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This article focuses on the U.S.-European relations from the twentieth to the twenty-first century in context of conflict in Iraq. The events that led to the recent U.S.-Great Britain campaign in Iraq created severe strains in the U.S.'s relations with some of its European allies. These strains, in turn, have impacted on both NATO and the EU. Even before the military campaign turned into occupation, a start was made on repairing the damage to transatlantic relations. The purpose of this paper from an American's perspective is not so much to predict the outcome of diplomatic initiatives, as it is to examine the main trends and factors that caused the strains: the "Messianic" aspects of U.S. foreign policy, the changes in U.S.-European power relations since World War II, post-cold war events and experiences, and the key diplomatic events that preceded the Iraqi Campaign.

The article analyzes two opposite trends that are clearly identifiable in the process of European political integration and in European foreign policy such as the convergence of the Member States' policies and the concurrent persistence of profound differences between national policies. Author Helen Wallace noted that much of literature about European Union (EU) policy integration and much of the discourse of practitioners, and indeed the formal EU texts, talk about policy convergence.

This article revisits the debate about the place of Europe on the international stage. Faced with the growing power of emerging countries, what place can the European Union (EU) hope to occupy? In other words, is the world in the process of developing outside Europe, or is Europe positioning itself as one of the principal centres of the international order? In attempting to answer this vast and complex question, the article will examine three points. The first will look at the distribution of global power through the rise of emerging powers. Second, it will examine Europe in the light of changes affecting the international order. There are opposing interpretations. The vision of a Europe in decline is contrasted with arguments that present the Union of twenty-eight Member States as one of the leading poles of the new, emerging international order. The exaggerated nature of these visions persuaded us to favour a third way - that of a European player with relative influence, but 'under construction'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need to enhance the coherence of EU security and development policies is stressed in numerous EU policy declarations.This article analyses this commitment against the background of the legal architecture of EU foreign policy.This demonstrates that the political simplicity with which this commitment is often put forward tends to hide the complexity of this undertaking in an external action system that submits the policy fields of development cooperation and the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) to different rules and procedures.While the EU institutions have increasingly targeted development and security policies at the mutual challenges of insecurity and poverty, the lack of a shared and comprehensive strategy leads to significant improvisation. On the one hand, the ad hoc replies to this commitment have resulted in the development of a particularly fragmented EU toolbox to deal with these challenges. On the other hand, this raises important questions regarding the choice of appropriate legal bases for the various policy initiatives that span the security-development nexus. It is argued that the Lisbon Treaty, by interlinking the CFSP and development cooperation both constitutionally and institutionally, creates significant opportunities that, combined with the necessary political will, allow the EU to move beyond its ad hoc approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the politics of legitimization at the United Nation (UN). It looks into the reason why the European Union's (EU) message can fail to resonate at the United Nations. It also tackles the difficulty faced by the EU at the General Assembly where the EU has unsuccessfully pushed for resolutions on the human rights situations in particular countries.

The article discusses the influence of the European Parliament on the European External Action Service. It looks into the criticism on the rise in the democratic deficit because of the dominance of the Members States and the European Commission in the emergence of Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) at the expense of formal influence and democratic control by the European Parliament. It also tackles the use of the new powers granted by the Treaty of Lisbon to the European Parliament.

The article discusses the inherent differences and similarities between European External Borders Agency (Frontex) and the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). It looks into the main features of the CSDP and Frontex and analyses the state-of-play in each policy domain. It also tackles the applicability of the process used in Frontex with the CSDP.

The article discusses the role of higher education to improve public discourse, civic engagement and International Relations (IR) between Europe and Israel. It explains that the non-stable state of affairs between both countries affect the ability to fully realize the enormous potential of their relations. It emphasis on the limitation inherent in such cooperation in terms of regional and European-Israel affinity.

The article discusses the debate about the civilian, normative and ethical power of Europe and its impact on the European Union (EU). It mentions that these international roles are consistent with the development of European security responsibilities and connected to the principles endorsed made available to EU's external action. It then explains that the official discourse as instrumental frames to strengthen European identity and to justify actorness.

The article discusses the possible motives, benefits, and patterns of the third countries in engaging in the European Union (EU) crisis management. It presents a brief overview of the practice emerged in the first decade of the European Security and Defense Policy's (ESDP) missions. It notes that the participation for third states in the EU's operations on peace support, humanitarian, and stabilization extends the scope of their foreign policy and political relations.

The article focuses on the attempts of the U.S. and Europe to work closely with Russia on a strategy of engagement. Such move of the countries is based on the notion that a single European security peace is the best instrument to preserve long-term stability in Europe and Russia as well as recast the relationship in a cooperative mould. The article points out that the foreign policy of Russia that is bent in expansionism entices the two countries to direct their focus on it.

The article provides information on the characteristics of the European Union as an international actor using the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). It also examines the ENP's ability to bridge the capability-expectations gap based on policy design and policy implementation. Findings show that the EU is both a soft and a dominant power in promoting partnership and leading negotiations for ENP Action Plans. It adds that the EU is an inclusive and a Eurocentric actor.

The article studies the construction of ideals and images associated with Europe and the European Union by non-state actors, such as social movements, trade unions and nongovernmental organizations, based outside Europe. It analyzes the external image of Europe and the European Union, and the perspective of non-Western European activists within the European Social Forum process as a transnational forum "from below" for "another" Europe.

The article focuses on the interpretations of mixed agreements in the European community. It features the main parties of the agreement that include the European community union and the member states where rights and obligations of each party are described. The legal arguments relating to mixed agreements are under the scope of the European Community Treaty with the interpretative jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice.

The article focuses on the role of the administrative level in the second pillar (CFSP) of the European Commission policy cycle. The role of Commission civil servants continues to be limited, contrary to the first pillar. Diplomats and officials from the Member States tend to dominate in the second pillar. It is also apparent that an increasing number of players operate from Brussels, Belgium itself.

The article provides an overview of the emergent European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) and assesses its significance and future prospects. ENP did not develop in a policy vacuum and was strongly influenced by internal and external pressures and developments during its period of internal gestation. There are four main aspects or innovations within the ENP which can provide added value to existing policies.

`The article presents a comparative analysis of the role of the European Union (EU) in resolving Turkey's Kurdish question and the Greek-Turkish conflicts. The results yield important insights, both in terms of evaluating the role of the EU in conflict resolution and of assessing the relative strengths and weaknesses of the Conflict Resolution and European Studies literatures.

The article focuses on the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP), the newest foreign policy instrument of the European Union (EU). The objective of EU with the ENP is to expand the zone of prosperity, stability and security beyond its borders. The question is how to use the soft power of EU to leverage the kinds of reform that would the objectives attainable.

The article discusses issues concerning new Member States and the making of the foreign policy of the European Union (EU). Much has been written on the mixed record of the common foreign and security policies of the EU both from the point of view of the actual policies of the Union and ways in which those policies are decided. Member States have always been reluctant to forego exclusive bilateral relationships in the interests of uncertain benefits of common action.

The article discusses the relevance of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) amidst the disappointing functional performance of interregional dialogues caused by the crisis of multilateralism and the structural weaknesses of interregional institutions. In the case of the ASEM, asymmetric actorness capacities and interregional dialogues have a tendency to adopt the cooperation norms and institutional characteristics of the weaker partner.

The article presents the author's opinions regarding the differences between American and European thinking about the theory and practice of global governance. Despite coordination problems that have arisen in a number of major policy domains in the Europe Union (EU) in the early years of the twenty-first century, the EU is still the most institutionalized regional policy community demonstrating a complex system of governance beyond the territorial state. The U.S. and the EU differ on issues such as partnership, burden sharing, and exceptionalism as approaches to global economic management.

The article presents a discussion on the European model of regional and political integration. The primary objective of European integration was to establish economic solidarity between states so as to prevent any competition while preserving their independence and sovereignty. The European integration process was greatly helped by the demographic balance between the member countries of the European Union. The potential generalization of the European model can be evaluated through an analysis of its past and present influence on other regional integration processes.

Discusses the possibility for Turkey to join the European Union (EU). Question on whether the EU or its forerunners seriously intended to allow Turkey to become a Member State; Domestic and foreign policy arguments and interests regarding the issue; Contention of the opponents to the EU membership of Turkey that excessively differing identities are involved and argued for the preservation of traditional European culture and values.

Explores the longer-term trends of the candidate countries' national foreign and security policy and the implications for the current 15 member countries of the European Union. Historical evolution of the actuation of the European Union in the United Nations General Assembly; Voting records of the candidate and current member states from 1991 to 2002; Issues which has sparked some divergence among member and candidate states; Implications for the European foreign policy in post-2004 European Union.

North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) evolved successfully in the 1990s to engage former adversaries across the old Soviet bloc and then to deal with instability and ethnic cleansing in the Balkans. Now NATO is radically changing again to play important new roles in the fight against terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. It already provides the common glue of military interoperability without which multinational operations of any kind would be impossible. Canada's Joint Task Force 2 and Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry were able to operate effectively against the Taliban and Al Qaeda in Afghanistan only because of decades of cooperation in NATO. NATO at November 2002 summit in Prague, Czeck Republic became the focal point for planning the military contribution against terrorism, a major new role and one which no other organization in the world could play.

This article focuses on the changing transatlantic relations after the U.S. led military campaign on Iraq as of December 2003. Soon after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, the Atlantic Alliance seemed to have reached a degree of political cohesiveness rarely observed in the past. On September 12, NATO members decided that the attack on the U.S. should be regarded as an action covered by Article 5 of the Atlantic Treaty, and hence, as an attack against them all. It might have been only symbolic, but it was nevertheless the first time in the Alliance's history that Article 5 was invoked. Europeans thought that it was more important to address the root causes of terrorism than to deal with its symptoms and accepted only reluctantly that part of the strategy would have to be military.

This article focuses on the transatlantic relations in the framework of the Conférence de Montréal 2003, where this year's theme was "Innovating in an Uncertain World." The conference brought together decision-makers from the public and private sector to discuss important issues of international concern. One of the most pressing of these is the relationship between the two most important trading and power blocks of the world, the U.S. and Europe, in the aftermath of the U.S. and Great Britain campaign in Iraq. Global uncertainty requires governments to rethink their priorities and world governance to be reinvented.

The article focuses on the relationship of Switzerland to the European integration process. The theses on Switzerland's relationship to European integration include (1) Switzerland greeted the European integration process from the outset with a mixture of suspicion and attraction that has led to a pragmatic middle-of-the-road approach, (2) while foreign-trade interests had confronted foreign-policy fears at the outset of the integration process, (3) Switzerland was never prepared to give up its domestic-policy exceptions in favor of taking part in the integration process.

The article explores how the European Union (EU) has handled enhanced institutional density of its surroundings, with special reference to its relations with the Barents Euro-Arctic Region (BEAR). Relations between the EU and the BEAR are being related to the management of boundaries. The approach is inspired by the analytical framework suggested by one of the authors, who outlines four types of boundaries, or disjunctions which exist or can be constructed between the EU and its environment.