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Digital collage produced using the free software Photopea (Online Photo Editor) with free images from the Unsplash website to represent the experience I observed from a study that sought to identify the organizing process in a Black Collective, which articulates embodied political practices. It was Coletivo Encrespa, a social movement that values the use of curly/kinky hair, based in the city of Governador Valadares, in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legacies of Chile's democratic crisis pose challenges for workplace gender equity. This paper brings together scholarly debates on gender regimes and factory regimes to examine the gendered labor practices in a high‐tech, transnational agricultural sector. Specifically, I ask how gender regimes and regulatory practices entrenched in Chile's authoritarian past shape labor dynamics in this industry today. I argue that we must look to the past to understand how firms benefit from unequal social relations embedded in institutions and for identifying mechanisms of change. I document how the neoliberal and authoritarian policies of the democratic crisis in Chile (1973–90) became the baseline conditions in democracy, leaving stark gender and labor inequalities that persist today. The resulting neoliberal pact continues to privilege elites and marginalize the working poor, especially women, contributing to the slow‐brewing inequality crisis that came to a head in 2019. Based on ethnographic observation and semi‐structured interviews in Arica, Chile, a major hub for corn seed development, I show how these legacies enable firms to benefit from Chile's unequal gender relations to develop high‐value products without paying the price associated with the skill needed to produce them. I find that conservative gender norms together with labor relations inherent in Chile's neoliberal model, rooted in a 17‐year dictatorship, create obstacles to efforts to address gender inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the 2016 elections, several feminist groups emerged in the U.S. in response to the election of President Trump. This manuscript focuses on a feminist assembly located in marginal and conservative Appalachia. Grounded in reflexivity, we employ affective solidarity to better understand feminist organizing in a post‐Trump rural Appalachian town. Based on a collaborative ethnography, including the National Organization of Women's local chapter members, conducted between 2016 and 2022, we analyze how political engagement has been initiated by an affective response—vulnerability, misery, rage, passion, and hope. By organizing open houses, marches, and voter guides, this group's outreach strives to inform and engage community members in dialogs around women's rights to improve gender equality in West Virginia, a state historically characterized by a conservative, heteronormative, patriarchal, and anti‐abortion mentality. We show how the dissonance between Trump's glorification of these ideologies and our affective responses served as a mechanism for feminist solidarity. This paper uses Butlerian principles to explore how vulnerability and resistance shape a feminist social movement held together by affective solidarity. We argue that responses to threats prompted by the Trump Presidency have been critical to the resurgence of our feminist agency and political engagement where conservative and masculine ideologies impose control over vulnerable populations. This paper advances the knowledge of vulnerability and agency and contributes to the literature on assemblies for political resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social and political anti‐government movements have been major headlines across the globe in recent years, with a noticeable participation of women. In the MENA region, such movements spanned Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria, and Lebanon among others. Through an ethnographic inquiry into the Algerian pro‐democracy movement Hirak (2019–2021), we delve into women's experiences of the Hirak to show how women remain marginalized politically, economically, and socially despite their heavy and praised participation. Using a recognition theory lens, we unveil dialectics of unity and division in the struggle for recognition among women in Algeria, a post‐colonial context charged with conflicting ideological stances. We detect two structural dimensions of the struggle, a spatial/physical dimension and a historical/temporal dimension that help surface different gender positionalities and their dynamics as they vie for recognition. We stress the importance of not homogenizing women's political struggles, especially in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on feminist geographies of space, proposing a feminist critical spatial practice approach to study social movement organizing. Inspired by the work of Jane Rendell, a feminist theorist and architectural historian, we propose embodiment, materiality, affectivity, and alterity as co‐constitutive of feminist organizing. Specifically, we prioritize the intertwining of space and body in resisting extractivism to analyze visual artifacts produced by artists/activists who have joined the anti‐extractivist struggle against mining in Northern Greece, Chalkidiki area. In particular, we focus on how bodies transgress and reconstitute space by affecting its materiality during artistic performances. We argue that the protesting (moving and ensounded) body enacts affective solidarities and invites collective action against exploitative neoliberal regimes. Finally, the article brings together body‐land territory and territorial‐community feminism literature to enrich our understanding of spatial practices of resistance against neoliberal extractivist regimes while highlighting the role of emotions and affect as a means of mobilizing for action and maintaining momentum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to advance scholarship on conflict in feminist organizations. Using the theoretical framework on agonistic conflict of Chantal Mouffe, it analyzes a conflict about racism that arose in a feminist lesbian, bi and trans social movement organization, located in Paris (France). The main contribution lies in offering a framework to analyze the mechanisms that prevented this conflict from constructively fostering the intersectional politics of the feminist organization. The ethnographic findings show that the organization's inability to challenge its racism and whiteness is linked to its post‐political vision of feminism, which translates into attempts to suppress conflict related to multiple and competing identifications. Thus, this article contributes to existing research on conflict in feminist organizing by suggesting that the subduing of conflict associated with such a post‐political vision of feminism prevents feminist organizing from being "anti‐oppressive". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]