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The Covid-19 pandemic has created a widespread need for social support. Similar to previous crises, we can observe activation in society to meet these needs: citizens have offered practical, emotional, and financial support, often within their social networks, but also to strangers and civil society organizations. In this paper, we examine the role of social capital in receiving social support during the Covid-19 pandemic in Germany using unique micro-level survey data. We investigate the importance of three aspects of social capital – the size of one's support network, social trust, and organizational membership – for receiving (sufficient) social support. We focus on three types of support networks: family and friends, neighbors, and civil society actors. First, we find that while all three elements of social capital matter for receiving social support, a larger support network and organizational embeddedness matter primarily for receiving support beyond family and friendship networks. Second, civil society actors have been less likely to provide sufficient support in the pandemic, mainly acting in addition to strong ties and providing complementary support for individuals in particular need. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In post-conflict and segregated societies, overcoming high prejudice between groups is essential for peaceful coexistence. In this paper, we explore the roles of direct contact (face-to-face contact and cross-group friendship) and indirect contact (extended cross-group friendship) in reducing prejudice between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots living in Cyprus. Moreover, this study further explores whether the effects of direct and indirect contact vary between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots, as well as across a ten-year period. To explore these issues, we analyze data from different representative samples of Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots at two different time points (years 2007 and 2017). The results suggest that all three forms of contact have significant effects on prejudice. However, they also exhibit some variations by community (but not year of data collection) in the effects of direct (but not indirect) contact on prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses how to explain the rise of a new nationalism in Europe. It begins by problematizing the inconsistencies in the current culturalist, socio-economic, and socio-political approaches. It then makes Pierre Bourdieu's theory of social space fruitful for a sociological explanation of neonationalism by removing it from the conceptional framework of national container societies. It finally shows that the transnational opening of national societies is accompanied by profound processes of symbolic appreciation and depreciation of economic, cultural, and social 'capital' that the inhabitants of the national container possess. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the use of the concept of social capital in neighbourhood renewal programmes which aim to influence social and health-related processes. Based on a social network analysis of 17 groups comprising 133 members, qualitative interviews were conducted with 22 participants to consider the kinds of patterns and connections that build up in a neighbourhood renewal project in a small, deprived neighbourhood of a provincial town in Denmark. Results show that outcomes of community participation depend on the kind of social capital generated and on who is excluded from these resources or capital. Problems hindering inclusive participatory processes include self-exclusion and exclusionary dynamics in the neighbourhood. These dynamics centre on power struggles that lead the least powerful to opt out. Thus, the Danish ‘Ghetto Strategy’, which aims to increase local community participation and volunteering, could have the unintended consequence of increasing social and health inequalities rather than reducing them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Associations are likely to recruit resource rich individuals and they are places where individuals interact, and thus, are likely to exchange social resources. The paper asks which kinds of associations embed individuals holding many social resources. According to theoretical considerations, I distinguish between bridging and bonding associations. Bridging associations are likely to embed heterogeneous individuals while bonding associations embed homogeneous individuals. Therefore, the range of social resources available inside associations may be higher in bridging than in bonding associations. Thinking about the resource exchanging environment inside the associations, a further distinction of bonding associations seems reasonable: some aim at political goals outside the group (e.g., trade unions or professional organizations) and others focus on developing a nice atmosphere inside the group (apolitical bonding associations like elderly leisure associations). I analyze data from Eurobarometer 62.2 using multilevel analyses. Descriptive analyses indicate that active individuals have access to more social resources than inactive individuals. This relation varies for apolitical and political bonding associations according to the European countries. The multilevel analyses controlling for individual characteristics and country variables indicate that potential resources accessible to individuals active in associations depend on the focus of the associations. While bridging and apolitical bonding associations embed individuals accessing more social resources than non-active individuals, political bonding associations are not likely to embed resource rich individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reaction of citizens deeply disappointed with their government and its decisions differs from country to country, and in some cases, such as Latvia during the recent economic crisis, has been surprisingly passive. In this paper I argue that political passivity can be partly explained by psychological mechanisms triggered by constant under-performance and unresponsiveness of political authorities. Using International Social Survey Program 2006–2007 data, I construct a structural equation model which shows that government's performance can facilitate or hinder the development of civil society through its impact on (1) a sense of political efficacy, (2) political competence, and (3) interpersonal trust. Poor institutional performance and the following loss of trust in political authorities has a negative effect on people's perceptions of politics, of themselves and of each other, discouraging further engagement in all kinds of political activities. Considering the importance of civic participation for the quality of governance this creates a vicious circle which might not be easy to break. Finally, several theoretical perspectives are discussed that help to explain the formation and persistence of the vicious circle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contributing to research on civil society elites in the EU context, this article focuses on the European Economic and Social Committee (EESC). It explores who the main actors are, what roles they play, and what resources they use, value, and compete for in this arena. The theoretical starting points are grounded in Bourdieu's notions of field and capital and a Goffmanesque approach to drama. Based on semi-structured interviews with EESC members and administrators, observations at EESC meetings, and document analysis, the study explores the types of capital linked to different actors and roles, stages, and scripts in the EESC field. The most valued capital across EESC stages are social capital in the form of personal networks, and cultural capital in the form of negotiation skills and issue-specific knowledge. Actors are supposed to follow a script of being pro-European, representing organised civil society in Europe, and aiming at consensus. Being active at the EESC stages, at least in leading roles, gives actors a kind of EESC-specific capital in the form of access to influential EU decision-makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How did the economic crisis impact social capital in European societies? The empirical studies conducted so far provide contradictory conclusions about the strength and direction of its influence. We argue that to better understand the effects of the economic crisis on social capital (social trust, formal and informal networks) it is crucial to examine both its impact on people's economic situation and the way it reshaped the relationship between individuals and political institutions and altered key political factors (political trust, the welfare state, political activism). Our analysis of European Social Survey data between 2006 and 2012 shows that changes in social trust were smaller than in formal and informal social networks. It also confirms that political factors played an important mediating role in producing these changes: changes in social trust and formal networks can especially be explained by the impact of the political factors, while variations in informal networks are mainly due to the changing economy. Moreover, the analyses show that while the economic crisis generally lowered social capital, some mechanisms such as a sense of togetherness and left-wing political activism, enhanced social capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is ample evidence that immigrants are at a disadvantage in the labour market. Previous studies show that discrimination and devaluation are important factors in explaining why immigrants are occupationally segregated. Three kinds of discriminatory behaviours can be distinguished: aversions, cognitive biases, and erroneous attributions. The present article is part of the debate on the mechanisms that generate inequality and argues that the attitudinal context (social norm) influences labour market outcomes by moderating the impact of these three discriminatory behaviours. This idea is empirically examined in an analysis of the role of openness towards immigrants on the immigrant-native occupational status gap and in the comparative advantage of their language skills. Data from the Adult Education Survey is modelled together with contextual data from the European Social Survey using country fixed-effects regressions. The results indicate that immigrants are at a disadvantage, although the extent of this disadvantage varies significantly among countries partly due to the influence of openness towards immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the aim of studying the role of contextual factors for explaining within-country variation in the vote share of the radical right-wing party, the Sweden Democrats, in the 2014 Swedish election, we specify and test hypotheses pertaining to social marginality, ethnic threat, the contact hypothesis, and the halo effect. We study the variation in the electoral share of the Sweden Democrats at two different levels simultaneously by performing multilevel analyses to account for the ways in which voting districts are clustered within municipalities. The main finding from our analyses is the support for the ethnic threat hypothesis, where the vote share of the Sweden Democrats is significantly higher in those areas that have seen an increase in the foreign-born population, and to some extent also in ethnically diverse areas, contradicting previous research on ethnic minority presence in fine-grained contexts. The expectation that the vote share for the Sweden Democrats should be higher in socioeconomic marginalized districts is partly supported, but we find no evidence of a halo effect, where ethnically homogeneous areas that are geographically close to heterogeneous districts were expected to have a higher vote share for the Sweden Democrats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates how Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of social space and Michèle Lamont’s concept of symbolic boundaries can be fruitfully combined in cultural-stratification research. Focusing on the case of Stavanger, Norway, the analysis also shows how Multiple Correspondence Analysis is compatible with other research techniques, such as qualitative in-depth interviews. The approach adopted provides a practical application of Bourdieu’s double reading of social relations. It combines the first, objective moment of situating 46 individuals subjected to qualitative interviews in the local social space (i.e. a system of relations between individuals’ possessions of cultural and economic capital) with the second, subjective moment of mapping the interviewees’ evaluations and classifications of other people’s lifestyles. It is shown how intertwinements of various discursive repertoires of evaluation (cultural-aesthetical, moral-political and socio-economic) work in both contradictive and reinforcing ways to construct symbolic boundaries between classes and class fractions. The findings draw attention to both the capital volume and the capital composition dimensions of social space in that symbolic boundary drawing takes on different forms along these dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on European business elites has been dominated by a ‘national career model’ approach, arguing that each country has a specific top management career pattern. In recent years, this line of argument has been challenged due to the increasing international circulation of top managers. To examine the impact of internationalisation on career models, we will draw on a database of 916 top managers in Germany, Switzerland, France and Britain. Our field-analytical analysis reveals that the most important career distinction - between internal and external careers - is valid beyond national models. In addition, international managers do not constitute a separate homogenous group: in some countries, they imitate national career patterns; in others, they pursue complementary strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate the correlation between institutions of economic freedom and generalized trust. The data we use are derived from the Eurobarometer surveys and measure how trustworthy nationals of a particular country are in the eyes of nationals of other countries. By using these data we avoid the presence of double causality between institutions of economic freedom and generalized trust that has been recognized as a major challenge in the literature. Indeed, external perceptions of trustworthiness are exogenous to the internal institutional building process. We find that during the 1980s and 1990s a 10% increase in the Economic Freedom of the World Index was associated with a 2.5% increase in generalized trust in the countries in our sample. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]