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Singapore used to be receptive to labour migration and Japan more restrictive. Recently, trends in both countries have reversed and a selection based on racial background has been noted by migrants. Using qualitative data of young white Europeans, this paper argues that amidst changing immigration policies, the way these migrants are received and perceived as "skilled" is not necessarily due to their acquired skills but rather to the passively accrued value of whiteness. This in turn fuels migrants' self-identification as white and their perceptions of a market demand for white foreigners. However, their migratory trajectories underline that in a changing landscape of skill appreciation, meanings of whiteness are changing, too. The paper links migration with critical whiteness studies and argues that white privilege is sustained differently in Singapore and Japan, yet that in both cases, whiteness increasingly acts passively rather than being actionable capital and that its benefits are questionable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I explore how the racial structure of an immigrant-receiving Latin American society informs the strategies that are available to its members when they are confronted with the arrival of perceived racial outsiders. Using survey data, I explore how Dominicans responded to the rapid influx of displaced Haitians in the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake in Haiti, and find that when surveyed after the earthquake, Dominicans were more likely to self-identify with the popular and nationalist identity category of indio. I argue that this signaled a heightening of anti-Haitian sentiment in a moment of perceived increased racial threat to the Dominican racial order, and that this shift was facilitated by Latin American racial dynamics that allow for movement between enumerated racial categories in societies structured around the logic of mestizaje. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using secondary research from the political, education, and employment fields, this paper aims to demonstrate the consequences of confused and overlapping conceptualizations of the Roma in Hungary as an ethnic group, a racialized minority, a national minority, and a socially disadvantaged group. The resulting cacophony of operationalizing schemes blurs clarity and constrains efficient measures for inclusion policies. In social sciences and law, the purpose of classification is to help us understand the internal logic of concepts. Thus, classification has significant consequences, as it can imperil policy goals. Through examining the case of the Hungarian Roma, the article demonstrates how the confused conceptualization of ethnicity, race, and nationality and ill-applied methods of operationalization have vastly detrimental consequences. In addition, it is argued that many concerns regarding ethnic data processing that policy actors voice are legally unfounded, and pre-existing data protection regimes allow the processing of ethno-racial data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution to the symposium focuses on those facets of Martin Bulmer's work that sought to analyse the role of race and ethnicity in the development of sociological research. It highlights, in particular, his continuing interest through much of his scholarship with the work of the Chicago School and of key figures within it in the development of both conceptual and empirical research agendas in this field. This interest was intimately linked to his long-standing curiosity about the origins of sociological research and the links between sociology and social and public policy. The paper also explores Bulmer's engagement with questions about race and ethnicity. It also highlights his contribution to the development of the journal Ethnic and Racial Studies as a key forum for the publication of empirical and theoretical research on race and ethnic issues, linking the contributions of diverse national scholarly traditions together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

World War II nostalgia in the UK is mired in a postcolonial melancholia that not only fuels Brexit nationalism, but carries implications for how the UK relates to the European Continent. This paper presents an empirically engaged examination of Gilroy's concept of postcolonial melancholia by exploring how British migrants negotiate this "complex ailment". Engaging with empirical research conducted with British migrants in Berlin, I will examine how migrants negotiate this form of nationalism through their relationships with family members in the UK. The particular position of the British migrant in Germany illuminates how postcolonial melancholia's entrenchment shapes British nationalism and Britain's relationship to mainland Europe. It explores discourses of British exceptionalism before examining how Brexit's foregrounding of empire nostalgia pushes migrants to redefine their relationship to Britain. Meanwhile, black British migrants inhabit a different orientation to the postcolonial through their practical engagement with complex colonial histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue offers important insights into race in Asia, insights first shared in a workshop "New Racism and Migration: Beyond Colour and the 'West'". My concluding commentary begins by positioning debates on race within the literature on "new racism". The workshop enhanced existing thinking on race pointing to the legacies of racial thought and of migration in Asia, the nature of comparison in racial thinking, and the ways in which race is entangled with class. It then outlines what is distinctive about Asia – the different histories of settler colonialism by European migrants and the indigeneity of racial thought but not of indigenous people. The paper ends by suggesting three ways forward in conceptualizing racism in Asia: engaging the materialities of race in Asia, recognizing how Asian race debates are influenced by global discourses and the need to draw on anti-racist politics to theorize race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite efforts by key stakeholders to address racial discrimination in international football, racially charged behaviour persists, particularly in the European context. To explore this phenomenon, our paper employs Critical Race Theory as a central framework and links empirical research to racism and inclusion while keeping institutional football and policy concerns at the forefront of its investigation. Primary questions underlining the study concern practices and actors that enable or sustain exclusionary practices in the football industry. To better understand the nature of racial discourse among football leaders and how it potentially facilitates or acts as a barrier to inclusion in football, qualitative interviews were conducted with leaders from eight European countries. The interviews revealed conflicting tensions in the football industry. Tensions between corporatized football practices and equality policymaking, discrepancies in views on discriminatory actions and their connections to larger structural issues and resistance to change from predominantly White, male leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction to the Special Issue "Rethinking Islam and Space in Europe" advocates for an analytical turn in the study of Islam in Europe by using space as a central conceptual lens. While spatial approaches are gaining traction in the study of religion, migration, ethnicity, and race, we argue that the critical potential of spatial approaches remains largely unexplored. This paper offers a threefold contribution. First, we show how combining spatial perspectives with local histories contributes to de-exceptionalising the contemporary study of Islam in urban contexts. Second, by "localising secularism" we can uncover concrete formations of exclusion and erasure, while also providing a more refined picture of the ways in which the agency of Muslims is negotiated. Third, we demonstrate how scrutinizing the nexus of time, race and Europe reveals colonial pasts and continuities that are disrupted and transformed by the movement of bodies through public spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his writings, Bernard Magubane theorizes racial capitalism but without necessarily invoking the term. Instead, he frequently refers to "the political economy of race and class" in the South African society. First, Magubane traces the roots of capitalism and racism in South Africa back to European expansionism. Second, he grapples with dispossession during the colonial period and calls it "the fact of conquest". This period was a significant prelude to apartheid capitalism and racism. Third, having analyzed these forms of domination, he argues that black people in South Africa would be liberated through the insurrection of the working people. Magubane's main contribution is his use of historical analysis to understand the next move by imperialism and its impact on the interaction of race and class and the struggle for liberation. Magubane seeks to develop a clear theoretical framework to understand the nature of the South African society. In this paper, I will attempt to illustrate Magubane's contribution to Marxist thought based on his study of South Africa's racially hierarchical political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As dominant group members, Whites tend to experience race as a low salience identity, particularly in interactions in White settings with other Whites. Using data collected from in-depth interviews with White partners in interracial relationships, this paper analyses what happens when Whites enter non-White settings and become racially marked. How do Whites understand the meaning of their Whiteness in these settings and what strategies do they use to manage others' impressions? White participants reported experiencing hypervisibility, a sharp awareness of their racial identity, and heightened apprehensions about being perceived as potentially racist and culturally inept. Consequently, participants made conscious changes to their behaviours (e.g. body language, food consumption), speech, and appearance as a means of signalling a "good" White identity and establishing belonging in spaces where they were marked as racial and cultural outsiders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black Caribbean migrants are uniquely positioned between multiple forms of negative racialization – that of their experiences with both anti-Black racism and xenophobia due to their immigrant status. Such positioning means that they may be subject to increased anti-Black and anti-migrant policing. In this paper, I argue that Black Caribbean migrants' experiences with race in the United States can and should be interwoven with research and advocacy focused on the increasing criminalization of migrants or, Crimmigration research. I use archived newspapers, fliers, and pamphlets produced by Caribbean activists to show how they not only recognized these two-fold processes and but also reframed Black identity and politics to include anti-Black and anti-migrant discrimination as linked causes. I contend that their advocacy and concern for Afro-descent migrants, African Americans, and migrants more broadly reveal the expansiveness of Black politics through the bringing together of both Black and migrant concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attends to the belongingness of a group of ethnically diverse young people in Hong Kong. The quest for belonging is no less intense for them during the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) movement in Hong Kong. Resulting from such sociopolitical climate are paradoxical questions of who might (not) count as Hong Konger. This study draws on focus groups with ethnically diverse young people conducted at the height of the Anti-ELAB protests. It considers how belonging is segmented across racial lines and different temporal locations. The analysis illustrates tacit links between ethnically diverse young people's non-belonging resulting from their past experiences of structural racism and belonging realized in the collectivity that sits with the movement's sociopolitical climate. The precarity of belongingness, we argue, is contingent upon an acute consciousness and redrawing of cultural membership in Hong Kong's shifting sociopolitical realm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the complex nature of untouchability by examining its connections to space and racialization in Ambedkar's political writings, including his experiences of using movement through space as a counter-hegemonic strategy. For Ambedkar, untouchability rested on a perpetual threat of violence which pushed Dalits to "self-racialize" or adopt bodily markers which gave away their caste status in specific places. This permitted the organization of caste hierarchies in space and its constant reproduction through time. Ambedkar became aware that places like the village facilitated the racialization of certain bodies as touchable or untouchable. Yet, the connections between space and racialization were not fixed. Ambedkar's memories of untouchability were linked to "in-between spaces", such as train stations or hotels, where the racialization of Dalits could not be assumed a priori. Such spatial indeterminacy allowed Ambedkar to challenge the behaviour Dalits were supposed to conform to in dominant caste spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The targeting of social difference by the extreme right is no longer on the fringes of the nation-state. Instead, the far right provides the contours of national community while also dominating the arena of international politics. This paper traces the transnational dialogue that shapes the far right's ideologies by examining the interconnections between Hindu and white nationalisms. I argue that their projects of cultural nationalism are not only global in their reach, but that they knit together conceptions of racial and religious difference that initially emerged within the contexts of settler colonialism in the United States, colonial science in India, and the strands of Indian anti-colonialism that fixated on majoritarian rule. I examine this mapping of identity/difference across a spatio-temporal terrain that moves from Aryan racial theory to right wing representations of contemporary protests against systemic racism that pose a challenge to both Hindu and white nationalisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What happens to race when racial vocabulary disappears? This paper leverages a sudden change in the Spanish social science curriculum in the 1990s to empirically trace how the removal of the language of race, and the negation of biological race, changes the ways the books portray human differences. Through the analysis of 82 textbooks from 1975 to 2017, I find that a racial classification system is replaced by one based on cultural categories. Yet, far from moving away from polygenistic beliefs about human nature, culture continues to reproduce the same social hierarchies previously associated with a phenotype. Because the books present culture as a scientifically valid classification system, the use of culture legitimizes and entrenches those same beliefs in racial differences. The findings have implications for our understanding of colourblind ideologies, and for the study of race relations in European contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past 30 years, the label "economic migrant" has become widely used in British political discourse. Yet it has not been subject to sustained scrutiny. Those that have considered how it is used have predominantly focused on its relationship to asylum. In this paper, I build on such work by examining some of the core ways the "economic migrant" is conceptualized in British political discourse. Based on an analysis of Hansard data and select British newspapers between 1983 and 2021, this article establishes three common formulations of the label. Then, drawing on work related to Man, race, class and the economy, it argues that in different ways – in part, depending on different policy contexts – these usages produce distinct class-based forms of racialization that are grounded in ideas of economic otherness. The "economic" in "economic migrant" plays a central to justifying inclusion and exclusion on classed, racialized terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to the journal is presented in which the editor discusses topics such as the publication of studies on race and ethnicity, the contribution of guest editors to the Special Issues featured, and the high number of downloads earned by the academic journal.

Research on the census and ethnoracial classification shows that the categories collected by census agencies are political choices that not only reflect demographic reality but also, to some extent, construct it. In this article, using the case of the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics, I focus on one type of official statistics, criminal justice statistics, and theorize how their changing presentation of ethnoracial categories can have a stigmatizing effect. Based on analyzing 30 years of the annual Statistical Abstract of Israel, I show that the criminal justice statistics section of this publication made several changes to the categories they presented including removing breakdowns by continent of origin/birth for Jews. Building on research on the history of crime statistics in the United States, I show how removing the continent of origin/birth for Jews had the effect of creating a binary comparison between Jews and Arabs, thus stigmatizing the latter group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the different scientific and political uses of "race" in Iberia and Latin America at the beginning of the twentieth century. It analyses how "race" became infused with perspectives that drew on broadly Lamarckian and Mendelian understandings of the malleability or fixity or racial characteristics. Coursing through eugenicists' and racial scientists' understandings of race in these geographical areas was the anxiety or usefulness of "racial mixtures": in some cases, these were viewed as positive developments, fortifying the race and culture more generally; in others, mixtures were viewed as deleterious to racial robustness and the survival of a distinct racial identity. The article illustrates how diverse eugenic theories were in Iberia and Latin America and how they shed light on international debates about "race", inheritance and the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

W.E.B. Du Bois states that psychological wages of Whiteness (1935) are unearned wages granted to White people of any class; including access to spaces and opportunities reserved solely for their use, enjoyment and ownership. This article discusses how White rage is a deadly expression of anger toward BIPOC1 who are a perceived threat against the systemic maintenance of psychological wages of Whiteness. Therefore, psychological rages of Whiteness are central and formative throughout US history, while driving policies and practices framed as American2 "progress." We believe that psychological rages of Whiteness are contempt for minoritized peoples who represent a perceived threat in denying White people something of value that only in-group members, those identified as White, are entitled to possess. This article provides historical and contemporary examples of psychological rages of Whiteness and concludes with a discussion of the influence of Whiteness on US White American identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research demonstrating increases in Asian-related hate crimes and reports of discrimination during COVID-19 have made clear that many Asian Americans are seeing their group as one under threat. However, few studies have sought to make clear what the implications of increased perceptions of group threat could be on the intergroup beliefs for Asian Americans. Using 2012 Pew Research data from a sample of 3,511 Asian Americans in the United States, the present study utilizes a series of logistic regressions to empirically assess the association between group threat on a number of outcomes related to racial group boundaries. Results demonstrate that believing discrimination is a major problem for members of one's racial group is significantly related to indicators of a more restrictive group boundaries. Findings from this investigation provide insight into how Asian Americans may continue to reconfigure their boundaries in the face of ongoing perceptions of threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do university students and instructors engage in discussions about race and racism in a country where speaking about race is perceived as racist? In Norway, as in much of Europe, the concept of "race" is silenced, discarded as a wrong-headed remnant of Nazism, despite continued documentation of racial discrimination in labour, housing, education and interpersonal interaction. We used Membership Category Analysis to explore race-related interactions in classroom discourse in three university courses. We find that students and instructors implicitly equate Norwegianness with whiteness, peacefulness, and innocence, and characterize racism with deviance and non-Norwegianness. The national belonging of racialized "Others" in Norway is ambiguous: accepted, but not unproblematically. The category race is elided with the concepts of culture, ethnicity and biology. We propose discursive meta-awareness as an educational approach to countering race evasiveness (often described as "colourblindness"). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do immigrant-origin residents claim membership in the United States? Chinese, Vietnamese and Mexican-origin parents and their citizen teenagers were asked what it means to be a good citizen and to be American. In discussing good citizenship, respondents underscored legal, moral, civic, and economic actions over ascriptive characteristics or political values. Their emphasis on citizenship acts illuminates how noncitizens, including undocumented residents, can claim membership through behaviours, even as inclusion may be contingent on being law-abiding, hard-working, or a good person. The term "American" is more ambiguous legally, but also more racially and economically fraught, including for citizens, as racialized tropes of illegality or cultural otherness affect those of Mexican or Asian origins, respectively. Membership markers are thus not simply about categorical placement inside or outside a boundary of "citizen" or "American". Rather, national membership can be felt as partial and gradient, positioned closer or further from multiple ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the relationship between historical anti-miscegenation laws and contemporary racial classification within Black–White households in the United States using a multi-layered approach to conceptualizing that socio-historical context. We draw our sample of married Black–White households with children under the age of 18 from the 2012–2016 American Community Survey 5-Year estimates. Consistent with previous research, results suggest that households with connections to states that never had an anti-miscegenation law are less likely to adhere to the "one drop rule" than other households. However, these connections are not purely a reflection of the current state of residence; households comprised of two parents who were born in "no law" states – but currently live in states that had historical anti-miscegenation laws – display distinct racial classification patterns. This research contributes to our understanding of the link between place and race and highlights the power of migration in shaping ideas about race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ocean-going merchant ships provide a unique context to examine race, place and migration: ships are globally mobile total institutions, a transnational setting with a multi-national migrant workforce but no single host country. The article focuses on boundary-making among seafarers themselves, drawing on interviews with sailors, crewing agents, and a multi-sited ethnography onboard three vessels with full and mixed-nationality Asian crews. Extending scholarship on boundary-making through an intersectional and spatial approach, the article shows how national differences, segmented and gendered through the global labour market, also become racialized and reproduced. In and through the ship's spatial organization, the seafarers perform racialized forms of difference and belonging that heighten social boundaries, often hardening them through the essentializing of cultural distinctiveness. These performances interact with other forces of inequality and forms of boundary-making, demonstrating how racial formation is intimately tied with constructions of masculinity, occupation status, and national character in and through space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This piece centrally engages Alana Lentin's book, Why Race Still Matters, and thinks about it in relation to changing the world. If we undo "race" will we undo racism? Lentin's charge to undo race raises further questions about this undoing in relation to particular experiences of racism. Along these lines, the piece works through her critique of Afropessimism and thinks through the necessity to take seriously the critique of anti-Black racism as a critical component of imagining a future coalitional politics. Ultimately, one might ask, do we need to undo race in order to undo the world, or do we need to undo the world in order to undo race? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork with cleaning workers in the railway stations of Hyderabad, I present a "minor theory of racial capitalism" centring the humble jhadu or broom as a heuristic tool to understand how racialization and racial capitalism intersect with caste. Employing a relational approach to study how caste intersects with gender, capitalism, sanitation, and labour, I demonstrate the perpetuation of caste and gender-based practices in railway stations. I argue that racial capitalism is operationalized through management practices related to cleaning activities, differential allocation of spaces and technologies, and the purposeful absence of cleaners from policy articulations on cleaning. My research places racial capitalism in conversation with caste and extends its application beyond the Atlantic, to demonstrate that caste is instrumental in organizing space and labour within urban public infrastructure like Indian railway stations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Members of the United States House of Representatives disproportionately hire Black and Hispanic staffers into constituent service focussed roles as compared to policy development positions. Minority staffers are also underrepresented in the highest paid (arguably the most influential) positions in Congressional offices. I demonstrate these racial employment patterns using a Dirichlet-multinomial likelihood model to investigate a novel dataset that includes information on all of the staffers employed in the offices of 211 US House Members in the 108th Congress. This research compares the patterns of both Black and Hispanic staffers and draws from a more comprehensive sample than previous studies on staff race. The racial asymmetries found in staffers' roles and responsibilities are cause for concern regarding the voice minorities have in Congressional policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the intersection of class and race in exploring Syrian refugees' experiences of racism and the perceptions of the receiving society in Turkey. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Syrian refugees and the receiving society members who represent both low- and high-income profiles in Istanbul, Ankara, Gaziantep and Şanlıurfa, the article answers the question of whether racism is linked with class in Turkey. I argue that racism against Syrians in Turkey is driven not only by linguistic differences and supposed distinctions between cultural identities, but rather by the wealth and status of the refugees and those with whom they interact with in the receiving society. I further argue that these attitudes to class and race are, in Turkey, shaped by the neoliberal policies that deliberately favour the most prosperous and educated Syrian refugees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]