying these shifts through specific examples of Islamophobic humor builds upon previous insights into: (1) the affective regimes by which Islamophobic ideas are made palatable to a wider audience, (2) discriminatory speech as an act of pleasure, and (3) how both of these work toward the reworking of popular memory in service of the Hindutva political project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper unpacks the ways in multiform colonialities of power, species of colonial power and genealogies of colonial power jostle for dominance at the contemporary UK asylum border. Grounded in the context of the Glasgow Bajuni campaign – an attempt to overturn minoritised Somali asylum seekers’ refused “Disputed Nationality” cases – it argues (1) that existing “coloniality of citizenship” literatures can be extended by considering the roles of different “species” of coloniality (such as Protectorate colonialism) in the development of citizenship/migrantising regimes, (2) that “relational entanglements” theorisations should be applied to critiques of bordering/citizenship processes and that (3) relational entanglements are highly contextually specific and full critiques of bordered injustice must incorporate these specificities in their analysis. Consideration of these critiques in combination, the paper argues, leads to precise identification of the multiple and intersecting injustices suffered by the Bajuni campaigners at the asylum border that would otherwise remain obscured. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores how second-generation Turkish-German 'returnees' benefit from their "inbetweenness" in their ancestral homeland and initiate a process of re-inventing themselves as 'transcultural mediators'. A thematic-narrative analysis was undertaken on 43 in-depth interviews with second-generation Turkish-German 'return' migrants to Antalya who had acquired jobs in the tourism sector. The paper unpacks how this tourism hub provides "third spaces" distanced from prominent national and diasporic identities, and the ways in which these liberating spaces encourage the lifestyle-oriented, cosmopolitan second-generation 'returnees' to re-position themselves in their translocal social fields. The findings illustrate how the second generation, who formerly endured "being twice a stranger" in Germany and Turkey, undertake a process of transculturation in Antalya, and utilize their "transcultural capital" (i.e. bilingual skills, bi- multilingualism, translocal habitus) to perform different aspects of their multiple and hybrid identities, gain economic independence and build social relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Where are you from?" For Palestinian citizens of Israel travelling abroad, this simple question is anything but trivial. It raises dilemmas of identity and stigma and evokes emotions of embarrassment, guilt and pride. Drawing on in-depth interviews, the paper examines the repertoires of self-presentation of Palestinian Israelis during travel abroad. Their answer to the question changed depending on the country they were visiting. In Turkey, respondents presented themselves as Palestinian; in Arab countries, they were "Arabs of '48." In those Middle Eastern destinations, Palestinian Israelis concealed their Israeli citizenship to avoid stigma and risk. In Europe, by contrast, respondents typically presented themselves as Israeli citizens – a self-presentation also shielded them from stigmas against Arabs. The paper examines the splintered and strategic self-presentation of Palestinian Israelis in the previously-unexplored domain of international travel. Our findings show that during international travel, a minority ethnic background may actually be advantageous at times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the dynamics of political mobilization of two transnational organizations – Assemblea Nacional Catalana and Marea Granate – formed by Spanish/Catalan migrants in different European cities. By conducting cross-organization and cross-city research, we analyze why and how migrants' transnational networks perceive themselves to be stronger in some cities and weaker in others. This paper demonstrates that there is no one-size-fits-all mechanism that explains perceived organizational strength in all contexts. The same urban context might provide different opportunities and constraints depending on organizational characteristics of migrant movements. Our study shows the ways that organizations' political agenda and their preferred action forms affect the perception of positionality as they navigate in different urban contexts with diverging national/local political settings, political cultures, civil society networks, and migration trajectories. The empirical data in this research stem from a content analysis of the events organized by the organizations and semi-structured in-depth interviews with organizations' representatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes the intersectional domains of power framework to examine Black Cypriot women's experiences with Afro hair in a community where black colour, hair, and features are othered. This paper draws particular attention to the interpersonal and cultural domains of power. We examine how hair prejudice has endured within families and in the Turkish Cypriot community by focusing on space and time differences. We compare the experiences of five women who were born in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1980s. We aim to connect the history of slavery and colonialism to show how the unique experiences of Black women in Cyprus are also tied to global racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing literature on racial justice in the field of normative political theory usually tracks the legacy of colonialism and imperialism, white settlement and African slavery, that systematically privileges whites globally, and that needs to be repaired. The moral grounding and forms of reparations are highly debated not only in academia but in countless political fora. However, both academic and political debates have largely taken place in post-colonial contexts and ignored the enduring forms of injustice Romani peoples face. The paper assesses the relevance of normative debates around racial justice for the case of Roma in four steps. First, it reviews the literature on racial justice, in particular on recognition, reparations, and reconciliation. Second, the emerging discourse of racial justice for Roma is illustrated with three examples from Germany, Sweden, and Romania. Third, some puzzles and dilemmas of such claims are studied. Finally, lessons are drawn from the case of Romani claims for theories of racial justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the life-stories of three young people who were born in Switzerland, but whose parents fled Bosnia due to the Yugoslav disintegration wars. These biographic portraits present three different ways of relating to and identifying with the country of origin, and (dis)engaging with its violent past. The paper highlights the ways in which young people are exposed to histories of violence and how these become personally relevant to them. One way of relating to this violent past is through family histories and memories, but these often remain obscure and fragmented. At the same time, young people encounter the legacies of the conflict outside the family and the home: in different diasporic and non-diasporic social spaces. The paper identifies the crucial role of diasporic divisions resulting from the conflict, social encounters in different contexts, and exposure to alternative historic narratives, in the development of young people's sense of belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how memories of a violent past are interpreted by different generations of exiles, particularly when the primary feature of memory in their homeland is forgetfulness. This occurs when the echoes of political and institutional violence from "home" perpetually reverberate in the diaspora, and when host societies have constructed a securitization framework that progressively redefines Chechens from victims to perceived threats. Based on the case of the Chechens living in the EU since the early 2000s and grounded in field observations and semi-structured interviews conducted from 2015 to 2022, this paper delves into a "conflict-generated diaspora" in formation. Our aim is to understand the intricate interplay of factors and dynamics that contribute to the construction of individual and collective memories of a violent past within the Chechen diaspora. We also consider the impact of transgenerational memory transmission and generational divides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the world's migration today is driven by civil wars, armed conflicts, genocide and other forms of large-scale violence. These experiences have long-lasting effects on individuals who are forced to migrate and rebuild their lives in new contexts, while coming to terms with the violence they have experienced. The papers in this special issue explore the transnational and transgenerational effects of the violent conflict, focusing on how diasporic communities deal with the memories and legacies of the violent past; how these legacies shape the processes of their integration into new contexts of residence and other dimensions of diasporic existence; and how they affect generations after. The introduction to the special issue discusses some of the findings, highlighting common patterns and themes that emerge from the eight papers and discussing them in the context of scholarship on diaspora, transnational migration, conflict, intergenerational transmission, and memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focusses on unaccompanied migrant young women from Sub-Saharan Africa and the social workers who encounter them in the UK. Taking an intersectional approach, and drawing on notions of black girlhood, it explores how unaccompanied girls may attempt to re-centre their religious identities within diversely religious-spiritual-secular spaces. Drawing on data from research carried out by the first author, the article considers how girls continually adapt their religious practices in new gendered/racialised spaces, and explores the meanings attached to religious practice by social workers and by girls themselves. The paper argues social workers may benefit from resources to develop their religious literacy, and that organisations may benefit from drawing on post-colonial frameworks to critically examine social work responses to black, unaccompanied girls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I consider the “white replacement”, “white genocide”, and “Eurabia” conspiracy theories and the cycles of violence they have inspired, including mass murders in Norway, New Zealand, and the United States. Working from Foucault’s theories of biopolitics and “race struggle”, I investigate how these events enact a form of “networked violence” that combines offline and online actions to enact a distributed strategy of biopolitical control in an effort to discipline and control the bodies of people of colour, migrants, and in particular Muslims. Based in historical and ideological analysis of the three theories and their network logics, the paper aims to extend Foucault’s theories of “race struggle” and governmentality by demonstrating how right-wing extremist strategies of biopolitical control are now digitally networked and use online platforms to predicate and enact alternative systems of governmentality based in race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to migration studies, settler colonial studies and critical internationalization studies by mapping as connected two concurrent settler colonial preoccupations, reconciliation and internationalization. In Canada, as in other Western countries, international students are a crucial resource as they increasingly sustain post-secondary funding. At the same time, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2015) has charged the educational sector to put reconciliation and decolonization at the heart of their mandate. Drawing on interviews with racialized international students in Ontario, Canada, this paper examines how racialized international students may have complex relationships to coloniality and be complicit in legitimating settler colonialism. We argue that the processes of reconciliation and internationalization must be understood as deeply interconnected especially because the obfuscation of coloniality is a key technology of settler rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current scholarship on the Uyghurs eclipses the fact that before the present moment of profound crisis, a robust polite society of the indigenous ethnonational communities existed in Xinjiang in the 1980s. This paper, by uncovering the little-known history of the Urumqi-based Tianshan Film Studio and its cinematic production of the non-Han population as the cultural majority of the region in the 1980s, adds to the academic literature that has firmly pushed against the state tropes of Xinjiang as a restive Muslim backwater with little skill in negotiating modernity. By intersecting institutional history, close reading of concrete filmic texts, and the larger historical context of what I argue as a decade of cultural rule in China's governance of its ethnic frontiers, this paper presents a fresh look at Uyghurs and their ethnic allies in the polite bargaining with the Chinese state for their cultural majority status in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although changing, retaining, or reclaiming names can be powerful statements, there is a confounding lack of research concerning naming practices in transnational adoption. Drawing from 40 in-depth interviews with adult Ethiopian-origin adoptees from North America, Europe and Australia, this paper examines how the personal names of transnational adoptees can be used to displace from and alternatively reconnect with home cultures. More specifically, transnational adoptees discuss the loss, retention, and reclamation of original ethnic names through the lens of ethno-racial respect and culture keeping. Moreover, studying Ethiopian adoptees, who typically differ from their adoptive parents in ethnicity, birth nationality and/or racialized identity, will elucidate how an immigrant background and a Black racial identity plays a factor in adoptee naming experiences. Therefore, this paper positions the naming practices of Ethiopian transnational adoptees within the sizable literature on immigrant and African American names. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using Stuart Hall's concept of articulation and the concrete with Bridget O'Laughlin's reminder of a focus on the struggles of living labour, this paper theorizes racial capitalism in South Africa from the concrete relations of retail labour in Johannesburg. The paper examines ways in which white working class women constituted retailing, struggling for their own claims in relation to gendered family and workplace orders, which in turn conditioned how black women organized when they entered front-line service jobs in the late 1960s, which then disrupted this order to explain a very different class politics and to constitute anew these meaningful spaces. These processes happened through multiple mediations. Retail capital not only contributed to economic expansion; labour relations in shops constituted specific affective spaces as meaningful terrains of collective belonging, projecting ideologies and explaining differentiated "subjects in struggle". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the emotional motives behind the reproduction and maintenance of Kurdishness as a transnational social identity among Kurds from Turkey residing in Melbourne, Australia. Drawing from 15 face-to-face, in-depth interviews with members of the Kurdish diaspora, we argue that the collective victimhood experienced by Kurds in response to repressive assimilationist state policies and crackdowns on political rights and activities in Turkey has played a significant role in shaping diasporic Kurdish identity. Our findings, however, reveal that resistance and resilience have also emerged among the members of the Kurdish diaspora in Australia, and are now equally integral to the construction and preservation of Kurdishness. By exploring the complex interplay between emotions, victimhood, resistance and resilience, this paper sheds light on the ongoing struggles and shifting diaspora identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the state apparatus classifies who are the citizens to be symbolically included in the collective, and who are to be excluded by analysing interfaith marriages in the Israeli context, where ethno-national identity is society's main category organizer. I argue that the women's social-economic standing (working-class versus middle-class) and ethnic origin (Mizrahi Jews of Middle Eastern and North African ancestry versus Ashkenazi Jews of European ancestry) play an important role not only in their strategies but in the nationalist rhetoric against them. The paper also shows how interfaith marriages, although rather rare in Israel, determine that ethno-national boundaries are more permeable than they are first appear, although crossing and shifting them is never simple. Yet the importance of this phenomenon is not in its prevalence, but in its social and political impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of racism against migrants have recently attempted to move away from the presumed dichotomy between whites and "Others", yet the focus is still on white people racialising others: whether Black, Asian or Muslim. Attending only to white versus Others homogenizes select groups of non-whites including Asians. Racialization and racism by Asians and among Asians have also been ignored. Consequently, there is a dearth of studies on issues of race in non-white settings. Through engaging the themes of co-ethnicity, intersectionality and postcoloniality, this special issue contributes to extant studies in three ways through 1) examining new geographical sites of racialization and racism; 2) illuminating racialization and racism beyond the white/Other binary; and 3) introducing new dynamics in racialization and racist discourses, including intersectional factors such as nationality, class, gender, language, religion, temporal framings and postcoloniality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impact of the UK's racialized asylum system on mothers and their children. Asylum-seeking mothers in the UK are treated with hostility and suspicion and prohibited from basic socio-economic rights such as employment yet must also raise their children within this hostile environment. In this paper, based on a Thematic Narrative Analysis of interviews with refugee and asylum-seeking mothers in Wales, we argue that legalized hostility and exclusion are systemic coercive control. Using theories of social reproduction and coercive control, we explore the emotional and psychological impact of coercion on four women and show how this systemic coercive control leads to both the fracturing of families and the fracturing of motherhood. Through the analysis of asylum-seeking mothers' experiences, we show that the coercion exerted on the women has direct and indirect impacts on their children through deprivation, isolation and fractured relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many migrant mothers residing in Paris find themselves in a situation marked by legal precarity, which causes them to be suspended between disparate possible futures for their families. This paper examines the case of one such mother. This paper proposes the notion of the "space of hesitation" to denote the way in which legal precarity creates a specific timespace for migrant mothers like Um Ahmed in which they perform their mothering. This timespace is at once marked by the juggling of multiple, disparate futures, and by the sense of a stand-still as it remains uncertain which of these possible futures will materialize. Um Ahmed therefore operates in a mode of hesitation as to what skills and cultural sensibilities she needs to cultivate in her children, and struggles with a profound self-doubt of her motherhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using multilevel modelling, this paper investigates ethno-religious penalties in unemployment and inactivity among men and women using the Understanding Society survey. The paper confirms previous findings of a Muslim penalty and a British labour market hierarchized by colour (ethnicity) and religion (culture). However, by including a greater range of ethnic groups the paper provides a corrective to accounts in the sociological literature that being White is not a protection against the Muslim penalty. Rather, while affiliation with the Muslim White British group does not appear to be associated with penalization, Muslim Arabs who traditionally identify as White are found to experience significant disadvantage. This suggests that the Muslim penalty might also be moderated by a person's country of origin. The paper also finds that considerable penalties remain for Muslims even after adjusting for so-called "sociocultural attitudes", challenging the assumption that value orientations offer a suitable explanation for the Muslim penalty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Genocide is a series of long-term processes emerging from "states of emergency" to convert targeted groups and secure the nation. This paper builds on Critical Genocide Studies literature to historically contextualize China's "fusion" policy, a narrative of emergency officially explaining extra-legal internment camps and inter-generational separation in Xinjiang. Although China's policymakers traditionally frame "one-nation-one-state thinking" as Western colonialism, critical approaches to Chinese politics show the party-state frames ethnic identities through colonial binaries of backward/modern and savagery/civilization. How does the party-state's "historic mission" to overcome colonial "humiliation" promote colonialism? The paper analyses how routine, dehumanizing official narratives of identity and danger enable genocides, conceptualized as planned processes of social death by attrition. It argues that contemporary "fusion" policy interweaves cultural superiority and ethnocentric developmentalism, seeking to resolve China's "ethnic problem" and decolonize Xinjiang through social death of Turkic Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does "not looking like a Turk" affect belonging and exclusion in contemporary Turkey? Perceptions of skin colour have the power to transcend socio-economic and national boundaries through experiences of racial otherness. This paper illustrates racialization by focusing on diverse groups of "outsiders". Foreign-born professional athletes navigate a media field that mark them as permanent others, as demonstrated by media controversies around soccer player Mehmet Aurelio. Irregular migrants and African Turks undergo cumulative reminders of non-belonging in everyday encounters. This paper examines how a sense of racially motivated exclusion run through these experiences by (a) distinguishing legal citizenship from an immigrant's symbolic belonging, (b) assigning immutable differences based on skin-colour perceptions, and (c) colonizing everyday life through microaggressions in both face-to-face and mediated interactions. Racialized microaggressions feed from a combination of historical residues – including Ottoman slavery and whiteness campaigns in the formation of Turkish identity – and contemporary global cultural flows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Informed by the theorization of the modernity/(de)coloniality studies collective, this paper thinks alongside hijabi women in Lebanon – a small Arab Mediterranean country – and their lived experiences in "mainstream Lebanese society". Drawing on six-months of qualitative fieldwork through in-depth interviews and focus groups with photo-elicitation, the paper documents and analyses lived experiences of discrimination, exclusion and erasure. Identifying dehumanization, civility and progress, and a present potent wider rejection of Islam in Lebanon, it argues for a framing of participant's shared experiences as anti-Muslim racism under modernity/coloniality and highlights the need to de-exceptionalize the region and the analytical tools mobilized to understand it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Singapore used to be receptive to labour migration and Japan more restrictive. Recently, trends in both countries have reversed and a selection based on racial background has been noted by migrants. Using qualitative data of young white Europeans, this paper argues that amidst changing immigration policies, the way these migrants are received and perceived as "skilled" is not necessarily due to their acquired skills but rather to the passively accrued value of whiteness. This in turn fuels migrants' self-identification as white and their perceptions of a market demand for white foreigners. However, their migratory trajectories underline that in a changing landscape of skill appreciation, meanings of whiteness are changing, too. The paper links migration with critical whiteness studies and argues that white privilege is sustained differently in Singapore and Japan, yet that in both cases, whiteness increasingly acts passively rather than being actionable capital and that its benefits are questionable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relations between parental background, the education level reached and the socioprofessional position of children during their transition to adulthood. The paper links segmented assimilation and institutional theories with a life-course approach. It tests three types of mechanisms of the relationship between parental background and children's lifecourse, which are the critical-period model; the path-dependency; and the cumulative-effect model. The paper uses data from the LIVES-FORS cohort panel survey and develops techniques of Bayesian network modelling. The sample is composed of 788 young people educated in Switzerland before the age of 10 with Swiss or non-Swiss origins interviewed five times from 2013 to 2017. The paper provides striking results of path dependency-effect models. It shows no correlation between the geographical origin of the parents and their children's success at school. The professional position of the children of migrants seems only correlated to their educational capital and gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights the embeddedness of xenophobia in institutions through a theoretical but empirically under-researched concept of structural violence. Drawing on in-depth qualitative interview data with refugee women in Gauteng, South Africa, we explore the empirical utility of the concept of structural violence in shaping refugee women's everyday experiences of xenophobia through three analytical themes: (a) unequal access to resources (b) constrained agency and (c) dehumanization. While keeping an empirical grip on experiential narratives on xenophobia, we draw attention to three public institutions that enhance the vulnerability of those already vulnerable: The Department of Home Affairs, The South African Police Service and Public Hospitals. Our paper elucidates how refugee women experience xenophobia and how they manage their "everyday" in these circumstances- an aspect that remains underdeveloped in existing research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper provides an overview of the waves of immigrants that have shaped Miami since its founding, while focusing on the decisive effect that the Cuban exile community had in transforming Miami into an emerging global city. Through detailed and illustrative case studies, the paper highlights the stories and constructed physical environments of three Cuban exile families. The chosen examples are notable for their capacity to have withstood the test of time, creating a sense of community through the adaptation and transformation of architectural spaces in support of social customs and rituals characteristic of a displaced homeland. In the end, they are emblematic of a cross-cultural urbanism that overlays Cuban social customs atop existing American urban environments to create new spaces of meaning, memory and community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the middle of the twentieth century, when the European Union (EU) started to take shape, numerous European colonies – many with a significant Muslim population – gained independence. These two moments in history need to be read in relation to each other when thinking about "Islam in Europe". This paper engages in such a relational reading and shifts the analytical focus from "Islam" to "Europe", exploring the ways "EUrope" manifests itself in the city of Brussels. By combining a spatialized analysis of the European Quarter with the conceptual lens of the "palimpsest", I seek to offer a spatiotemporal framing that renders visible the material remains of imperial formations within the fabric of "EUrope". The paper further explores how these often unmarked layers configure EU-space as "white" and Christian, and impact the ways Muslim bodies navigate within the EU-fabric and create counterspaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Homeland-construed perceptions of the diaspora can yield valuable insights into the discourse around the homeland's collective identity. I illustrate this claim using the debate surrounding the Kotel Compromise, a government plan designed to regulate pluralistic and non-Orthodox Jewish prayer at the Western Wall (Kotel in Hebrew). This plan has recently become a subject of contention between the State of Israel, where Orthodox Judaism has an institutional monopoly, and Diaspora Jews, many of whom identify with non-Orthodox Jewish denominations, such as Reform and Conservative Judaism. Drawing on protocols of the Knesset (Israeli parliament), I show how the different participants in this debate used their perceptions of Diaspora Jews not only to reaffirm external boundaries relating to Jewish peoplehood, but also to reconstruct internal boundaries relating to Judaism as religion. This paper suggests that analyzing homeland perceptions of the diaspora can widen our understanding of the construction of homeland identities and boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Greek citizenship model, for its biggest part, has been on the ethnocultural path. In 2010, the ethnocultural character of Greek citizenship became antagonized by Law 3838/2010. According to the law, migrant children born or schooled in the country had an automatic right to the acquisition of Greek citizenship. This paper investigates parliamentary and legal debates on citizenship during the period 2009–2015. It brings to the fore a nativist (ethnicized) discourse and other linked stories, which were voiced by certain political actors and promoted a clear differentiation between ethnic and civic elements of Greek citizenship. Accordingly, migrant children born or schooled in the country could acquire the civic elements of Greek citizenship but not the ethnic ones. The enactment of these discourses can be seen as a manifestation of nativism within an increasingly nationalistic political landscape under conditions of intense economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many ways, the 2015 New Year's Eve celebrations in Cologne marked a turning point in the German refugee debate. The sexual harassment by mostly North African asylum seekers sparked a paradoxical alliance between the Far-Right and some feminists. This paper sheds light on the origins of this convergence. Did feminists betray their emancipatory ideals? Or did the convergence result from shared ideological values? Drawing on a discourse analysis (N = 111) of two far-right newspapers, a right-wing blog, and a major German feminist magazine, this paper traces the construction of a rhetorical device I call geography of trauma. The device allowed feminists and the Far-Right to justify their shared vision of an exclusive, homogenous German nation by dramatizing, collectivizing, and spatializing individual trauma. Ultimately, this case study highlights the active role that seemingly progressive forces can play in normalizing racist nation-building projects more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Mashhadi Jewish community spread from its origins in Mashhad, Iran, to different countries in Europe, Israel and the United States from the mid-twentieth century onward. This paper discusses how the Mashhadi diaspora reframed their religious and ethnic identification in order to meet modern demands of exclusive belonging. Having lived as crypto-Jews in Iran roughly from the 1840s until the 1920s, the Mashhadi Jews have developed a distinct social identity with sharp communal boundaries, but also a narrative of the past that reframes ambiguities and their immersion in the Persianate context anew, after the Persianate societies in which their identities were integrated, dissolved into modern nation states. Departing from an exclusive focus on conversion, the paper traces the development of these narratives and new traditions as a way to establish a Jewish identity outside of Iran, rendering religiosity the main venue for performing authenticity and belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While antiracist protest has gained increasing prominence in Europe in recent years, the lack of representative data has so far prevented an assessment of the scope and drivers of antiracist protest outside of the United States. This paper addresses this gap drawing from a unique survey (N = 5003) on racism in Germany. Building upon sociological and social psychological theories of protest, the article explores the scope and role of key demographic, cognitive, and emotional factors for protest practice and protest potential. Our data suggests that antiracist protest is supported by considerable parts of German society and finds that mediated experiences of racism and emotional reactions matter as drivers of mobilization: those with and without a personal experience of racism are more likely to protest if they were told of racist experiences by others. This effect is even more pronounced if participants are emotionally affected by personal and mediated experiences of racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Covid-19 pandemic and Black Lives Matter protests have given renewed impetus to campaigns against racial inequality. In education, the issue of curriculum – and particularly the history curriculum – has been at the centre of campaigns to "decolonise the curriculum". While barriers to the teaching of "diverse" British histories in England's classrooms have long been recognised, relatively little research has been done on the crucial role of history teacher educators and teacher training in developing a diverse profession, practice, and curriculum. This paper seeks to address these gaps through analysis of interviews with history teacher educators, trainee history teachers and key stakeholders. In particular, it explores the responses of history teacher educators to recent calls for curriculum reform, charts how these demands for change have influenced thinking and practice in Initial Teacher Education (ITE) in history and identifies ongoing challenges to the development of more inclusive curriculum and pedagogic practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does perceived discrimination and exclusion promote or hinder support for democracy among immigrants? While many studies investigate the drivers of prejudice and discrimination toward immigrants, relatively less is known about the impact of discrimination on immigrants' political attitudes. In this paper, we assess whether perceived discrimination is associated with higher levels of support for democracy among Muslim immigrants using the EURISLAM survey dataset, which includes data from immigrants from Muslim-majority countries residing in four European countries. We find that in particular, perceived discrimination toward the ethnic or religious in-group is associated with increased support for democracy. These results are robust to alternative control variables, model specification, matching procedures and coefficient stability analysis. Our findings make an important contribution to understanding the implications of discriminatory experiences for immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I explore how the racial structure of an immigrant-receiving Latin American society informs the strategies that are available to its members when they are confronted with the arrival of perceived racial outsiders. Using survey data, I explore how Dominicans responded to the rapid influx of displaced Haitians in the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake in Haiti, and find that when surveyed after the earthquake, Dominicans were more likely to self-identify with the popular and nationalist identity category of indio. I argue that this signaled a heightening of anti-Haitian sentiment in a moment of perceived increased racial threat to the Dominican racial order, and that this shift was facilitated by Latin American racial dynamics that allow for movement between enumerated racial categories in societies structured around the logic of mestizaje. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent can we infer government objectives from policies on paper? We show that this assumption in migration scholarship is problematic because most states adopt immigration policies that are inconsistent, combining or alternating between contradictory objectives. Further, we develop a measure to track how immigration policy inconsistency varies over time. We use these methods to demonstrate that some of the main theories of policy inconsistency, which focus on variables located at the national scale, find limited empirical support. Based on these findings, we make the case for further research into the local scale of politics, focusing on the agency of street-level bureaucrats and migrants. We then discuss the potential for crossing quantitative and qualitative divides in order to further explore the impact of local factors on national immigration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]