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Over the past thirty years, there has been an increase in the number of immigrant day labourers in the United States. The presence of day labourers has led to numerous conflicts in municipalities. Some locals benefit from the labour performed by day labourers and believe they do no harm, while others see them as "illegal" immigrants that pose a threat to the community. For many, the legitimacy of day labourers remains uncertain, which opens a space for opponents and supporters to push for competing policies. Uncertain legitimacy and back and forth conflicts result in policies that are continuously being tugged between exclusionary and inclusionary measures. Whereas much of the literature on local immigration policies suggests that subnational governments opt for either exclusionary or inclusionary measures, this paper reveals the volatility of local immigration policies and the blurring of lines between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing frameworks of assimilation and group boundaries are limited in making sense of experiences of racial ambiguity. What happens when racial groups are mistaken for other groups, and how does this phenomenon relate to the racial hierarchy? This paper investigates the on-the-ground mechanisms of racial ambiguity that formal institutions, like the Census, do not capture, yet are the lived realities for many immigrant groups. Through analysis of 120 interviews and supplemental observations, I find that the racialization of second-generation South Asians shifts between racial ambiguity and racial legibility in daily life. I present a theoretical concept – localized racialization – to reveal the transient, yet defining, racial experiences of groups residing in the racial middle. Localized racialization centres multiple factors of skin colour, intersectional status markers, and situational contexts that tether racial experiences to the local. This study's South Asian participants reveal persistent racial dynamism at the micro-interactional level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides descriptive information regarding the composition of the Latinx population of the United States. I note differences in educational attainment and occupational mobility confirming findings by other authors–Latinix individuals continue to experience a stalled mode of incorporation in America. The paper also discusses policy implications, giving special attention to the changing character of the American economy. For Latinix people to advance socially and financially, they will need greater access to specialized technical skills. Without deliberate action on the part of government, the prospects seem dismal. Limited progress in educational institutions and the labour market threatens the future of children and grandchildren of Latinx immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore Mexican and Central American migrants' decisions to refuse public benefits in response to the Trump administration's proposed change in the enforceability priorities of the "public charge" section of the Immigration and Naturalization Act. Based on interviews with migrants who have experienced undocumented status and who are now in the process of becoming lawful permanent residents, we argue that decisions to pre-emptively forego public welfare benefits beginning in 2018 were not simply based on an impulsive fear-based reaction, but rather on thoughtful considerations around the human impact of immigration policies. We conceptualize migrant refusals of public benefits through the framework of what we call cultivated intuition because while these refusals are visceral responses, they are also educated inferences about how the fundamental logics of conditional citizenship within the US immigration system work to regulate migrant mobility and behaviour both at the border and within the nation-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes legislative debate over Alabama's Beason-Hammon Alabama Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act (HB56). Taxpayers and citizens are colorblind legal categories, but the debate associated "Hispanics" with a history of racism in and beyond the state. I use three methods to analyze the debate. Content analysis identify explicit references to "Hispanics". Second, I analyze legislators' values, attitudes and beliefs. Finally, I use discourse analysis to understand how Black and white legislators raised different concerns as they remembered their own experiences and the state's racial history. These analyses indicate that legislators crafted a relational conception of responsibility that distinguished who should be in Alabama and, by extension, who had a right to citizenship and national inclusion. These debates trace to long-standing struggles between states and the federal government to determine citizenship. I conclude HB 56 reproduces legal definitions of difference that promote racial exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the identity formation processes of Latinx 1.5 undocumented and 2nd generation young adults in a new immigrant-receiving community. Drawing on life narrative interviews, I apply the nested contexts of reception framework to examine how processes of racialized immigrant incorporation shape variation in Latinx identity development. The findings show, first, how changes in the national legal context via Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) matter for inclusion and as a result, shifts in Latinx identities. Second, among a subset of 2nd generation respondents, the local societal hostility toward the Latinx community shaped the continual pride in their Latinx identities. Lastly, the local postsecondary institutions contributed to empowered Latinx identities. The implications of the findings suggest that, by centring the role of nested contexts in one new Latinx immigrant community we can understand the extent to which incorporation is occurring and how it shapes changes in ethnoracial identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper hypothesizes about what is happening to the ethnic structures and cultures of the fourth-, fifth- and later-generation descendants of the European immigrants who came to America between about 1870 and 1924. The paper's main hypothesis is that late-generation European ethnicity is disappearing, although vestiges will probably always remain. However, immigration researchers have done little to study these late-generation populations, and the paper therefore describes some of the studies that could and should be undertaken. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I argue that second-generation migrants experience multiple tensions and exclusions as a result of the interaction of transnationalism, assimilation, diaspora and racialization in their lives. Yet, I suggest that they are reflexive actors who respond by crafting their own "positioned belongings". The paper draws on ethnographic research conducted with Palestinian-American second-generation interlocutors conducted in New Jersey and the West Bank in the wake of Donald Trump's election as President. It presents data regarding this understudied yet significant second-generation group and their relationship to their diaspora community, hostland and homeland. I argue that a feeling of exclusion and "in-betweenness" is navigated by the second-generation through discursive and material practices that centre the second-generation "self". In doing so, I give new insight into how assimilation and transnationalism interact in dynamic and plural fields and what is lost and gained amongst the children of migrants in the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses challenges faced by immigrants in two Tennessee locales, Nashville and Knoxville, focusing on Latino immigrant communities and the institutions to which they have responded during the period spanning the 2005 passage of the Sensenbrenner Bill and the Trump administration. We examine how the K-12 school system has reacted to draconian legislation and review the ways in which law enforcement affects the lives of immigrants and their children. We also investigate ways in which immigrants have circumvented or embraced political mobilization, responding to barriers and seizing occasional opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the case study of Albanian immigrant incorporation in a Little Italy in the Bronx, this paper develops the concept of ethnic affinity. It argues that boundary-work between ethnic Italians and Albanian immigrants resulted in intergroup relations that coupled Albanian occupational incorporation with the (re)construction of respective group identities as culturally similar - and distinct from Latino and African-American groups in the neighbourhood. Engaging recent literature on ethnic boundary making, I argue that ethnic affinity constitutes a new strategy of boundary reinforcing, in addition to established strategies of boundary crossing, blurring, and shifting (Zolberg and Woon 1999; Wimmer 2008). Developed in the context of shifting ethno-racial neighbourhood makeup, this affinity between ethnic Italians and Albanian immigrants relied on American constructions of shared European whiteness, overturning contemporary divides between Italians and Albanians in Europe. Ethnic affinity provides a conceptual framework that goes beyond notions of ethnic succession, passing, or assimilation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a systematic approach to the study of immigration and art by considering relevant theoretical concepts. We focus on the role of institutions and economic change as forces shaping the expressive alternatives of immigrants and their children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, the US has dramatically expanded immigration enforcement. At the same time, some advocates have sought to support “good” immigrants. This paper considers how the resulting good/bad binaries affect undocumented immigrants. I examine a case study in Los Angeles, where policing intertwined with protection. Based on participant observation and interviews, I show that respondents believed state agents classified them either as “bad” criminals or “good”, immigrants. To the extent immigrants identified as “good”, they credited the US with offering them “freedom” and hoped for political inclusion. At the same time, in what I call moralizing regulation, they also performed “good” behaviour and distinguished themselves from those seen as “bad”. Some also tied “good” behaviour to femininity and “acting white”. At the extreme, they blamed other migrants for inviting state mistreatment. The effects were ambivalent: while immigrants appreciated US support, they also adopted and adapted to the state’s moral norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers some reflections on the article by Herbert Gans on what he calls the coming darkness of ethnicity among the late-generation descendants of European immigrants in the USA. The paper considers a number of the hypotheses that Gans puts forward and raises questions about some of the implications set out for the descendants of contemporary Asian, Latino and black immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donald Trump began his campaign for the US Presidency by emphasizing the supposed dangers of immigration, a theme that he then rode to victory in November 2016 won the 2016 US Presidential election. This paper asks whether the sociology of migration can illuminate the sources of Trump’s success and after quickly reviewing the key contributions concludes not. Insight, rather, is to be found by understanding the ways in which population movements across state boundaries are a source of both international integration and national dis-integration, producing conflicts over the number, characteristics, and rights of immigrants from which liberal societies can find no escape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With territorial expansion of the US came dispossession of Native Americans, supported by policies that made white immigrants settler colonists. On Indian reservations, the federal government encouraged land-taking by allotting land to Indians and making land available to homesteaders, many of them recent immigrants. Few scholars have studied relationships between Natives and newcomers. This paper draws on the concept of boundary work to analyse intergroup relations at the Spirit Lake Dakota Indian Reservation, where white settlers (principally Scandinavians) lived alongside Dakotas. To survive and coexist, Indians and immigrants marked and interpreted boundaries of belonging and exclusion. By establishing common practices, they enacted a mutuality that both reflected and subverted racial–ethnic hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper advocates a greater emphasis on racialization research, and consists of observations and research questions that could add to our understanding of racialization. Such understanding will be useful and perhaps even necessary, as a variety of world events result in continuing population movements as well as economic and political crises that could increase intra and international conflicts. Any of these could lead to the further racialization of refugees, migrants, earlier immigrants and others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS), this paper investigates the impact of race and ethnicity, class and naturalization on the voter registration and subsequent assimilation of second-generation Caribbean immigrants into the USA. Drawing from both classical and contemporary models of assimilation, I conduct a comparative analysis of Afro-Caribbeans and Cuban immigrants using voter registration as the primary measure of integration. Although the assimilation literature typically characterizes Cubans as upwardly mobile, this study shows that this is not a distinguishing feature for this group because Afro-Caribbeans are gaining higher levels of upward mobility compared to Cubans with respect to political incorporation. Findings suggest that race and ethnicity, class and citizenship status are all significant factors as both Cuban and Afro-Caribbean immigrants assimilate into the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

According to public opinion polls majorities in the UK and US believe that increased immigration poses a serious threat to maintaining a shared common culture, strains social services, compromises national security and undermines the employment opportunities of long term native born residents. The average American believes the United States is 39% black, 26% Jewish, 33% Latino, 38% foreign born and 25% gay. These beliefs and estimates of group size are incorrect or vastly distort the impact immigrants have on society. What are the public policy implications, particularly for the foreign born population, when such distortions are the basis for how individuals respond to public policy survey questions? This paper examines how survey research may unintentionally cement stereotypes and result in public policy measures which increase social inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As one of the oldest Asian American groups in the USA, most Japanese Americans are of the third and fourth generations and have become well integrated in mainstream American society. However, they are still racialized as foreigners simply because of their Asian appearance. Their Asian phenotype continues to have a foreigner connotation because of large-scale immigration from Asia and an American national identity that is racially defined as white. This paper analyses how later-generation Japanese Americans are racialized as outsiders in their daily interaction with mainstream Americans, which is often accompanied by essentialized assumptions that they are also culturally foreign. In response, they engage in everyday struggles for racial citizenship by demanding inclusion in the national community as Americans despite their racial differences. It is uncertain whether such attempts to contest their racialization will cause current mono-racial notions of American identity to be reconsidered in more inclusive and multiracial ways. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Civil society is the foundation of a healthy democracy but its immigrant element has received little attention. This paper is a case study of immigrant organizations of highly skilled Asian Indians and Chinese immigrants in a suburban town of Edison, New Jersey. I find that civic participation of Asian Indian immigrants spills over into political incorporation while Chinese immigrant organizations remain marginalized. I argue that local processes of racialization are central in explaining differences in political incorporation of immigrants. In the local context, the Chinese are seen as successful but conformist model minorities and Asian Indians as invaders and troublemakers. The racialization of Asian Indians has resulted in more political activity and higher levels of political visibility of their organizations. The results highlight shortcomings of current assimilation theories, which give little space to civic and political incorporation and view human capital in an unqualifiedly positive light. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an extensive literature on mental illness rates among immigrants. In reviewing this literature, one finds that almost without exception, the foreign-born have higher rates of admission to mental hospital than the native born population of the host countries. However, the majority of studies which provide this evidence have employed relatively crude comparisons between immigrants and others. They have, for example, generally ignored such factors as the age, sex and social class structure of the populations involved, even though these variables are known to be related to the incidence of mental illness. In B. Malzberg's work on mental hospital admission figures in the United States, he found that controlling for age, sex and urban-rural distributions drastically reduced the differences in rates between immigrants and natives usually found in crude comparisons. There has been a noticeable dearth of studies in Great Britain on the psychological well-being or otherwise of immigrants. The purpose of the present paper is to compare three groups of immigrants ,namely, Indian Pakistani and Irish to Great Britain about whom there may be conflicting opinions in the public mind and the sample taken is from the community rather than from those in contact with the medical services.

How do immigrant-origin residents claim membership in the United States? Chinese, Vietnamese and Mexican-origin parents and their citizen teenagers were asked what it means to be a good citizen and to be American. In discussing good citizenship, respondents underscored legal, moral, civic, and economic actions over ascriptive characteristics or political values. Their emphasis on citizenship acts illuminates how noncitizens, including undocumented residents, can claim membership through behaviours, even as inclusion may be contingent on being law-abiding, hard-working, or a good person. The term "American" is more ambiguous legally, but also more racially and economically fraught, including for citizens, as racialized tropes of illegality or cultural otherness affect those of Mexican or Asian origins, respectively. Membership markers are thus not simply about categorical placement inside or outside a boundary of "citizen" or "American". Rather, national membership can be felt as partial and gradient, positioned closer or further from multiple ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on Dominican migration to the United States ranges from analyses emphasizing incorporation to those exploring diaspora formation and the weaving of transnational ties. Based on a juxtaposition of ethnographic research conducted among Dominican families in New York City in the early 1990s with a recent fieldwork with deported nationals in Santo Domingo, this article approaches conditional inclusion in transnational social space. I examine the structural conditions that shaped the criminalization of Dominican migrant youth in the United States and later let to their deportation. More particularly, I illustrate how the crack pandemic in New York City in the late 1980s affected ongoing processes of conditional inclusion. By focusing on how conditional inclusion manifests itself from departure to arrival, through settlement and marginalization, to deportation and struggles for (re)integration in the Dominican Republic, the article aims to contribute insights to the comparative development of the concept in this special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the world, Muslims in non-Muslim majority countries are seen as alien humans, relegated to the margins of citizenship, permitted tenuous forms of belonging as long as they follow the "Good Muslim" script assigned to them by the majority. In the U.S., youth from Muslim American immigrant communities have awakened to, and are rejecting, this conditional citizenship. Drawing on a nation-wide qualitative study with youth from diverse Muslim immigrant communities, we argue that, since 9/11, there have been significant changes in young Muslim Americans' self-perceptions and attitudes toward their rights, citizenship, and feelings of belonging. These youth recognize themselves as people of colour and are more likely than their parents' generations to link their struggles with those of other racially minoritized communities, thus suggesting a more radical politics of belonging in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Advocacy organizations have reframed immigrants as deserving, and improved their access to services and support; yet, we know little about how low-income immigrants understand organizational frames to make individual requests in public institutions and programmes. Analyzing in-depth interviews and fieldwork over multiple years, we show how Filipina/o and Latina/o immigrants become empowered to make claims through an organization's frame of low-income residents as rightful community members in San Francisco – a self-declared "sanctuary" city where residents have formal access and protections regardless of immigrant or legal status. However, despite newfound confidence and rights awareness, Latina/o participants continually anticipate racialized treatment where others construct them as inferior and illegitimate, which depresses their claims-making. In contrast, Filipina/o participants felt othered in public programmes and institutions, but not blocked by feelings of mistreatment and illegitimacy. We push for attention to how racialization differentially operates for immigrant groups and affects the claims-making process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reveals how Nigerians in the U.S. negotiate their multiple forms of Black racialization. They incorporate both local and global social scripts within their intersected subjectivities as part of the following communities: Black American, Black immigrant, and post-independence Black African (Nigerian). I use a historically-informed ethnography of Nigerian middle-class communities in Houston, Texas to convey the distinct but overlapping sociohistorical realities that makeup definitions of Blackness for my interlocutors. I argue that Nigerians in Houston, Texas embody global intersecting modalities of Blackness where race and ethnicity are interconnected, existing within a global frame, and grounded in contemporary Nigeria. I demonstrate how "localized Blackness" as a politics of solidarity confines race and Blackness to the U.S., which limits post-independence Nigerians' racialized reality. This article moves from police brutality to U.S. anti-Black immigration laws and the Nigeria-Biafra war (genocide) to help us think about racialization globally and across time and space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study highlights the recent changes in the composition of the Western European immigrant population to the United States. This research examines the growing diversity of this migratory stream, investigating seven groups of immigrants from Western Europe to the USA. Findings show that individuals who were born in Western Europe but whose families have origins outside of Western Europe have been settling in the US in growing numbers. In addition, immigrants from Western Europe of non-European descents carry a higher ethnic penalty when they come to the USA, but most of them advance faster economically than immigrants of Western European descents, besides Sub-Saharan Africans who remain disadvantaged. Three plausible explanations for this phenomenon are tested, and findings show that the gap between the level of discrimination experienced by a given ethnic group in the origin country and the level of discrimination experienced by the same ethnic group in the destination country is the most influential determinant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the significant and increasing challenges faced by children of Mexican immigrants on both sides of the border. US schools that serve these students overwhelmingly in low-resource, segregated settings are under attack by ICE, disrupting their education. Meanwhile, more than half a million US born, as well as many Mexican born but US educated (generation 1.5) students, are attempting to integrate into Mexican schools that lack training in teaching and supporting them. In the face of data that show a plummeting birth rate in the US and a high demand for bilingual, multi-cultural workers in both Mexico and the U.S, the enormous asset represented by the students we share is being squandered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the US South and Midwest, early immigrant populations consisted primarily of young, Latinos recruited to work in low-wage jobs. After six or seven years, family members from Mexico and Central America began joining early arrivals, changing the character of immigrant interactions with host residents and institutions. While many natives viewed the single men as migrant workers, important for economic services, the arrival of women and children stimulated ambivalent reactions in North Carolina and Iowa rural communities. This suggests that native perceptions of immigrants can be traced, in part, to immigrants' roles in local economies, including their participation in multiple livelihoods and their deployment of cultural labor. The contradiction between anti-immigrant sentiments and the need for immigrant labour can be understood as a reaction to increasingly precarious economic conditions facing both natives and immigrants in the twenty-first century and the changing values of productive and reproductive economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Heightened immigration enforcement in public spaces has brightened the boundaries of exclusion for undocumented immigrants in the United States. Yet, these immigrants simultaneously experience belonging and inclusion within the personal and social spheres of their lives. This article explores this tension among young people with Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). Drawing on interviews with 408 DACA beneficiaries in six states, our analyses underscore the significance of personal and social spheres as spaces of belonging. DACA expanded these spaces, helping respondents derive meaning, agency, and membership in their everyday lives. However, these personal and social spheres were at times disrupted by hostile and exclusionary contests to function as spaces of vulnerability. Respondents experienced the boundaries between belonging and vulnerability as unstable and, at times, ambiguous-as they navigated a state of social liminality. Ultimately, conflicting sociopolitical climates at the national, state, local and institutional levels have created this social liminality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The number and size of "new immigrant destinations" (NIDs) in the United States grew quickly over the 1990s and 2000s, but Latino newcomers residing in them witnessed a profound negative turn in institutional and political reception after 2005. The present article takes stock of the causes and consequences of this shift, showing how intensifying enforcement and exclusionary policy-making at the federal and state levels after 2005 stoked anti-immigrant sentiment and institutional closure in many NIDs, especially in the South. Though the Latino "second generation" is just now beginning to come of age and to enter the workforce in NIDs, offering new opportunities for data collection and analysis going forward, the extant literature suggests that this shift has significantly weakened its prospects for structural incorporation and upward economic mobility, which are now strongly stratified by citizenship and legal status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Broadway musical theatre was largely the creation of the children of immigrants. These newcomers to American culture rarely emphasized their ethnic origins and they had little interest in preserving the musical and dramatic forms of their parent's homelands. Nevertheless, while striving to produce work, they saw as distinctly "American" these artists reimagined and reinvented "American" traditions. They also drew on African American musical forms and in some cases collaborated with African American artists (albeit on highly unequal terms). In recent years a new generation of the children of immigrants has revitalized the musical theatre. Their work blends popular forms - hip hop most notably, with older Broadway musical traditions. The musical Hamilton illustrates how ethnic outsiders are creating a musical theatre that is less concerned with preserving an ethnic heritage than with remaking an "American" story in ways that speak to the experience of young people in today's superdiverse cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Super-diversity has become the conceptual touchstone for a large body of research on immigration in European societies. Evolving from the ideas sketched by Steven Vertovec in his famous 2007 essay, the concept as deployed in research has become a successor to multiculturalism. The super-diversity lens has trained attention on horizontal processes of “living together” in very diverse settings, like some urban neighbourhoods where no group holds the majority status. However, we argue here that for a fuller understanding of integration, we need the vertical dimension of social power. This dimension is manifest through the mainstream, which permeates many institutions (including local ones such as schools) and becomes visible in the cultural adjustments made by members of immigrant-origin minorities, particularly among those who aspire to social mobility. The power axis represented by the mainstream is not strictly dependent on the demographic distribution of ethnic groups, given that white natives remain very powerful even when they are a numerical minority. At the same time, the character of the mainstream may be altered to some extent by the entry of individuals with non-white minority origins. To illustrate these ideas, we offer the examples of the “culturalization of citizenship” in the Netherlands and the social locations of young people of mixed background in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deportation has always been a feature of the American political, social and economic discourse. A twin effect of immigration, deportation concerns who is granted the right to stay and who is removed from the country. Amid the growing debate on reform, this essay casts light on the changing nature of deportation law during the last century. Paying attention to the reception which immigrants receive and the perceptions of threat and economic competition which natives often perceive, this work evaluates how policy has shifted in response to the changing face of newcomers. As immigration law becomes intertwined with criminal law, so do the stipulations governing entry and exit. Within a politically charged social space, American immigration is a story punctuated with racialized and criminalized images of immigrants. Bridging ethnic and racial currents, this work seeks to understand how these effects continue to shape contemporary immigration policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dynamics of compensation for the deprivations of segregation and discrimination, and the support of multiculturalism derived from ethnic cohesion explain the consumption of out-of-home highbrow leisure events by minority/ethnic individuals, immigrants, and their descendants as efforts toward their integration and assimilation in metropolitan areas. Using data from the Houston Area Survey, I examine whether there are any significant ethnic disparities in the attendance at museums and live theatres, which represent a relevant dimension of out-of-home highbrow leisure in Houston. I found that the odds of frequently attending museums and live theatres are lower for Anglos compared with non-Anglos, and higher for US-born individuals with at least one foreign parent compared with US-born individuals with US-born parents. These findings reveal that the audiences of museums and live theatres in Houston are already characterized by a noteworthy ethnic diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented which discusses articles within the issue on topics, including European ethnicity in the U.S., immigrants on Lampedusa Island, Italy and and border areas in in Southern Europe.

This research describes how race-ethnicity, nativity and neighbourhood characteristics are associated with reports of unfair treatment by police in the previous five years by residentially stable men. Data are from waves 1 and 2 of the Los Angeles Family and Neighborhood Survey. Results suggest that foreign-born Latinos are less likely than African Americans and US-born whites to report unfair treatment. After accounting for tract percentage Latino, US-born Latinos were less likely to report unfair treatment than African Americans, which partially supports a gradient model. Neighbourhood affluence was negatively associated with reports, but poverty, percentage Latino and immigrant concentration were not. The importance of neighbourhood privilege is highlighted, as is the need to better understand Latino immigrants' experiences with police. Future work should examine immigrants' interpretation of interactions with police and their willingness to report unfair treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the concentration of Asian Americans in the STEM and health-care fields of study and occupations by generation, ethnic group and gender, compared to white Americans, based on the 2009–11 American Community Surveys. By making a generational comparison, it suggests that the selective migration of Asian immigrants is the most important factor to their concentration in these fields of study and occupations. Asian immigrants as a whole are highly selective in these fields of study and occupations, compared to white Americans, with some Asian groups showing much higher levels of concentration. While younger-generation Asian groups whose immigrant generations have an extremely high concentration have experienced significant reductions in STEM, the other groups have experienced moderate or significant increases. All younger-generation Asian groups apart from Filipino have significantly or moderately higher levels of representation in non-nurse health-care occupations than their immigrant counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Using the 2003 New Immigrant Survey data, we explore marital behaviour among new immigrants in the USA. Marital assimilation with mainstream US natives was highest among European immigrants, followed by Latin Americans, Southeast Asians, East Asians, and finally South Asians. There is no single ‘Asian’ pattern of marital assimilation. While South Asians and East Asians defy the classical assimilation theory with their strong resistance to intermarriage within the mainstream despite their high degree of structural assimilation, Southeast Asians display high rates of such marital assimilation. Europeans, as predicted by classical theory, evince high rate of marital assimilation. Latin Americans and Southeast Asians lie in between the two extremes of Europeans and other Asian subgroups. While they seem to follow a path of segmented assimilation by demonstrating within-region endogamy, compared to Europeans they have only a slightly higher propensity to marry within their nationality, suggesting ongoing assimilation along classical lines. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Exploring late-generation ethnicity automatically raises a long-ignored question: whether it will end and how: through what terminal stages and processes? In America, this question currently makes sense only for late-generation descendants of the European immigration wave that lasted roughly from the 1870s to 1924. However, answering it prepares the ground for eventually asking it also about late-generation ethnics in newer waves of immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on over four years of ethnographic research among street vendors in Los Angeles and on interviews with family members of vendors and former vendors living in Mexico, this article examines the influence of a sending community and its social networks on migrant outcomes in the USA. These social networks affect migration patterns, ease entry into the fruit-vending business but also facilitate exploitation. Furthermore, these social networks do not always function as effective conduits of information because its members, due to feelings of shame or embarrassment, often fail to add to the existing body of knowledge. As a result, international migration patterns, job placement and exploitative practices do not change or improve for subsequent migrants. This creates a cycle in which social networks become stagnant and successively fail to function as effective conduits of information and resources in ways that might help network members equally and in the aggregate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study explores Korean transnational families, known as gireogi gah-jok. In this type of family, the mother and her children move to an English-speaking country for the children's education while the father stays and supports his family financially from the country of origin. We conducted interviews with thirteen mothers who resided with at least one adolescent child in the northwest area of the USA. Guided by symbolic interactionism, we examined how women perceived the gireogi family situation separated in the two countries and how their perception influenced their maternal roles as gireogi mothers. Findings indicate that these women reshaped their maternal self and renegotiated gendered roles in response to their residence in the foreign country and physical separation from their husbands. The findings also suggest that participants made an effort to maintain family cohesion by frequent communication using technology and sporadic reunions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study used quantitative data collected through a questionnaire with ninety-five participants to examine both overall and gendered patterns of bi-cultural conflict in 1.5- and second-generation South Asian American college students. It used cultural values conflict theory to examine the degree and types of bi-cultural conflict that participants experienced with their families on making academic and sociocultural decisions in an educational context. Descriptive analyses on academic decision-making indicated that students experienced high conflict with parents on being compared to others academically and on time allocation for study and recreation. Analyses on sociocultural items indicated high conflict levels on issues of dating and collective decision-making processes. Independent t-tests revealed differences between genders on cultural conflict levels. Findings suggest that males experienced more conflict on academic-related items, while females experienced greater conflict on sociocultural items. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Herbert Gans has cast his sociological eye on generational change among American ethnic groups for over six decades. This essay traces his intellectual trajectory in relation to the shifting contours of assimilation theory in American sociology. The implications for post-65 immigrants and for African Americans are also considered, concluding that the USA is evolving a dual melting pot, one for people of African descent, the other for everybody else. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the ways in which Britain and the USA classify and analyse the integration of immigrants and their descendants. While both societies recognize racial differences in their official statistics and in the academic analyses of change over time, the USA tends to classify immigrants and their descendants by immigrant generation much more than Britain does. The importance of the concept of generation in American immigration research is highlighted and it is suggested that studies built on the importance of generation can illuminate social processes of integration in Britain. The complexities of defining and measuring immigrant generation are reviewed, including new developments in the measurement of generation that take into account age at migration, and historical period and cohort effects. Racial and ethnic minority groups formed through immigration may have very different characteristics depending on the average distance of their members from immigration – including the possibility of ‘ethnic leakage’, as more assimilated, later-generation individuals no longer identify with the group. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

How, and as what, are immigrant minorities incorporated into the political process? A set of prominent approaches focus on the political opportunity structure that immigrants encounter. Although promising in many aspects, these approaches fail to consider the internal heterogeneity of both immigrant populations and opportunity structures. This is partly a result of taking ethnic groups rather than political entrepreneurs as the unit of analysis and of not disaggregating the political context properly. I show how Russian-Jewish immigrant political entrepreneurs in New York City used very different strategies of ethnic mobilization, each emphasizing a different ethnic cleavage: one making claims in the name of Russians, the other downplaying Russianness and highlighting the Jewish identity dimension. Both strategies had good chances at success thus illustrating that political opportunity structures may encourage different claims-making strategies at the same time. Ethno-political entrepreneurs navigate complex political landscapes that are ex-ante only partially transparent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I examine the identity choices of Ethiopian and Eritrean immigrants of Amhara, Tigrayan and Tigrinya ethnicity within the context of the larger debate on how non-white immigrants are being incorporated into American society. I argue that these immigrants resist racialization even while their actions and attitudes potentially reinforce America's racial divide. They implicitly challenge American racial categories by thinking of themselves as Habasha, which they view as a separate non-black ethno-racial category that emphasizes their Semitic origins. Meanwhile, they often distance themselves from American blacks through pursuing transnational connections, producing Habasha spaces, displaying the attributes of a ‘model minority’ and preserving Habasha beauty through endogamy. By remaining relatively isolated within their ethnic communities in Washington, DC, which is the focus of this study, they may succeed in differentiating themselves from American blacks, but they are not likely to join the American mainstream on a par with whites. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

I seek to understand two dimensions in the evolution and practices of medical institutions in the USA. First, I ask, how and why do medical organizations limit, suspend, or redirect profit-oriented functions to abide by principles of altruism and still survive in a competitive market economy? Reaching out to poor and immigrant populations entails non-economic factors, including the deployment of religious and humanitarian narratives. Conversely, the extent and character of legislative actions supporting philanthropic endeavours is closely related to mobilization at the grassroots level. I investigate the ways in which community organizations bring about changes to support practices that confound, at least to some extent, market expectations and underscore the significance of political action to secure health care services on behalf of low-income populations, including immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from the 2000 US Census, this study investigates various groups of single-race and multi-race Japanese Americans in terms of their schooling and wages. The results indicate that all categories of Japanese Americans tend to have higher schooling than whites. Single-race Japanese Americans tend to have higher schooling than multi-race Japanese Americans, and 1.5-generation Japanese Americans tend to have higher schooling than native-born Japanese Americans. With the exception of foreign-educated, immigrant Japanese Americans, most of the wage differentials are explained by schooling and a few other demographic characteristics. These results are rather inconsistent with traditional assimilation theory which posits rising socioeconomic attainments with increasing acculturation. Instead, the findings suggest a reverse pattern by which the groups that are more closely related to Japan tend to have higher levels of educational attainment which then become translated into higher wages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the importance of education for shaping individuals’ life chances, little research has examined trends and differences in educational attainment for detailed demographic subpopulations in the United States. We use labour market segmentation and cohort replacement theories, linear regression methods, and data from the National Health Interview Survey to understand educational attainment by race/ethnicity, nativity, birth cohort, and sex between 1989 and 2005 in the United States. There have been significant changes in educational attainment over time. In support of the cohort replacement theory, we find that across cohorts, females have enjoyed greater gains in education than men, and for some race/ethnic groups, recent cohorts of women average more years of education than comparable men. And in support of labour market segmentation theories, foreign-born Mexican Americans continue to possess relatively low levels of educational attainment. Our results can aid policymakers in identifying vulnerable populations, and form the base from which to better understand changing disparities in education. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]