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This paper examines how the state apparatus classifies who are the citizens to be symbolically included in the collective, and who are to be excluded by analysing interfaith marriages in the Israeli context, where ethno-national identity is society's main category organizer. I argue that the women's social-economic standing (working-class versus middle-class) and ethnic origin (Mizrahi Jews of Middle Eastern and North African ancestry versus Ashkenazi Jews of European ancestry) play an important role not only in their strategies but in the nationalist rhetoric against them. The paper also shows how interfaith marriages, although rather rare in Israel, determine that ethno-national boundaries are more permeable than they are first appear, although crossing and shifting them is never simple. Yet the importance of this phenomenon is not in its prevalence, but in its social and political impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of migrant minorities in Europe has long been characterized by a turn to identity politics. This turn has had two shortcomings: First, it often conflates religion, ethnicity, and nationality, resulting in what I call "categorical astigmatism". Consequently, migrants find themselves lumped into categories they would not primarily identify with. Second, despite its importance in the lived experiences of migrants, class is treated as a "non-identity" and intra-migrant class differences do not get the attention they deserve. Building on these two criticisms, in this article, I first employ Bourdieu's theory of "classification struggles" to conceptualize "categorical astigmatism" and make a plea for categorical clarification. I then suggest the theory of intersectionality as a way out, highlighting the importance of class and its intersection with other markers of difference. Empirically, the paper builds on interviews with migrants from Turkey and Syria in Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue offers important insights into race in Asia, insights first shared in a workshop "New Racism and Migration: Beyond Colour and the 'West'". My concluding commentary begins by positioning debates on race within the literature on "new racism". The workshop enhanced existing thinking on race pointing to the legacies of racial thought and of migration in Asia, the nature of comparison in racial thinking, and the ways in which race is entangled with class. It then outlines what is distinctive about Asia – the different histories of settler colonialism by European migrants and the indigeneity of racial thought but not of indigenous people. The paper ends by suggesting three ways forward in conceptualizing racism in Asia: engaging the materialities of race in Asia, recognizing how Asian race debates are influenced by global discourses and the need to draw on anti-racist politics to theorize race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his writings, Bernard Magubane theorizes racial capitalism but without necessarily invoking the term. Instead, he frequently refers to "the political economy of race and class" in the South African society. First, Magubane traces the roots of capitalism and racism in South Africa back to European expansionism. Second, he grapples with dispossession during the colonial period and calls it "the fact of conquest". This period was a significant prelude to apartheid capitalism and racism. Third, having analyzed these forms of domination, he argues that black people in South Africa would be liberated through the insurrection of the working people. Magubane's main contribution is his use of historical analysis to understand the next move by imperialism and its impact on the interaction of race and class and the struggle for liberation. Magubane seeks to develop a clear theoretical framework to understand the nature of the South African society. In this paper, I will attempt to illustrate Magubane's contribution to Marxist thought based on his study of South Africa's racially hierarchical political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses analysis of interview transcripts and notes from participant observation to explore white reactions to the introduction of diversity management in a large public sector workplace in Glasgow. The paper analyses white talk about racial equality in a social context where the shaming, exclusion and demonization of disadvantaged groups including migrants, asylum seekers and the poor have ensured that issues of entitlement and race are highly charged. It is suggested that in such contexts diversity management is being wielded as a new kind of civility by middle-class people invested in the objectification of poor whites. This represents a form of class conflict over belonging within the body of whiteness that risks reinforcing rather than redressing racial resentments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although immigration researchers, like other social scientists who study mobility, usually look only at upward mobility, immigrants and refugees often suffer from downward mobility. This is particularly true of new arrivals who were professionals in their country of origin and now work as technicians, although newcomers of lower status may experience it as well. For some immigrants and refugees, downward mobility is temporary; others may suffer from it all their lives and even pass the pain on to their children. This paper discusses the various impacts of downward mobility, the ways immigrants and refugees cope with them successfully or not, and the consequences of their class and status decline for their children. The paper can be read as a follow up to my earlier articles in Ethnic and Racial Studies, 'Second Generation Decline', (1992) and 'Acculturation, Assimilation and Mobility' (2007). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asserts that academics, unless they work for or in malign regimes, do not make ‘mistakes’, but work within their own historical period using their knowledge of past thinking. Thus, debates on race, ethnicity, race relations and so on, and the plethora of competing definitions and approaches, take place within specific historical times. The paper notes that for John Rex, racism was always the problem, to be defined and explained. It reviews the research carried out in Handsworth, Birmingham 1974–78, Rex's use of classical social theorists, and it refutes Banton's assertion that Rex did not engage with his critics. It concludes that Rex may well have been prophet in foreseeing the permanence of issues of race, ethnicity, multiculturalism, migration, integration, citizenship and a ‘war on terror’ in a global era. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper considers how Paul Gilroy transformed hitherto dominant understandings of the relationship between race and class by developing an innovative account that foregrounded questions of racist oppression and collective resistance amid the organic crisis of British capitalism. The returns from this rethinking were profound in that he was able to make transparent both the structuring power of racism within the working class, and the necessity for autonomous black resistance. At the same time, significant lacunae in his account are identified, including the neglect of the episodic emergence of working-class anti-racism and the part played by socialists, particularly those of racialized minority descent in fashioning a major anti-racist social movement. The paper concludes with a lament for the disappearance of such work informed by a ‘Marxism without guarantees’ in the contemporary field of racism studies, and asks readers to consider the gains to be derived from such a re-engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The recent trend towards selective immigration policies is based on the racialization of certain categories of migrants into irretrievably unassimilable Others. In Europe, this trend has materialized largely through the application of integration requirements to the immigration of foreigners, the so-called "civic integration turn". Based on an analysis of parliamentary debates about civic integration policies in the Netherlands, this paper asks which migrants are considered likely or unlikely to integrate based on which presumed characteristics. We find that Dutch civic integration policies aim at barring "migrants with poor prospects". In sharp contrast with a long history of Dutch social policies, politicians deny state responsibility for migrants' emancipation based on a discursive racialization of these migrants as unassimilable. While class has hitherto been largely ignored in the literature on migration and the politics of belonging, we show that class, intersecting with culture and gender, is key in this process of racialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Entrepreneurship is often touted as an economic opportunity that embodies American ideals of individualism and financial gain. Yet social scientists have long noted divergent entrepreneurial outcomes among various groups. In this paper, we consider how race informs entrepreneurship for minority business owners. In particular, we focus on the ways black entrepreneurs use racial counterframes as a means of defining various aspects of the entrepreneurial experience. Furthermore, we introduce the concept of intersectional counterframes to show how black entrepreneurs understand business ownership as a response to categories that interact with not only to race, but other social group categories as well, such as gender. We argue here that these business owners use both counterframes to construct entrepreneurship not simply as a potential pathway to economic stability, but perhaps more importantly, as a response to existing inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS), this paper investigates the impact of race and ethnicity, class and naturalization on the voter registration and subsequent assimilation of second-generation Caribbean immigrants into the USA. Drawing from both classical and contemporary models of assimilation, I conduct a comparative analysis of Afro-Caribbeans and Cuban immigrants using voter registration as the primary measure of integration. Although the assimilation literature typically characterizes Cubans as upwardly mobile, this study shows that this is not a distinguishing feature for this group because Afro-Caribbeans are gaining higher levels of upward mobility compared to Cubans with respect to political incorporation. Findings suggest that race and ethnicity, class and citizenship status are all significant factors as both Cuban and Afro-Caribbean immigrants assimilate into the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This report is a reflection on a recent conference, ‘Racism: From the Labour Movement to the Far-Right’, which was held at the University of Glasgow from Friday 5th to Saturday 6th September 2014. The authors discuss the main themes that the conference sought to address, consider the key highlights of the event including a summary of the opening address by Floya Anthias, and offer some suggestions as to how the initiative may be taken forward. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the identity formation of middle-class Haitian youth. Segmented assimilation theory predicts that the Haitian second generation will integrate into the black American underclass or maintain strong ethnic group identities. The black middle class, however, is an unexplored pathway of cultural assimilation. This paper uses the literature on the racial and class experiences of the black American middle class as a departure point for understanding the boundary work of middle-class Haitian youth. Based on qualitative interviews and a focus group, we uncover the mechanisms of identity formation for this invisible population. Racial, ethnic and class boundaries compel Haitian youths to create strategies of either empowerment or distancing. They negotiate between their middle-class status and ethnoracial exclusion in a racially segregated neighbourhood, an ethnically homogenous church and a mixed-race school setting. This study's findings extend our theoretical understandings of middle-class immigrants and their identity work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses two sets of policy documents produced in the UK which form part of the ‘equality and diversity agenda' as it was articulated by the Labour government and which led to formulation of the 2006 and 2010 Equality Acts. These documents are critically examined in order to identify the underlying definitions and discourses of equality and diversity that they deploy. What definitions of ‘equality’ and ‘diversity’ provide the legitimating discursive structure within which debates about human rights, inequality and discrimination take place? What does this tell us about the understanding of the relationship of sameness and difference to equality, and the relationship between different differences in government equality talk? I argue that, in both cases, gestures towards recognizing the central importance of difference and towards a more intersectional approach to those differences are ultimately subverted by the liberal terms within which these challenges are understood. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper expands the existing literature on ethnicity and economic activity in Britain by studying the impact of religion and class. It argues that while the class location of the different South-Asian groups is important in determining their labour market outcomes, it does not operate independently from ethnicity; rather it is highly influenced by ethnicity in the process of determining the labour market participation of these groups. We use data obtained from the 2001 UK Census on Indian, Pakistani, and Bangladeshi men and women aged between twenty and twenty nine. Our findings confirm that class structure of the South-Asian groups is highly ethnicized, in that the ethno-religious background and class are interwoven to the extent that the separation between them is not easy, if not impossible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is increased attention to questions of class in studies of education, particularly among those who adopt a Bourdieuian perspective. This paper explores the burgeoning literature on school choice and class (in particular middle 'classness') to argue that there are serious analytical and sociological costs to a singular focus on class without due attention to race. Examining interview material, it will show instances where the racialized nature of schooling choice has been ignored or overlooked. It argues that viewing the literature through the lens of race and class is imperative for an understanding of the complexities of class and white middle classness in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the question of how and in what terms states constitute ethnicity and citizenship around statistical categories when these categories lack explicitly ethnic principles of classification. It does so based on a qualitative content analysis of the way that the German statistical category of ‘persons with a migration background’ is deployed in parliamentary debates on education. We argue that state actors in organized politics, who are embedded in Germany's national cultural repertoire and integration policy repertoire, transform this nuanced statistical category into a homogenized social category that is defined in terms of language, class and exclusion from the imagined national community. Our findings demonstrate that, in order to understand how the state uses statistics to draw boundaries within a society, it is necessary to go beyond the content of statistical categories themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article focuses on the intersection of class and race in exploring Syrian refugees' experiences of racism and the perceptions of the receiving society in Turkey. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Syrian refugees and the receiving society members who represent both low- and high-income profiles in Istanbul, Ankara, Gaziantep and Şanlıurfa, the article answers the question of whether racism is linked with class in Turkey. I argue that racism against Syrians in Turkey is driven not only by linguistic differences and supposed distinctions between cultural identities, but rather by the wealth and status of the refugees and those with whom they interact with in the receiving society. I further argue that these attitudes to class and race are, in Turkey, shaped by the neoliberal policies that deliberately favour the most prosperous and educated Syrian refugees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Individual ethnic boundary crossing, i.e. the change in the ethnic category of an individual, is one of the elementary strategies of ethnic boundary making. The large bulk of the empirical literature so far has shown that ethnic categorization is correlated with cultural and economic attributes of the individuals. However, few empirical studies are able to investigate individual boundary crossing. This article adds to this literature by studying ethnic boundary crossing between 2001 and 2010 with a panel of about 340,000 Ecuadorians. It is shown that while ethnic boundary crossing is common, the overwhelming majority of crossings were made from or to mixed categories. In order to explain these boundary crossings, I test a cultural assimilation and an economic "money whitens" hypothesis. I find evidence for both explanations with cultural assimilation having a much stronger effect on ethnic categorization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the role of immigrant entrepreneurs’ class positions in understanding the participation of children in business activities. Immigrant entrepreneurship scholarship has highlighted how the participation of children depends on relations of reciprocity as well as on the lack of opportunities in paid employment. I argue that the (non) contribution of children has to do with the social mobility strategies that migrant families put in place. Drawing on the narratives of fifty-five Latin American entrepreneurs and family members in Spain, I explain (i) the role of the small firm in trajectories of social mobility, (ii) how class positions explain the (non) participation of children, and (iii) the mechanisms by which downward mobility is cushioned through practices of distinction for middle-class entrepreneurs. The article contributes to nuance our understanding of the role of family ties in migrant firms by integrating the impact of class on the lives of migrants’ children. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Virdee's book adds enormously to our understanding of two interconnected processes: the ways in which racism and nationalism in England/Britain became totally intertwined and embedded in working-class views of the world, and how at certain key moments those racially cast out from that depressing maelstrom may become the champions of an anti-racist internationalism. I am fractionally less negative than the author about the seemingly total hold of racism/nationalism on the whole working class, and less certain about racialized ‘outing’ as the key to the DNA of universalist anti-racists. Using the Garibaldi mobilizations of 1862–64, I suggest he may have underestimated the potential and reasons for ‘insider’ working-class resistance to racism/nationalism, and suggest greater caution in arguing an association between ‘racialized outsiders’ and internationalist views. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

No other book in modern sociology is so well known but yet so roundly dismissed as William J. Wilson's The Declining Significance of Race. Its major thesis is supported, however, by a great deal of credible and systematic evidence. Its historical analysis is notably informative and prescient in predicting rising class inequality. The Declining Significance of Race remains vitally important reading for enhancing our understanding of inequality in contemporary America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the challenges associated with the experience of upward educational mobility among descendants of North African immigrants in France. Drawing on in-depth, open-ended interviews with students and graduates of the prestigious grandes écoles, it sheds light on three specific ways in which class-based and ethno-racial inequalities intersect to shape the mobility costs that our respondents outline: (1) feelings of isolation resulting from being one of the only bursar recipients and ethno-racial minorities of their schools; (2) perceived conflation of their minority background with counter-elite dispositions; and (3) difficulties of adjusting to a student life reflecting the cultural styles of the predominantly white, upper-middle-class group. The article suggests that our respondents deploy a minority culture of mobility rooted in class and ethno-racial processes to overcome these challenges. It finally discusses implications for future research, stressing the need to examine the intersecting effect of multiple social categories in informing complex mobility experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Loic Wacquant (2007; 2008), de-industrialization and the rise of post-Fordism, the weakening of the welfare state, and intensified economic polarization, mark the development of a new age of ‘advanced marginality’. He argues that we have witnessed the intensification of ‘territorial stigmatization’, as specific neighbourhoods within cities face both heightened material and symbolic degradation. Drawing on qualitative interviews with white residents in Burnley, particularly those that openly supported the far-right British National Party (BNP), Wacquant's notion of ‘territorial stigmatization’ will be explored. The article examines the ways in which such forms of stigma manifested themselves within Burnley, focusing upon the negative representations that were associated with areas identified as ‘Asian’ and ‘scruffy white’. The article concludes that these forms of stigmatization were a means through which specific areas were cast as ‘undeserving’ recipients of resources. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article is an exploration of the political and economic forces which condition the possibilities for political engagement among a segment of the petty bourgeoisie in urban France. By drawing on Bourdieu's idea of habitus, I explore the ways in which the ideologies and practices of petty capitalism incline the Chinese small entrepreneurs toward political abstinence as they confront the changes in norms of citizenship that accompany neoliberal transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I seek to extend the analysis of the 1995 public disturbances by Burlet and Reid: `A gendered uprising: political representation and minority ethnic communities' (Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol. 21, no. 2, 1998). That incident is contextualized as part of a process of changing Pakistani Muslim male behaviour in the public sphere from orderly protest, through demand, to harassment, violence and disorder. This is related to the ongoing public and private violence perpetrated by such young men which often centres on issues of control in the spheres of sexuality and gender. I suggest that Burlet and Reid prioritize cultural differences over such features of the person as gender, age, class location and religious affiliation, and that this results in sociologically inadequate analysis. It also, despite the title of the article, renders invisible women (and other) victims of the male violence which is justified by its perpetrators on cultural and religious grounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]