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This special issue concerns agency and negotiation in the context of the hierarchical relations between the People's Republic of China (PRC), a global superpower, and Taiwan, a subordinated actor often relegated to a marginal position in contemporary global geopolitics. By exploring how Taiwan opposes, interrupts and re-creates its subordinate position vis-à-vis China, the authors of this special issue will shed light on the complexities of the ongoing Taiwan experience, shaped by different, often opposing, interests, positions and perspectives regarding its relationship with China. Yet, by exploring the experience of Taiwan with reference to its Chinese legacies, this special issue will also allow important reflections on China, not only in its hegemonic role regionally and globally, but also in its weaknesses when it deals with subordinated actors. This is a timely and important piece, which will allow alternative interpretations of contemporary events not only in Taiwan, for instance the recent national elections and related political developments, but also in the region, such as the protests which have been occurring in Hong Kong during the last four months. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The link between development and migration has been termed the 'new development mantra'. Studies on the subject have so far mostly focused on economic remittances, and the potential consequences of return migration on democratisation have been rarely touched upon. This article attests the potential of the migration experience to affect migrants' attitudes towards democracy, thus playing an important role in the diffuse support needed for democracies in the stage of consolidation. Based on a survey among 1,000 Philippine return migrants from six destinations, the paper suggests that the migration experience may not only lead to a more critical stance towards the political system of the home country; there are also indicators of lesser support for the principles of democracy when compared to migrants about to leave the country for the first time. The political system of the destination as such seems to be a less decisive factor than the specific freedoms and restrictions experienced by migrants and a potential bias when selecting the destination. The article focuses on return migrants from Saudi Arabia, Hong Kong and Japan, which showed the most distinctive numbers in support of democracy or changes therein when compared to first-time migrants heading for that destination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developing countries are increasingly facilitating migration as a way of generating remittances for the home economy. The Philippines serves as a paradigmatic example, inaugurating a labour export scheme in 1973 that has grown each year and resulted in nearly 25 per cent of the labour force working abroad. The institutionalization of this labour export policy, along with changes in citizenship and voting laws, has led to the increasing deterritorialization of the Philippines state, with concomitant implications for democracy and democratization. This deterritorialization presents both opportunities and challenges for the state. Among them are the possibility of securing sustained remittances and the necessity of securing democratic legitimacy from a globalized polity. This paper traces the evolution of this labour export policy and analyzes the effects of state discursive strategies designed to secure democratic legitimacy. To further this analysis I present the results of a survey conducted among Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong (n=691). The responses indicate the discursive strategy of 'national heroes' has been effective in that majorities of OFWs view themselves as 'heroes of the nation.' However, OFWs also view themselves as making sacrifices for the nation and have concerns about government commitments to protect the rights and interests of OFWs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Hong Kong as elsewhere, the European Union (EU) is known more for its collective economic and trade powers than its political clout. Since autumn 2005, the Office of the European Commission in Hong Kong and Macao has steadily stepped up its efforts to disseminate information about the EU. It has also begun to reach out to the local community, while retaining its traditional ties with the elite circles. This study examines the image of the EU according to public opinion in order to identify areas where improvements can be made. By and large, we have found that the image of the EU is rather positive, and the significance of the EU widely recognised. Still, the EU has yet to acquire adequate means of advancing its own values, while systematic collaborations with strategic partners in the non-governmental sectors could be further strengthened to promote the EU's visibility as a global actor that is also relevant to Hong Kong. Moreover, the normative-cum-civilian approach continues to matter in three ways: in the formulation of the EU's policy towards Hong Kong, in promoting the EU as a responsible global actor while EU–China relations develop, and in promoting lesson-learning and sharing of values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the People's Republic of China used Hong Kong's reversion in 1997, a reluctant project at first, as an opportunity to articulate its national aspirations in the post-Mao era. Of special interest is the shift of the Chinese view of Hong Kong from one of ideological degradation to one of kinder, gentler and more contextualized appreciation. Chinese attempts to refashion Hong Kong's image in the 1980s and 1990s attested to two salient features of Deng Xiaoping's reform regime: the decline of Marxist ideology and the resurgence of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]