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This paper argues that both Michael Banton and John Rex were ‘children of empire’, albeit in starkly different ways, and that these differences were at the core of their querulous exchanges over their long careers. The larger issue, however, concerns the impact of colonialism on sociology, especially in its formative years, and conversely, the role of sociology in providing erudite justification for colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Ethnic and national identities of 11-16-year-old British Africans and Caribbeans were examined by the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (Phinney 1992) and Britishness questionnaire (Barrett 2000). Adolescents ranked ethnicity as more important than age, gender or nationality, stereotyped Caribbeans/Africans more positively than British and derived more pride from ethnicity than nationality. England was the least popular answer to 'where are you from', but more Caribbeans versus Africans chose this category and older Caribbeans described themselves as more 'British' than older Africans. Girls reported stronger ethnic identity than boys, who rated Britishness as more important, reported stronger British pride and liked British people more than girls did. Stereotypes of ethnic and national group members were associated with the strength of self-identification with the group. It is concluded that theory and research should depart from conventional notions that equate each racial label with one culture and one identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study explored feelings of European identity and attitudes towards Europe manifested in two groups within the British population: the indigenous white British population (N = 58) and the South-Asian ethnic minority (N = 44). A social survey approach was used with scales to evaluate British, European and ethnic identities and also attitudes towards Europe. Perceived compatibility of identities was also assessed using a visual representation of identities task. Previous research findings were confirmed with the indigenous white British respondents, who displayed a strong sense of national identity negatively correlated with European identity. In contrast, the South Asian respondents displayed positive feelings of identification on all three levels, and a British identity that correlated positively with European identification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on a poll, concentrating on Scottish identity that emphasized the extent to which Scots have an uncertain vision of themselves. When people identify themselves as members of a certain group they are distinguishing those who are not members of this group. It is not so much that they must have enemies but that they are conscious of an out-group. When one identifies as a member of the working class the out-group is fairly clear. They are different not only in the sense that they have a different culture but also that they are believed to have different interests. In football and in one or two other spheres of life, which are not salient for politics, this awareness of differences exists but not in areas, which might normally affect the vote. Beyond this the boundary is often not clear. For the Scot, the archetypal Englishman is the upper class manager or administrator. National hostility is almost exclusively reserved for him. The Scottish National Party (SNP) is trying to do something for the upliftment of these people. The basic problem, which the SNP has, however, is that there are many people who share these identities and the alienation from British Establishment institutions but who do not vote for the SNP. The importance of the Scottish identity for politics is not fully developed for the majority of Scots.

Political behaviour in Wales has long been characterized as being slightly deviant from the established British norm. The resurgence of Welsh and Scottish nationalism in late 1960's cast doubt upon the universality of a class basis to British politics. This article investigates the bases of political behaviour in Wales. The Welsh electorate can be divided on the basis of the two characteristics of language and national identity. Data gathered about the speaking of the Welsh language ought to be more objective than that referring to identity. The obvious division between Welsh and English speakers within Wales, together with geographic concentration of Welsh-speaking population, has led many commentators to devise various geographical subdivisions within Wales. Many of the peculiarities of Welsh politics and historical development have been ascribed to the influence of religion. Welsh speakers are predominantly nonconformist. Non-Welsh speakers are predominantly members of the Church in Wales. From the evidence presented, certain preliminary conclusions may be drawn. Whereas language is a specific and geographically concentrated characteristics, identity is general and diffuse. Welsh speakers are usually Welsh identifiers. But non-Welsh speakers are divided in their identity between Welsh and British.