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This paper takes the intersectional domains of power framework to examine Black Cypriot women's experiences with Afro hair in a community where black colour, hair, and features are othered. This paper draws particular attention to the interpersonal and cultural domains of power. We examine how hair prejudice has endured within families and in the Turkish Cypriot community by focusing on space and time differences. We compare the experiences of five women who were born in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1980s. We aim to connect the history of slavery and colonialism to show how the unique experiences of Black women in Cyprus are also tied to global racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to migration studies, settler colonial studies and critical internationalization studies by mapping as connected two concurrent settler colonial preoccupations, reconciliation and internationalization. In Canada, as in other Western countries, international students are a crucial resource as they increasingly sustain post-secondary funding. At the same time, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2015) has charged the educational sector to put reconciliation and decolonization at the heart of their mandate. Drawing on interviews with racialized international students in Ontario, Canada, this paper examines how racialized international students may have complex relationships to coloniality and be complicit in legitimating settler colonialism. We argue that the processes of reconciliation and internationalization must be understood as deeply interconnected especially because the obfuscation of coloniality is a key technology of settler rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Genocide is a series of long-term processes emerging from "states of emergency" to convert targeted groups and secure the nation. This paper builds on Critical Genocide Studies literature to historically contextualize China's "fusion" policy, a narrative of emergency officially explaining extra-legal internment camps and inter-generational separation in Xinjiang. Although China's policymakers traditionally frame "one-nation-one-state thinking" as Western colonialism, critical approaches to Chinese politics show the party-state frames ethnic identities through colonial binaries of backward/modern and savagery/civilization. How does the party-state's "historic mission" to overcome colonial "humiliation" promote colonialism? The paper analyses how routine, dehumanizing official narratives of identity and danger enable genocides, conceptualized as planned processes of social death by attrition. It argues that contemporary "fusion" policy interweaves cultural superiority and ethnocentric developmentalism, seeking to resolve China's "ethnic problem" and decolonize Xinjiang through social death of Turkic Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stuart Hall's concept of "new ethnicities" theorizes (post)migrant belonging by centering not on the power of othering, but rather on the agentive force of diasporic groups to contend with their essentialization and marginalization. While rooted in Black transatlantic experiences of colonialism and slavery, "new ethnicities" provides a conceptual platform from which those more broadly marginalized in the diasporic context of Europe may speak and act. In this paper, Becker argues that Hall's theory of "new ethnicities" provides a productive lens through which to rethink the knot of religious-racialized-ethnic othering that has served to set both Muslims and Jews apart from the European mainstream. She does so by tracing the historical differentiation of Muslims and Jews, both together and apart, as well as the contemporary politics of difference enacted by Muslim and Jewish Berliners who contest essentialized understandings of their identities and marginalized sociocultural locations in Europe, today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Development discourses have been widely criticized for creating hierarchical dichotomies, such as "developed" (the global North) and "developing" (the global majority), with the former being the ideal standard to which the rest must catch up. The development paradigm has infiltrated academic spaces globally, including international research collaborations, creating various categories such as (non)scientific (local) expertise. We see such hierarchies as mechanisms of legitimation to maintain the ongoing subjugation of African scholars based on the historical and contemporary asymmetries in global knowledge production. Informed by the experiences of five female African doctoral researchers in the Netherlands, this paper problematizes and disrupts the concepts of "Expert" and "local expert". We question the relevance of these concepts in a context where global knowledge production continues to feed from coloniality and also question the old power relations that continue to enable knowledge inequalities between the global North and global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his writings, Bernard Magubane theorizes racial capitalism but without necessarily invoking the term. Instead, he frequently refers to "the political economy of race and class" in the South African society. First, Magubane traces the roots of capitalism and racism in South Africa back to European expansionism. Second, he grapples with dispossession during the colonial period and calls it "the fact of conquest". This period was a significant prelude to apartheid capitalism and racism. Third, having analyzed these forms of domination, he argues that black people in South Africa would be liberated through the insurrection of the working people. Magubane's main contribution is his use of historical analysis to understand the next move by imperialism and its impact on the interaction of race and class and the struggle for liberation. Magubane seeks to develop a clear theoretical framework to understand the nature of the South African society. In this paper, I will attempt to illustrate Magubane's contribution to Marxist thought based on his study of South Africa's racially hierarchical political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ontario Federation of Anglers and Hunters (OFAH) is an influential organization that has opposed Indigenous peoples' treaty harvesting rights and land claims for allegedly threatening conservation and egalitarian values. Using data from twenty semi-structured interviews and the OFAH's official documents, this paper analyses and compares the views on treaty rights between the OFAH leadership and ordinary hunters and fishers inside and outside the organization. Group Position and Colour-Blind Racism theories were used to understand how the meanings and perceived legitimacy of treaty rights are constructed and negotiated, and whether treaty opposition reflects a response to maintain settler-Canadians' group position. Although nine respondents displayed varying degrees of support for treaty rights, the general pattern showed that both the OFAH and most respondents drew on similar interpretive repertoires to oppose treaty rights. These latter responses reveal a defensive reaction to uphold settler-colonial power, privileges, and access to land and resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues for a conceptual reframing of anti-Muslim racism to anti-Muslim ethnoracism to account for the specificity of Muslims' ethnonationalities, migration, and religion within racializing processes. Drawing on 45 semi-structured interviews with Afghan American refugees, I argue that ethnonational, diasporic, and refugee identities contribute to the racializing of Muslim Americans and shape how different Muslims may respond to and resist their racialization. Specifically, I describe the racialized hauntings, a combination of visible stereotypes and invisible effects of imperialism and refugee backgrounds, that shape Afghan Muslims' racialization experiences with regards to hyper(in)visibility, self-surveillance, and cultural survivance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rural racism is a serious political problem and this paper explores the conditions of its production. Most significant among conditions producing racism is not the management of racialized otherness, as many writers contend, but the fabrication of white Britishness itself in the peculiar, shifting, social alchemy of rural life and landscape. Particularly important in the production of rural whiteness is the 'Raj factor'; the contribution of returnees, retired from service in the British Empire. These lives are expatriated from Britain, forged in the social relations and landscapes of empire, and then repatriated. This paper is about the intimate place of empire in rural South Devon and the production and re-inscription of practices of empire which cohere with the fabric of rural life. It argues that these elderly returnees add a tone, an inflection, in the social production of whiteness as place and human fabric, and that this is significant in the production of rural racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that both Michael Banton and John Rex were ‘children of empire’, albeit in starkly different ways, and that these differences were at the core of their querulous exchanges over their long careers. The larger issue, however, concerns the impact of colonialism on sociology, especially in its formative years, and conversely, the role of sociology in providing erudite justification for colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper seeks to explain the shift that took place in the mid-nineteenth century elaboration of a polygenist idea of race. Supplementing existing claims that increasing evidence about the diversity of humankind provided a context for this shift, the focus here is upon British colonial encounters in Australia. It is against the background of what was considered to be a distinctly human separation from, and capacity to rise above, nature that, we argue, the Australian Aborigine precipitated a crisis in existing ideas of the human. As consternation grew not only about their inclination but about their very capacity for improvement, and particularly for cultivation, the Aborigines challenged the basis upon which the unity of humankind had been assumed. They could not be comprehended, according to the prevailing conception of racial difference, as a mere variety of the human. And it is out of this incomprehension, we argue, that the rise of polygenism may be understood: as an attempt to account for the ontologically inexplicable difference of the Australian Aborigine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a comment on a previous article by sociologist N.K. Karlovic related to colonialism in Croatia that appeared in a previous issue of the journal Ethnic and Racial Studies. According to the author of this article, he agrees with Karlovic when Karlovic attributes great importance to international, or as he calls them, inter-ethnic relations for Yugoslavia's internal development and for international relations in Europe as a whole. But this is the extent of author's agreement with him, and the author is particularly opposed to Karlovic's views when, for example, at the very beginning of his paper, he displays a clearly defined attitude opposing the existence of Yugoslavia, or rather, favoring the secession of Croatia from its ranks. The one-sidedness and prejudice of Karlovic's approach is also reflected in reducing Yugoslavia simply to the relations between Serbs and Croats, quite neglecting the significance of the other nations and nationalities. According to the author, as far as Yugoslavia is concerned, the question of relations between its nations and ethnic groups is extraordinarily important and delicate for a number of reasons.

In the 1990s, an essentialist, bounded understanding of culture delimiting (ethno-national) groups based on allegedly discrete sets of natural characteristics came to structure politics in North Atlantic migration contexts, justifying migrant exclusion or celebrating inclusion. Yet, how this idea of "culture-as-defining-attribute" works among people situated in everyday life remains understudied. We develop an analytical framework centred on discursive repertoires, sources of relational meaning-production, anchored in historical contexts, and embedded in power. Analyzing 125 essays written by Toronto and Neuchâtel undergraduate students, we demonstrate that using culture-as-defining-attribute results in an in/visibilization of power relations. Toronto students hypervisibilize a positively inflected conviviality across multicultural diversity, while invisibilizing racism and settler colonialism. Neuchâtel students visibilize the production of migranticized others, invisibilizing nativism and non-migrant/white structural privileges. We end with a plea for context-specific analysis of culture-as-defining-attribute and a deeper understanding of in/visibilization as a significant "missing link" in current analyses of culture and ex/inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Victorian Britain saw the rise of biologism, the practice of attributing biological cause to that which is explicable either wholly or in part by environment. Its most extreme expression was eugenics, first disseminated by Galton through Macmillan's Magazine in 1865. I explore early British eugenics as a biologistic discourse centred on class which took aim primarily at the "residuum", or "submerged tenth", the section of the working class alleged to be least productive. It was framed by racism, the biologism on which much late-Victorian imperialism was based. I consider ways in which biologisms inform distinct twenty-first-century discourse and practice, from policies around child benefit to Covid19, and focus on one thread of biologistic thought as it extends to debates on gender identity – the idea that gender is both a feeling but also innate and brain-based. I conclude that gender identity theory risks, however inadvertently, reinscribing biologistic ideas and stereotypes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-imperial ethnic identities and divides are often constructed and construed through direct and indirect references to imperial legacies. In this study, we use nationally representative survey data to examine proficiency, use, and valuation of the Russian language – a major such legacy of the Soviet empire – in Kyrgyzstan, a multiethnic Central Asian nation with a long and complex history of ethnic and regional cleavages. The multivariable analyses produce instructive net variations in Russian proficiency and use across regional subgroups of ethnic Kyrgyz, the titular ethnicity, and between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks, a marginalized ethnic minority. The analyses also show that the command and use of Russian increase with community ethnic heterogeneity. Yet, no variations along these axes are found in the perceived importance of Russian language knowledge for success in the domestic labour market. These findings are situated within the interconnected contexts of historical ethnolinguistic legacies, dynamics of nation-building, and geopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, over 8,400 people made their way from France to the UK coast using small vessels. They did so principally in order to claim asylum in the United Kingdom (UK). Much like in other border-zones, the UK state has portrayed irregular Channel crossings as an invading threat and has deployed a militarized response. While there is burgeoning scholarship focusing on informal migrant camps in the Calais area, there has been little analysis of state responses to irregular Channel crossings. This article begins to address this gap, situating contemporary British responses to irregular Channel crossers within the context of colonial histories and maritime legacies. We focus particularly on the enduring appeal of "the offshore" as a place where undesirable racialized populations can be placed. Our aim is to offer a historicized perspective on this phenomenon which seeks to respond to calls to embed colonial histories in analyses of the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is eliminating and replacing (Wolfe, Patrick. 2006. "Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native." Journal of Genocide Research 8 (4): 387-409) indigenous expressions of Uyghurness. The Party-state has narrowed the official spaces in which Uyghur language can be used and tightened restrictions on religious practice while it has broadened the criminal category of "extremist." These policies attempt to hollow-out a Uyghur identity that is animated by Islamic and Central Asian norms and fill it with practices common to Han people. The CCP has thrust these tactics into private homes. Drawing on research in the region between 2010 and 2017, government documents, and colonial theory, this article introduces and interrogates the "Three News" housing campaign. It argues that by imposing what I call "authoritarian reflectiveness," the CCP intends to uproot Uyghur configurations of order and replace them with Han domestic sensibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As settler colonialism has forcibly constricted vast expanses of Indigenous lands, criss-crossing them with superimposed borders, it has sought to redraw the boundaries of Indigenous identity by imposing definitions and categories that invariably lead to Indigenous diminishment. Strategic and eliminatory categorization is essential to the settler-colonial imperative. This essay explores settler-colonial exercises of rhetorical imperialism that deploy language, connotation, and categorization to dismantle Indigenous cultural systems. The author discusses the political stake in who is designated Indigenous, the drive to remake Indigenous nations in the image of the settler-state, the enforcement of cis-heteropatriarchal capitalist norms, and assimilationist strategies aiming to disrupt Indigenous formations of gender and kinship. The author argues that Indigenous assertions of peoplehood as a definitional and unifying framework and Two-Spirit as a self-identifier are acts of resistance that they term "oppositional identification" and "contrast mechanisms." They are exercises of rhetorical and radical sovereignty, tantamount to everyday decolonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Israeli development in the Gaza Strip and Northern Sinai from 1972 to 1982 from the perspective of architectural history. We argue that the prime objective of the Israeli occupation in this decade was economic development, not elimination; its guiding logic saw humanitarian aid as the preferred way to "resolve" the Palestinian refugee crisis. We follow how the pro-development, humanist "know how" of the architects and urban planners wrote themselves onto Gaza's politics of space. Their scientific approach embodied in Mediterranean architecture was the solution of choice to hit two birds with one stone: end the refugee crisis by assimilating them into the Gaza strip cities, and ensure dependence on Israel by a new development plan with Yamit city at its epicentre. Mediterranean architecture expressed the gradations of vernacularity in the Israeli policy, and helped fashion a unique ideology of development based on exclusion and ethnic separation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present surge in imperial nostalgia in Britain has been widely remarked and critiqued. This article considers the relationship between imperialism and nostalgia, from their historical interconnectedness to their potential decoupling. I conceptualize nostalgia as the recognition of a gulf between past and present, the judgment that the past was somehow preferable to the present, and the longing for a "home" in which there is no longing for any other timespace. Nostalgia may engender a paralyzed longing for the past, a critical engagement with the present, or an imagined utopian future. After tracing the history of nostalgia, I provide an overview of nostalgia in social theory, including imperialist as well as anti-racist and anticolonial thought. In pursuit of nostalgia's decolonizing potential, I trace its development in Fanon's writing. Finally, I ask how an expanded understanding of nostalgia might provide insight into the logic and expression of imperial nostalgia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Published in 1920, W. E. B. Du Bois's Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil contains a provocative chapter entitled "The Souls of White Folk." The chapter is a tour de force of the relationship of whiteness to the "darker world." While explicitly addressing colonial imperialism, the first world war, and white supremacy, a close reading of the chapter reveals Du Bois's implicit dissection of the meanings and makings of "whiteness." Now a century removed, we hold an opportunity to revisit the "The Souls of White Folk." I first examine the antecedents of Du Bois's composition, with careful attention to the preliminary drafts and published articles used to construct the final chapter. Second, I gauge public reception to Darkwater, and especially "The Souls of White Folk," in published reviews. Third, I critically examine Du Bois's understanding of the ethno-racial category of "white." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The early twenty-first century is marked by new postcolonial nationalist ideologies and their indifference to modern histories of colonisation and the urgent need for anti-nationalist theories of racialised subjectification. I discuss the importance of work on 'intersectionality' and consider how some theoretical formations reproduce core elements of 'common sense' nationalisms such as universal, fixed racial categories, the gender binary and the idea of separate cultures. I then argue for a transdisciplinary theory of racialised subjectivity that I call 'biocoloniality'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is the #NoDAPL mobilization, which was historically unusual as a national scale grassroots campaign featuring American Indians grassroots activists and tribal governments in coalition with others, an indicator of future similar efforts? Or, will the Standing Rock resistance be a relative aberration, based on a unique set of circumstances? To explore these questions, I draw upon theory and historical scholarship about American settler colonialism; cross-group collaborations and social movement coalitions; and American Indian movements. A variety of within-group, intergroup and larger structural factors pose significant obstacles to American Indian participation in grassroots social movement coalitions. However, striking threats, the existence of social ties between American Indian movements and environmental movements, and overlap between ideologies and frames generated by each movement were sufficient to generate robust coalitional mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which editor discusses various articles within the issue on topics including study of race and ethnicity, intersections between nostalgia, imperialism, anticolonialism and Gavan Titley's book "Racism and Media."

This short article comments on the Symposium inERSvol. 37/10 in which current scholars revisited the bookThe Empire Strikes Backand its legacy. The article comments on the book's assertion that a historical background is necessary to understand the absorption of migrant labour into capitalist societies, and notes the prevailing ignorance of the history of imperialism in UK schools and society. It discusses the current assumptions that if schools teach ‘fundamental British values’, racial and religious conflicts will somehow be minimized. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Though the suitability of the tropics for European colonization and especially settlement had been a long-standing issue, it was particularly hotly debated from the mid-nineteenth century until at least the turn of the nineteenth century, when the imperatives of expanding imperial ventures placed the issue firmly on the agenda. This article explores debates over climate and colonization in the context of New Guinea, where it was widely believed that the tropical environment was enervating and ultimately detrimental to Europeans who attempted to live there. Such beliefs led some commentators to question whether it would ever become the ‘home of the white man’ that some of the advocates of colonization had suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a recent explosion of works emphasizing the increasingly plural and complex character of identity, political and social elites' interpretations of identities have continued to be dominated by the paradigm of monistic authenticity. In the face of this resilience, theorists must say more about the formation, meaning and implications of plural and complex identities. They must provide social and political actors with a credible alternative language to make sense of the actual or potential plurality of their allegiances. This article aims at contributing to the task by relying on the complementary merits of two traditions that used to ignore each other: post-imperialism and federalism. First, we suggest that post-imperialism may provide a language for redefining communities and individual-community relationships in a pluralist way. Second, we argue that the language of federalism has a high – and neglected – potential to answer the political and normative questions raised by post-imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the early twentieth century discourse of tropical medicine as a site in which "whiteness" became the object of biomedical scrutiny. Australian tropical medicine is notable in that it reversed the usual raced and gendered dynamics of Western medico-scientific research. Rather than studying the black body, it studied the white body, and rather than pathologizing women, it pathologized men. In the early to mid twentieth century tropical medicine was one of the primary sites for the formation of Australian governmental racism and nationalism, and for discussion and implementation of the infamous "white Australia policy". It was a response to European science which had long argued that "white man" and white populations would degenerate in the tropics. I examine tropical medicine and public health more generally as a mode of colonization of northern Australia, in which Aboriginal people were governed and managed through health measures. I also examine the specific ways in which whiteness was constituted by tropical medicine, and the class and gender issues which shaped the representational possibilities of this whiteness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparative and systematic analyses of genocide are rare. This article addresses theoretical questions of this most severe form of conflict. Its purpose is threefold. First, to outline factors whose conjuncture appears to be significant for a genocidal outcome in two colonial cases of genocide: Aborigines in Queensland, 1840-1897, and Hereros in South West Africa, 1884-1906. The second is to demonstrate that understanding genocides of colonialism is vital for understanding genocides more generally. The third is to show that differences between the two colonial cases suggest that colonial genocide is not a convincing category and to suggest that distinction between state and societal genocides is more useful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the relevance of contemporary literature in comparative politics to the problem of North American tribal underdevelopment. Its major objective is to evaluate the utility of several of the most prominent Third World models in comparative analysis -- modernization, colonialism (and its variants, internal and neo) and the related perspective, dependency -- and gauge their success rate in explaining tribal underdevelopment. We begin by providing a brief but crucial overview of the distinctive political/ legal status of tribes and their relationship with the United States. Next we summarize the basic frameworks of each model before moving on to evaluate the literature with respect to Native American underdevelopment. Each section concludes with an evaluation of the relative strengths and weaknesses of each approach as they have been applied to tribes. We end by arguing, first, that what is needed to discern more fully the tribal quandary are, in Lakatos's words (1970), 'series of theories', because individually no single theoretical perspective is sufficient to explain every tribal situation; second, that there is a distinct need for a more germane set of research questions which take into account the unique legal and political dimensions of tribes in a constitutional democracy; and finally, that there is a compelling need for a series of systematic empirical tribal studies which are both theoretically driven and comparative in nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents three models of nation formation, all of which predict different outcomes if certain conditions prevail. The propositions which constitute the basis of diffusion and internal colonialism models refer to the degree of integration at the political, economic and cultural levels. While the diffusion model predicts a steady incorporation of peripheral regions into a new political and cultural system, the internal colonialism model suggests that this would be the exception rather than the rule. Analyzing the case of Italy, it was found that the process of unification revolved around the alliance of the core dominant classes and the southern governing elite. Statistical tests confirmed that southern Italy could not be considered as a politically integrated periphery, as suggested by diffusionist hypothesis, nor as a center of separatist organization, as the internal colonialism model would predict. Instead, it would appear that clientelistic loyalties are pervasive throughout southern Italy with the exception of two or three regions which have shown strong anti-center postures in the past.

Benjamin Kidd was a spokesman of late nineteenth-century racist imperialism. History textbooks briefly pigeonhole him as a conservative social Darwinist whose views on the biological and cultural superiority of the white races helped justify Great Britain's imperial expansion. His theory of trusteeship has been described as racist, based on the kind of science to be found in author Robert Knox's "Races of Man," which hypothesized a physical, and hence psychological, inferiority in the dark races generally. Kidd's Social Darwinism, particularly the early variety, has been compared with that of Francis Galton and Karl Pearson, founders of eugenics. Kidd's kind of pseudo-Darwinism, unkindly concluded one writer, involved circular reasoning and unscientific assumptions, and had no claim, just as the Fascist theories of imperialism have no claim, to serious consideration. A spiky, self-taught individualist, Kidd was convinced of his own originality, and dreamed of pioneering an holistic science of society. If it is almost always dangerous to wrench simple generalizations from the corpus of a man's thought, it is particularly so in Kidd's case. His views on race were an integral part of his synthetic theory of social evolution, and are best interpreted in that context.